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UA ri IV it I CI W rr^'' VOLUME III. MICHAEL DAVITT. The Delivers a Lecture in Minneapolis on Famous Irish Patriot PROGRESS OF HOME RULE And is Greeted in the Most Enthusiastic Manner Imaginable, THE LECTURES, HANDLES His Subject Intelligently, and Lucidly Explains the Actions of the Na tionalists up to the Present. GLADSTONE'S POLICY CERTAIN, The Course Adopted by the National ists to Convince the Tory Gov ernment What is Right JOSEPH CHAMBERLAIN A FRAUD, A Preference to the Hypocrisy of the Judas Iscariot Who Betrayed Mr. Gladstone Is Received With IRISH SOCIFTIES Of THIS CITY Turn Out En Masse and With a Braee Band Playing Popular Irish Airs Escort the Famous Patriot to Turner Hall The lecture bv Mr. Davitfc last Sun day night in Turner Hall was eminently successful in every respect. The hall was literally jammed, and large num bers were unable to find even standing room. The meeting was composed principally of natives of the Emerald Isle, and descendants of Irishmen, but, of course, many people of other na tion & at te also. At 7 o'clock the members of many "Irish societies., 11. lil •5? •MM -C /4mJ\ /C &• tA° MICHAEL DAVITr. Ancient Order of Hibernians, three di visions, Minneapolis branches of the Irish National Land League, Hi bernian Rifles and other societies formed at Windora Hall add marched, preceded by Sid well's band, to the West Hotel, where Mr. Davitt and others joined the procession, which then marched to Turner Hall. On the plat form sac Mr. Davitt, lion. P. H. Kelly, of St. Paul J. J. McCafferty, Roger Vail. Matt Walsh, Aid. Thomas Downs, J. J. Mcllale, Col. M. W. Glenn, Capt. P. J. MeKernan, Thomas Brennan, Aid. Grace, St. Paul: Fathers Clark and Conway, of St. Paul, and Mayor Ames and many others. At 8:10 o'clock Matt Walsh called the meeting to or der, and in introducing Mayor Ames as the presiding officer of the evening, said: "We have come here to listen to one of the purest and most disinterested patriots on earth, Michael Davitt, [ap plause] a man v« hose patriotism could not be-killed by British oppression, nor his ardor dampened by defeat. I take pleasure also iu presenting to you as chairman of this meeting, Mayor A. A. Ames.1' Dr. Ames on taking the chair was loudly applauded and expressed his pleasure at being called upon to pre side over such a mammoth meeting. "We have among us," he said, "not only a hero but a martyr to the great Irish cause. I now have the pleasure of introducing to you Michael Davitt,, the greatest hero of liberty of the age." Mr. Davitt on rising was received i- ••V.^ -'.:ji? with loud and long applause and began his lecture in an easy tone as follows: Mr. Mayor, Ladles and Gentlemen: Eight years have rolled their courses into the stream of time ance I last had the honor of addressing a meeting in Minneapolis, and although say career has been somewhat checkered since then, and many exciting eveuts have crossed my path, I have a distinct re collection of the warm and kindly I that occasion. [Applause.] Then, as now. many citizens of Minneapolis, not of Irish birth, paid me the compliment of coming to hear the case I tried to make out for Irish liberty. Here to night, the chief magistrate of your city presides over this meeting, not as a candidate for Governor, not as a par tisan, or as a politican but, I will ven ture to say, as an American citizen voicing the sentiments of this city in sympathy- with the cause of Ireland [Applause] in this struggle of ours to re gain for our country those rights which sheonce possessed, and which yoa en joy. We aspire to win the sympathy and moral support of the entire Ameri can people. We cannot discriminate be tween Republicans, Democrats and Prohibitionists and the rest. [Cries of hear! bear!] We have no opinions on these issues which divide you here at .this time in America. We look upon you .all as American citizens, enjoying the freest government in the world, and having the privilege and benefit of the institutions which you have built up in this gr -at republic, and hence we want, in the struggle w3 are making to win similar institutions and a similar form of government for Ireland, the symDathy of all American people, irre spective of party differences. Mow' I make no apology for coming here and asking for this moral support, from the American people. In the first place we are asking for nothing in this Home Rule movement in Ireland that is in any way inconsistent with the spirit of your government or of your in stitutions. In fact, we have taken our lessons of liberty, in a great measure, from you, the American people. We are aiming in this Home Rule movement to win for Ireland privileges of gov ernment and social rights which we think ought to be extended to the whole human race. [Applause.] We want to vindicate the right of nationali ties, Lo have the management of their our affairs and to te the masters of their own desti nies. In the second place we want to bring down all those monopolies and privileges which stand between men and the use of those natural agencies which the Creator intended should be at the service of industrious humanity But we have another and, I think, a higher claim to the sympathy of the American people in this struggle which we are waging in Ireland for Home Bale, and that is, the claim of grati tude. In 1776, in the. infancy of your great republic, the