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The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, July 24, 1886, Image 1

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VOLUME II.
THE HOPE OF THE HOUR."
An Eloquent Lecture Delivered in New
City by Bishop OTarrell, of Trenton, N.
J., to Help the Cause of Ireland.
AVERY ENTHUSIASTIC AUDIENCE.
Ireland's History and Condition Reviewed—
Not Merely a Land cf Potatoes, But
Immensely Wealthy in Minerals.
"The Hope of the Hour" was the
tcpic of the eloq a en lecture delivered by
the Rt. Rev. Bishop OTarrel, of Tren
ton, N.-T./Thursday evening, July 15, at
Checkering Hall, New York city, under
the direction of the Irish Home Rule
Club for the benefit of the Parnell Par
liamentary fund. The beautiful green
silk gold fringed banner of the club
was turn', in front of the reading desk,
and American flags were draped about
the rostrum. I was a most enthusias
tic meeting, and when, shortly after 3
p. m., the Bishop was escorted to his
seat by Mr. Charles Dana and Mr. J. 1J.
Farrell, the intensity of feeling that
was manifested showed how earnest is
the devotion to the Irish cause by the
people of that city. Mr. Dana officiated
in the capacity of ehairmau.
The Bishop was clad in his robes of
office, and his broad, good-natured face
beamed with smiles ay he acknow
ledged the cordiality of his reception.
He said it was an obvious devotion to
the Lvish. cause that could bring out
such an audience- in the heat of sum
mer to hear a lecture. He considered
it a mark of his own sincerity that lie
had left the ocean shore and traveled
160 miles to give the lecture, necessar
ily in some measure familiar. But,
though the topic was familiar, the
Bishop graced his historic sketch of the
woes of Ireland with .scraps of poetry
and anecdote. He gave in terse e-en
tencoB the story of Ireland's century of
penal laws find the shameful union
with England. He accepted with grati
tude the tale of Ireland's wrongs as
told by Mr. Gladstone as the best re
cord of the facts of history which are
the justification of Ireland's present
demand for Home Rule. As he dwelt
on the Iniquitous scheme of Castie
reagb to bring about the uniou, the
bribery and corruption that signalized
its uiccess, his words were burning
with indignation. He spoke of the fact
that it took twenty-nine years to secure
Catholic emancipation, twenty years to
have oven a. tolerable land bill, and the
promised national education was never
given, so thai a real history of Ireland
could bo used in the schools.
Nevertheless, he congratulated the
Irish people that the world has re
sponded to the nobie demand of Glad
stone that liberty for Ireland shall be
not on the ground of expediency, but
upon the ground or right. He was glad
that so far Ireland has gained much
that three-fourths of Scotland, three
fourths of Wales, and one-half of Eng
land had voted for Ireland. He re
joiced that Gladstone is yet strong, and
in the hope that though defeated now,
Gladstone and his plans will yet tri
umph wit a majority for Home Rule.
He did not even feel sure that it would
not be better for Ireland that Glad
stone should be successful with a big
majority at. his back, rather than that
he should succeed' with so small a ma
jority that he would be compelled to
pnie dAvn his 1 iberal schemes. He saw
hope for Ireland in the fact that the
Irish auise has right on its side, that
that they have not only numbers of
their own members, and numbers of
English members sympathizing with
them, but they havo right and justice,
and as God is just those principles of
right and justice shall not for all eter
nity be crushed.
Bisnop O Farrell took occasion, to
answer a favorite argumenu vuh some
Americans, wno, not being well in
formed. are the habit of saying that
Ireland ought to be satisfied with the
same government that is given to Scot
laud and YV ales. He showed, how the
case of Ireland is quite different fiom
that oi: Scotland that the whole sys
tem of law and the administration of
the la is not of the wishes of the peo
ple, out ot a foreign power that the
taxes are high and salaries axe high,
lie instanced the case ot Chaueelloi
Napier, who was too deaf to hear
causes, and had to give uphisolfice,
but he got $4O,O0O tor one year, and
$20,000 for the rest of his life, all
i?o00,0U0 for not being able to hear. He
instanced one case where the Boaid of
Public v\ orks had spent $1,100,000 to
build a canal that was of no use to the
people. He spoke of the fact that al
though tour-fifths of the national
school children are Catholics, all the
school books" must be approved by a
Presbyterian clergyman. Some iaea of
the supervision of these books was sug
gested by the fact that Samuei Lover's
pretty poem,
k'A
Baby was Sleeping,"
was excluded lest it should corrupt the
minds of the children. There are 12,
000 schoolmasters and 12,000 policemen.
He declared that Ireland was the only
country in the world where the govern
ment does not in some measure seek
the good will of the people. He in
stanced the small proportion of Catho
lic officials in Ireland io show that in
fact the old penal days are yet in
vogue.
In summing up the hopes of Ireland,
he spoke of the hope that Ireland's
resources may be developed under
the new regime. He repudiated
the idea that Ireland is a merely a land
of potatoes, and declared that for its
extent it is the richest land in minerals
of any in Europe:. that there are 180,
000,000 tons of available coal, 3,000,000
acres of peat bogs, and precious miner
als and lime and stone and water
power, all of which art waiting to be
developed. All these resources, he
said, will be developed, when Home
Rule shall prevail that Ireland shall
be a garden when she shall be culti
vated by a nation that is not a nation
of slaves, and the worst housed., the
worst fed, and worst- clothed of any na
tion of the world. He was glad that
the good fight will go on, becau.se the
people in this
country never know when
they are beaten. He prophesied that
when Ireland does get her rights she
will not be a land of bigotry. He would
cjuiet the fears of those who dvead that
if the Catholics were permitted to get
into power they would crush Protest
ants.
He pointed to the Protestant leaders,
including Parnell, who have been ac
cepted by Catholics as their leaders
simply because they were true to Ire
land. He spoke of the good work done
for Ireland by the press of the United
States, aud especially the New York
Sun, and offered thanks to all. those
who, .like Mr, Eugene Kelly, have en
gineered the different funds, Ife hard
ly knew whether ha ought to thank
Father Riordan and Mr. Callanan for
dragging him into this lecture.
The lecture was listened to with pro
found interest for nearly two hours,
and the Bishop was warmly applauded
at the close.
Mr. ,7. P. Parrel! moved a vote of
thanks to Bishop O'Earrell and Mr.
Dana and the committee, which was
put by Judge Edward Browne, aud car
ried by a standing vote by acclamation,
Mr. Dana, in response to loud calls,
said
''Ladies and gentlsmeu and Bishop
O'Farreil: I should indeed be insen
sible if I were not touched by the kind
expression of your good feeling toward
me. Yet I have done nothing but what
it seemed to me to be necessary and a
duty. I do not think that any grati
tude is required in the case. Who is
there, what American is there, who
would not stand up and contend for
liberty Contend for the rights of
man, especially when they are claimed
for such a country as Ireland? (Ap
plause.)
•'.Does anybody say that the sons of
Ireland are not worthy to have these
rights Let any such critic look at the
thousands and millions of Irishmen
Here in this country. The most indus
trious, the most energetic, the most
fertile in patriotic devotion to the pub
lic weal, the most free from narrow
prejudices. I do not think there are
any others in this republic more worthy
of admiration and sympathy aud_ of
gratitude than the Irishmen. And now,
ladies and gentlemen, as the great ob
ject of the evening has been accom
plished, and as we have listened to the
eloquent aud instructive words of
Bishop O'Farreil, it is my duty to de
clare this meeting adjourned.7'
The Outcome of the British Elections.
Tne .New lork Star nas summed it
all up and savs that it is evident that
the anti-Home Rulers will have a de
cided majority in the next House of
Commons. As the polls stand the Glad
stones and the Parnellites are in a
minority, aud although they expect to
capture a mn.iontv or the seats remain
ing to be filled tne result will be then
defeat. It is impossible to determine
in advance of the meeting of the new
Parliament what may be the immediate
effect of the elections on Home Rule.
The Tories, after their fashion, may
undertake to eat their words of tne last
session, and mav offer a comuromise
measure, but we are assured bv Mr.
O'Connor thai: nothing les3 than Glad
stone' bill will be accepted by the -Na
tionalists. If there be any other im
portant measure under discussion,there
will doubtless be another general elec
tion within the year, for the anti-Home
Rule party is not composted of Tories
only. It contains Whigs and Radicals,
who will naturally unite with Gladstone
against any government measure which
les not relate to Ireland. Home Rule
is bound to come, and the present de
feat of Gladstone is, as has been said,
only a check.