father of American independence appealed to Grattans parliament for its moral support in the struggle which was then being waged against British oppression on this con- tinent. The parliament of Ireland did not hesitate for one moment in regard to what to do. Its sympathy was voiced in plain and unmistakable language, and twice the continental congress of America appealed to the parliament of Ireland for assistance, which was rendered to the cause of American in dependence. [Applause.] Now, when the Irish people at home and abroad are united in one magnificent move ment co obtain a restoration of legisla tive independence, I think we are justi fied in asking the American people to give to us the same sympathy which GRATTAN"'S PARLIAMENT VOICED for American independence more than a century ago. But I have no appre hension whatever that tlid good will of the people of America will be wanting in this righteous struggle which we are waging against oppression in the old country. to form of the results of the last ap- :.W"' W $ Everywhere I have gone this brief tour I have heard sentiments similar to those uttered by our chairman to-night, voiced not by the representatives of one party, but by statesmen and orators and eminent men of America, belong ing to all political parties, and differ ing among themselves on various is sues, but uniting upon this of giving to Ireland the sympathy ior which we are now practically at your doors. Our difficulty in Ireland during the next few years will be to re strain the impatience of our own peo ple. I am afraid that this proverbial weakness of the Celtic character—this impatience is manifesting itself now to some extent here in America. Many larits of the land scheme which Mr. of our enthusiastic fellow countrymen .Gladstone proposed in conjunction with his Home Rule measure. The taxpayers of Great Britain were told are under the impression that because Gladstone did not succeed in passing his Home Rule measure a few months by Chamberlain, Hartington and others ago, that the cause of Home Rule is that Mr. Gladstone's proposal would now put to one side, for a future gen- entail the risk of a loss of $120,000,000 to eration 'That is an erroneous opinion the people of Great Britain if the Lib ral leader's proposals were earned peal to the- electors of Great Britain, and I think I cannot render a better service to the cause I represent to-night, than ra trying to prove that the Home Rule cause instead of having been de feated at the recent general election, scored a magnificent triumph against the forces of opposition- which were pitted against it. (Applause.) greater mistake could be committed than to suppose that the verdict of the general election was an irrevocable one against the Irish cause. In political, as in military warfare, there are vic tories often gained which in reality amount to defeats in their conse quences to the winning side, while re verses are ofteu sustained by a just cause, which in other results frequently amount to moral victories. Now, we who are engaged in this struggle at home believe that Mr. Gladstone's defeat was brought about by a combination of causes and influ ences which can never again be lound in coperation against the cause of Ire land.' (Applause.) Theso influences I might as well try to particularize here to-night, because by doing so I will give you a clear idea of the progress made in our movement during the iast few years, and also some knowledge of the influences against which we may have to contend until the final struggle is achieved. First, the British mind was unprepared for the idea of a sepa rate legislature for Ireland. Secondly, the Tory supporters of the Liberal leader of Home Rule resorted to the most unscrupulous tactics and vilest misrepresentations in order to get back to power. Thirdly, the dead weight of the land purchase scheme of Mr, Gladstone operated MINNEAPOLIS AND ST. PAUL, SATURDAY, NOVEMBER 6, 1886. discovered very injuri ously against his Home Rule measure: and, fourthly, the divi sion iu his own party, the bolting of Hartington and Chamberlain handi capped his great efforts to solve the Irish problem. Now, that these combined influences succeeded in defeating his proposal is not to be won dered at. Natural as a separate legis lature is to the Irishmen for their country, and just as expedient as such concession would seem to the Ameri can people, it amounted to a sudden revolution in the opinion of the electors of England. They had long been schooled in theidea thai the .Irish people, 86 years ago, had acquiesced in the infamous measures of the -union of 1800. They were also under the im pression that a Parliament in West minster could legislate as sympatheti cally for Ireland as for England, Wales and Scotland and again they had been taught in their schools, and by their priests and publie men, that the very integrity of the British Empire'depend ed upon the maintenance of one Parlia ment for Great Britain and Ireland. This being the ordinary state of public feeling in England, the avowed enemies of Home Rule found it an easy task to MISREPRESENT THE REAL MEANING of Mr. Gladstone's proposed constitu tion for Ireland. Every organ of Tory opinion—every speaker belonging to that party, declared that the giving of a separate Parliament to Ireland would inevitably lead to the total separation of Ireland from England. Again, the