MINNEAPOLIS AND ST. PAUL, SATURDAY, JULY
THAT'S WHAT THEY ALL SAY.
"A Sceptre Haunts Erin's Isle Ever Since
the Briton Game, The Ghost of
Murdered Liberty."
A COMPLIMENT FOR GLADSTONE,
The Spoliations Were Made Upon the
Slightest Pretexts, but Generally for
Rebellious Against Tyranny.
A Protestant lady, not of Irish origin,
has prepared the following statement
of opinion on the Irish question. Our
readers will see in it every evidence of
a cultured, Christian and liberty-loving
spirit:
A sceptre bauuts Erin's Isle ever
since the British came, the ghost of
murdered liberty. By a wretched trait
or once invited over to take a traitor's
side the iron hoof has never been lifted
from the soil.
JSo more to chiefs and ladies bright
The harp of Tnro. swells
The chord alone fnat breaks at night
Its tale of ruin tolls.
Thus freedom now so seldom wakes
The onlj* throb she gives
Is when some heart indignant breaks
To show that still he lives.
Never was there a fairer land than
Erin's with its matchless hills, vales
and rock-bound coast. With a soil so
rich that centuries of rapine leave it
teeming still with unimaginable miner
al wealth that jealoasy would not per
mit to be brought forth, with, harbors
and fisheries, the best the world has
known, with a people strong and hardy,
ambitious aud ingenious arid always
ready to embark in any enterprise of
noble daring wherever they have gone,
Ireland is truly blessed of God.
When Europe lay in midnight ignor
ance, and England was a waste from
Roman decay or Danish plunder, Irish
schools flourished and sent forth phil
osophers to Charlemagne's court, a
Boniface to the forests of Germany and
hosts of missionaries and teachers to
scatter learning among barbarian
hordes.
But these are the things of the past.
Why is the Irish heart, brain and mus
cle so cold, so dull, so faint at home, so
bounding, so aspiring and so triumph
ant abroad?
England's rule. This is the whole
cause.
The rain is there, the sunshine is
there, hardy, brave men are there, but
the howling wolf of starvation .is there,
too. What is the evil? England's ty
ranny—nothing else. Irishmen live in
hovels while Anglo-Irish landlords live
in palaces., or, worse, luxuriate in other
lands, while Irish serfs at home till the
land to supply lordly extravagance.
The soil by forfeitures has been
wrenched from original owners: In
the days of Elizabeth the whole of Uls
ter was confiscated at. one full sweep.
Then under Cromwell and William the
remainder went.
There are 12,800,000 arable acres of
land in this island. In two centuries
11,200,000 acres were taken from a help
less people.
The spoliations were made upon the
slightest pretext, but generally for re
bellious against tyranny.
For generations no Catholics could
hold or inherit land. It was considered
a great boou when in 1769 they were al
lowed to buy and sell. This was for
eign law. A1 though seven-eights of the
inhabitants of Ireland were Catholics,
they were obliged to sustain an alien
church with on2-tenth of their pro
ducts. The tithes were collected most
rigorously, unjustly, and often fraudu
lently.
Though a mere handful oi communi
cants, yet there was twenty-two bish
ops and archbishops in Ireland to only
twenty-six in England. Many of these
bishops, having nothing to do, were at
elegant leisure traveling on the conti
nent and scarcely ever saw their
charges, yet they were supported by
bread taken from a starving,naked and
houseless people. There were no
schools—no Catholic was allowed to
teach. For a time no Catholic services
could be held and the peaceful emmes
of the Yesper bells could not be heard
over lakes and bills. All Catholic wor
ship was done in secret, for there was
a watch set even over prayer.
Ireland had large woollen industries,
ller rich vales s# well watered and her
green lulls were the best grazing in the
world for cattle and sheep. But Eng
land'^ woollen interests would suffer
by competition. At the request of
merchants England a heavy export
auty was put upon wool and even a
large duty unon woollen fabrics. What
wool was sent from the country could
only go to England on the other hand
England opened her ports to the linen
of all nations to compete with that of
Irish manofacture.
Even the privilege of coming copper
was let out to one Wood, a favorite of
the court. He was to furnish Ireland
with £100,000, but it was found that all
he supplied was worth £2,000. This
was exposed by Dean Swift, who went
down to his grave with the blessings of
the Irish upon him.
The taxes, land rents and tithes were
collected with cruel rapacity. There
was no oue but God to hear the poor
peasants' cry. Never were such diaboli
cal instruments of torture put upon
any nation. Thumb screws of tyranny
were kept turning upon the writhing,
quivering llesh of a people crushed for
eleven centuries. Men and women
lived like beasts, ignorant, rude and
savage. The Attorney General of Ire
land swore in 1778 that it was impossi
ble for humau wretchedness to exceed
that of the miserable tenantry who
were ground to dust by relentless land
lords. The celebrated Burke declared
in the House of Commons, "the laws
made in this kingdom against papists
were as bloody as any ever enacted,and
where these laws were not bloody they
were worse they were slow, cruel and
outrageous in their nature, and kept
men alive only to insult in their persons
every one of the rights and feelings of
humanity.'' This was foreign Rule.
Will it be woudered if Ireland asks for
a Legislature made by her own hands.
It is true that Ireland had long a par
liament, but it was entirely Protestant
aud the tool of the English Parliament
for the king. The king would, insist
upon ruling without consent of the
parliament, and when its laws did not
suit him he simply aid not permit them
to be enacted.
It is true that many Irish grievances
have been removed under constant agi
tation and England's sense of right.
The Catholic has been emancipated—
toleration is now the rule allowed—the
Irish church endowmeut was broken
up by Gladstone and the evil of the
tithes removed, ytill Ireland has not
Home Rule. She has a proportionate
representation in the English parlia
ment, but tills is not a parliament at
home subject to the sentiment and
wishes of the Irish people.
There were but two courses open to
the English, either to persecute the
Irish or treat the in with friendliness.
The former method we may pray has
gone forever. Let them be treated
justly, as Catholics are treated in the
States and Canada. It has been found
entirely safe in the New World to give
them freedom and justice. Indeed it
is always impolitic' to meet wrong
with wrong. "Do right that right may
c. me, and then angels may smile."
Never was there grander spectacle
than that of a noble Englishman, in
honest conviction of right, heroically
battling to throw back the onset of
brutal might. Every epithet cast at
him is seed for garlands of honor. De
feat in such a struggle is nobler than
victory over the freedom of a long en
slaved people.
Tlriii, O Erin, thus 'bright through the tears,
Ol'a of bondage thy spirit appears.
The nations have fallen and thou still art
young.
Thy sou is but risinjy when others have s-t,
And though slavery's cloud on thy morning
hath lump
The full moon of freedom shall beam on itoee
yet
'Erin, O Erin though long in the shade
Thy a
tar will shine out when the. proudest Bha!!
iade.':
THE AMEEIOAJf COLLEGE Iff ROME,
A Place "Where Sacred Oratory is Taught.
The Rev. Dr. O'Connell, rector of the
American college in Rome, is a practi
cal man and knows bow to turn his ex
perience and active missionary work to
advantage. The cultivation of sacred
oratory does not as a rule receive that
attention which it nowadays requires*,
rhetoric, elocution, a clear annuncia
tion and graceful gesture are left too
often to individual study, instead of
being treated as an essential part of a
priest training. The proroundest
scholar makes a poor hmire the pul
pit if ne fails to convey his knowledge
in a clear and graceful manner. Tne
rector of the American college has been
on the mission himself, worked hard
and zealous, and knows well what is
required, from the clergy. He is deter
mined to send out a oody of ecclesias
tics of intellectual ability, sound
scholars practically trained to convey in
language and manner the knowledge
they possess. He had adopted an ex
cellent system to secure this end.
There are at present 56 students the
college: these are studying either theo
logy or moral philosophy. Each eve
ning a sermon is delivered by one of
them during tne supoer hour, and tnis
must not exceed twenty minutes de
livery, nor be less than fifteen. The
subject must be selected from the ques
tions which have formed the pro
gramme of the year's study. This rule
has its advantages, for it secures a de
finite subject, originality and special
knowledge, and gives scope for the
practical application ot recently ac
quired information to the questions of
the day. The rector or vice-rector
criticises the preacher each evening.
24,
RT. HON. W. E. GLADSTONE.
A Sketch of the Political Life of a Man Who
Has Been a Prominent Parliamentary
Figure for More Than Fifty Years.