feeling of religious bigotry was ap pealed to throughout Great Britain in order to thwart Mr. Gladstone's pur pose. He was held up by the religi ous papers of England and from the pulpits of the Established Church as a co-conspirator with the Pope to hand over the Protestants of Ireland to the tender mercies of the Catholic major ity under Home Rule government. Home Rule was defined as Rome Rule, and every unworthy prejudice that could be raised in the popular mind of Great Britain was appealed to by Lord Randolph Churchill and his followers in order to prevent the great Liberal leader from doing an act of justice to the Irish people. When we consider the agencies em ployed in carrying on this campaign of calumny against us and against our English allies, I say again it is no mat ter of surprise that for a time a snatch victory was obtained against us. Two powerful organizations, subsidized by the wealth of the British aristocracy, resorted to every possible means during the general election to prejudice the vot ers of GreatBritain against us.Newspap ers were pur chased, orators were subsid ized by aristocratic gold, meetings were organized and em ssaries sent through out the length and breadth of Great Britain to carry on this great campaign of misrepresentation against the National League and Mr. Gladstone. Added to this campaign of calumny, we had the- unpopu- .. an Home Rule government been in power in Ireland. There is one consolation at any rate left to Irish landowners, notwithstanding the temporary defeat of the Home Rule case., We may have to struggle on a couple of years more in order to secure our native parlia ment, but we have this consolation, that the Irish landlords sau no longer count upon the sympathy and support of the British people. [Cries of good!] In. the past, as you right well know they did England's dirty political work in Ireland. [Laughter.] They made themselves an alien territorial garrison inimical to the Irish people in their na tional sentiments, their national aspir ations, their feelings and their relig ion. They thought that when the day of danger cauae, if it ever did ar rive, thai the people of England would stand by them and rescue them from any difficulty in which they might be placed, and now when their system is destroyed,* when.-economic causes are co-operating to its destruction, and when it is only a matter of a few years until it is made to disappear bag and •baggage, every Irish landlord turns to the people of Great Britain for succor and support, but the answer, given em phatically in the recent general elec tion by the electorate of Great Britain is: Go to the Irish people. Make the best terms you can with those wrho know you best. We are resolved not to purchase you out. [Applause.] Mr. Gladstone has accepted this verdict of the peopie of Great Britain. He has recently declared in one of the ablest pamphlets ever written by him what I have never ceased to advocate since the very initiation of the land league, namely: that the Irish land question can never be satisfactorily settled ex cept by and through the creation of A PARLIAMENT IN DUBLIN, and this Irish parliament, therefore, is soon to be established in the old coun try, notwithstanding the boasts and threats of Lord Raudolph Churchill. [Hisses.] The landlords of Ireland must come to terras. [A voice—Put it there again.] Great as has been been their crimes against the people of Ireland in the past, I believe that a legislature representing the people of their own country will deal with them more justly bye and bye than they would be likely to be dealt with on the part of the English parliament when that becomes, as shortly it will, the in strument of the English democracy in its resolve to bring about a Democratic form of government in Great Britain. [Applause.] Now to all these opposing causes and adverse circumstances pitted against the cause of Home Rule there is to be added the serious division which the proposal created in the English Parlia ment. This opposition has been mainly led by Lord Hartington, and against his hostility—or rather against the honesty of his motives in being hostile to Home Rule, I have nothing to say. He has never, as well as I can recollect, uttered a word that would lead us to believe that he was in any way in sympathy with the cause of Irish national self-government. His position therefore has been straight forward and honest, but I cannot say Mr. Joseph Chamberlain. (Hisses.) This gentleman, as far back as 1874, was an Ireland those upon (it :3p$ippts tv,•.*•.•••""•?,•fi-:-.• '-""V"-• -V" VV-* 9M into effect. This appeal and the feel ing which it evoked demonstrated to the world a peculiar trait in Eng lish character. Some years ago, be fore the initiation of the laud league, the English people were practically in different on the Irish land question, when they thought it was an issue be tween Irish landlords and Irish ten ants. Their sympathy generally went out to the territorial garrison in Ire laiid in any contest which took place, between them and thote who till the soil in our coun try. [Applause.] The moment the taxpayers of Great Britain saw there was the slightest danger of their mestic business." What is the alterna pockets being injured in any way by purchasing of the Irish landlords, they immediately that these were experience of representative legisia a worthless class