A GRADUATE OF CHRIST CHURCH.
On the 17tli of May, 1833, Ee Made His
Maiden Speech, the Subject Being
the Abolition of Slavery.
The following sketch of Mr. Glad
stone, which we find in the columns of
the Boston Advertiser, will prove in
teresting reading just now: Hon.
William E. Gladstone, at present the
most prominent figure in all Europe,
has been for more than fifty years in
public life. Born in 1809 and graduat
ing at Christ Church, Oxford, in 1831,
he took his first step upon the political
ladder in the succeeding year, while
yet scarcely past his majority. Mr.
Gladstone began life as a Tory, which
fact is attributed to the teachings of
his father, a man of mark and a mem
ber of Parliament in his day. Soon
after the completion of his university
course, the young man, desirous of see
ing something of the world, went
abroad and spent some mouths in con
tinental travel. In 1882, while explor
ing the nooks and corners of Italy, he
received an overture from the Duke of
Newcastle, with whose son, the Earl of
Lincoln, he was on terms of intimate
friendship, to contest the representa
tion of Newark. The reform bill had
just become a law and the people, who
had won one of the greatest constitu
tional battles recorded in the history of
Parliament, were in a fever of excite
ment and expectancy. Young Glad
stone hurried homeward, and, reaching
England, plunged at once with ardor
into the conflict. He at once became
popular. Although youthful and inex
perienced, he became a formidable an
tagonist for the veterans Wilde and
Handley, who were pitted against him,
and he was returned a member of Par
liament. At tiii.s time he was not yet
28 years of age. His first appearance
in Parliament produced for him a fav
orable impression. He was modest,
earnest and iluenfc, and at once com
manded the respect of his fellow-mem
bers. On the 3.7th of May, 1833, he
made his maiden speech, the occasion
being'the presentation of a petition for
the abolition of slavery. The father of
Mr. Gladstone. Sir John Gladstone,
was the proprietor of a large sugar
plantation in Demerara, employing a
large number of slaves, and the youn.
man, while confessing to a disapprove
of the institution of slavery, yet de
fended the planters from the ehargc
cruelty which were brought again:.c
thern by the advocates of the bill. IV
years later than this, at the age of
Mr. Gladstone, having in the mean
time been again elected a member of
Parliament-, received the appointment
of junior lord of the treasury from the
newly appointed premier, Sir Robert
Peel. Soon after he was promoted to
the position of under-secretary for
the colonies. The ministry of Sir Rob
ert Peel had a short lease of power.and,
after sustaining a defeat on the election
of speaker,
THE IRISH CHUKCIJ QUESTION
became the great stumbling block.
The ministry were defeated, the prem
ier resigned aud Lord. Melbourne again
became prime minister. The year 1841,
however, saw Sir Robert Peel again in
power, and Mr. Gladstone, still a.mem
ber for Newark, was appointed to the
office of vice-president of the board of
trade and master of the mint, Mr.
Gladstone was now rapidly drifting to
wards a free trade policy, and his voice
was often heard in debate, establishing
for him a wide reputation. The fam
ous debate upon the repeal of the corn
laws gave opportunity for a display of
his qualities of mmu and aided greatly
in bringing him to the front rank of
the statesmen of the day. In 1843 he
succeeded Lord Ripon as president of
the board of trade. Two years later, at
the opening of Parliament, it was an
nounced that Mr. Gladstone had re
signed his post in tne ministry. This
Avas
caused by the attitude of the gov
ernment towards Maynooth Collene.
The contemplated increase ot the en
dowment and the establishment of
non-sectarian colleges were at varamce
with ins expressed ideas upon the rela
tion ot Cnurch and state. But, while
he separated himself from men with
whom he had long been associated in
the government, there was no rupture
to the friendlv relation which he bore
towards them, and wnen the Mavnootn
improvement bill was brought before
Parliament, opposition to his own
personal convictions, he gave his sup
port to the measure. In the course of
his speech, made upon that occasion,he
declared that exclusive support of the
established Church was a doctrine
which was gradually falling mto dis*
1886. NUMBER 12.
favor—certainly an advanced idea at
that day. It was not long before Mr.
Gladstone was again a member of the
ministry. Sir Robert Peel, fearful of a
failure of his measure for the repeal of
the corn laws,had resigned. Lord John
Russell, his successor, had utterly
failed in forming a ministry, and Sir
Robert Peel was reinstated and calied
Mr. Gladstone to the post of colonial
secretary. This led to his retirement
from the representation of Newark, his
constituency being hostile to the repeal
of the corn laws. Next, perhaps, to
Sir Robert Peal, Mr. Gladstone was the
leader in the great movement, which
was carried to a triumphant success.
But very soon the defeat of the bill for
the suppression of outrages in Ireland,
produced the resignation of the minis
try. Mr. Gladstone, however, would
not accept defeat, and in 1817 he was
returned to Parliament as a member
for Oxford. In this Parliament he
took high ground upon'the questions of
university reform and the removal of
the disabilities of the Jews. The lat
ter question came prominently before
Parliament in consequence of the elec
tion of Baron Rothschild to the House
of Commons for the city of London,
which position, being a Jew, he was
unable to nil. Although his early
sympathies had been with the High
Church and Tory forties, yet his nice
sense of justice and his progressive
ideas led him to favor the popular side.
In 1852 Mr. Gladstone gained a still
higher round on the ladder of fortune,
and was appointed chancellor of the
exchequer, a position*.which
HIS THOROUGH KNOWLEDGE
of finance enabled him to fill with great
acceptance. Indeed, after the recon
struction. of the ministry by Lord
Palmers to he continued to occupy
that position for a time. After his
resignation he continued to give the
Palmerston ministry his support. In
18-58, under Lord. Derby's ministry, ho
accepted a special mission to the Ionian
Islands to arrauge certain difficulties
which had arisen, and in the following
year, under Lord Palmerston, he re
sumed his former position of chancellor
of the exchequer. In though re
jected by the "University of Oxford i:?.
the election, he was returned to Parlia
ment for South Lancashire, and, alter
the death of Lord Palmerston, we tiud
him the leader of the House of Com
mons. He retained his position us
chancellor of the exchequer in the
formation of Lord Russell's ministry.
The defeat of the reform bill, presented
by Mr. Gladstone, led to the resigna
tion of the ministry, and Mr. Disraeli,
became prime Minister. Early in the
session of 1808 Mr. Gladstone presented
and warmly advocated a. series of reso
lutions looking toward the disestablish
ment of the Irish Church. These reso
lutions passed the House of Commons
and bee a me the basis of the Irish
Church suspensory bill. This bill,
though passing the House of Commons,
failed in the upper house. Mr. Glad
stone's defeat as a candidate for South
west Lancashire soon followed, but he
was returned for Greenwich., and stiP.
remained a member of Parliament. Or.
the resignation of Disraeli in the win
ter of 1868. Mr. Gladstone became firs!.,
lord of the treasury, and had a success
ful administration of five years. The.
defeat of the ministry on the.Irish edu
cational bill caused his resignation,
and Mr. Disraeli again was summoned
by the Queeu. He declined the office,
and Mr. Gladstone undertook the. task
of a reconstruction of the cabinet. This
he accomplished, assuming his old of
fice of chancellor of the exchequer in
addition to his position as first lord oi.
the treasury. In 1874, however, the
failure of his attempt to abolish the
income fax caused his resignation, and.
Mr. Gladstone, who was now fully com
mitted as a Liberal, again tendered bis
resignation. Mr. Utsraeli was again,
made prime minister, and Al::. (ilad
stone. although still a member ot Par
liament for Greenwich, did not assume
a leadership in that body, in 1870. he
was urged to stand for Midlotnian, aud
he was remarkably successful ins
candidature. When the coiinnosition
ot the new House of Commons became
known, foreseeing a defeat or the Con
servative ministry, Mr. Disraeu, then
Lord Beaconsfield. resigned. Then it
was that Mr. Gladstone, upon recom
mendation of the leaders or the partv.,
was sent for by the Queen, and. he
again accepted the post of premier.
His career, and especially his sturdy
struggle in uehalf oi Home. Rule in Ire
land, are fresh the minds of all.
Throughout many of the Lurgan
factories a most intolerant disposition
consequent upon the late riots, pro
voked by the Orangemen, has been
manifested against the Catholic work
ers. In the factory of Mr. James Mal
colm, J. P., in which the Protestant
females struck work order to secure.
the discharge of Catholics, the lattery
were lately mobbed while going into the v.:
works at dinner hour

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