and that their proper- tion? Is it not disagreeable to us that ty in Ireland was really not.worth any even now it is only by unconstitutional investment of English capital, They therefore declared emphatically against and order in oiie ot Her Majasty the land scheme of the Liberal leader and I am ot the opinion from my inti mate knowledge of the feelings of the slightest conception of the system un- people of Great Britain that if Mr Gladstone had appealed to them on the Home Rule issue alone, without handi capping his efforts with the scheme to purchase out the Irish landlords, he would have been returned to power by overwhelming majority, and the as that which prevailed in Venice un- this as to the attitude of nis colleague, bear in mind that at that time Mr.Glad stone was at the head of affairs and with powerful party in the House of Corn avowed Home Ruler. He de- mons, and instead of offering a Home clared he was conceding a Parliament Rule constitution for Ireland he enter to because he was most anxious tained quite a large number of-us in to get obstructive Irish representation many of her majesty's prisons, and half removed from Westminster, and so late a hundred jails in Ireland were occu as June of last year this gentleman, pied with land leaguers without trail, who now poses as the consistent op- He put Mr. Parnell under lock and key, ponent of Home Rale, uttered senti- suppressed public meetings, and put ments which in no way differ from down trial by jury, and sent Lord Spen- Jr:'-.-/-'vJV:rV"*: •m founded, and more for the informa tion of the American portion of my audience than for the entertainment of my own countrymen, I will quote from this speech, delivered some 15 months ago by Joseph Chamberlain, to show his clear inconsistency iu this present attitude, and to present a clear state ment of the Irish demand in seeking the restoration of parliament for the man agement of Irish affairs. Speaking in June, 18S5, Mr. Joseph Chamberlain said: "The pacification of Ireland at this moment depends, I believe, on the concession to Ireland of the right to govern itself the matter of its do- tive? Are you content, fter nearly SO years of failure to renew once more the means that we are able to secure peace dominions? I uo not believe that the majority of Englishmen have the 1 1 1*11 I LI der which England atte mpts to rule the sister country of Ireland. It is a system which is founded on the basis of 80,000 soldiers encamped as in a hos tile country. It is a systarn such as that which Russia governs Poland, or der the rule of Austria. An Irishman at this moment cannot- move a step or lift a finger in any parochial, muni cipal or educational work without be ing confronted, interfered with or con trolled by an English official, appointed ty a foreign government, and without a shadow of representative authority." The man who stands to-day before the people of England as the most in veterate enemy of Home Rule is the Joseph Chamberlain, who gave voice to those sentiments and those opinions 15 or 16 months ago. iV hat is the explana tion, I may be'asked,of this remarkable change in his views on the Irish ques tion. Various theories have been broached in explanation of his attitude. In England and Ireland it is believed that his position is due more to per sonal motives than to political convic tions. Mr. Gladstone, it seems, did not consult "Brammagem" Joe when he was preparing his scheme of Irish self government and then again, he com mitted the unpardonable offense—from the point of view of Mr. Chamberlain— that of promoting a better and abler man generally to the chief secretary. Oue of your far-seeing American critics, in trying to explain this change in the attitude of Mr. Chamberlain, has, I think, given the true version. He wanted to answer the question by Mr. Gladstone why Mr. Gladstone was in favor of Home Rule and why Mr. Chamberlain was opposed to it. The explanation, he declared, was this, that one man had a heart and the other was was possessed of a long purse and an eye-glass. Ladies and gentlemen, let me sum marize the forces pitted against us, and the influence called into action to de feat Home Rule at the general election and then let us examiue what has been done by all this caiumny and misrepre sentation. The result was simply this: That Ireland still returned of her representatives to I in favor of Home Rule, that Scotland elected S to 2 of her representatives pledged to give a par liament to Ireland, and gallant little Wales elected 5 to 1. England, not withstanding all the appeals to politi cal fears and religious hatred (of which many of you know right well was a unit in opposition to the Irish, cause ten years ago) actually elected 126 of its members to go to Westminster and vote for the restoration of a parliament for Ireland. In other words if the comparatively small number of 70,000 more votes out of my electorate of 40, C00,000 of people in GreatBritain had been cast for the Liberal leader he would have been returned, with a pow er sufficient to give legislative power to our country. Now I venture to say, notwithstand ing Lord Randolph Church ill's boast that the general election was a final verdict on the Home Rule question, that we, in Ireland, are justified in tak ing an opposite view of the result and in looking upon it AS A VIRTUAL TRIUMPH for the cause of Ireland. Why, when you recollect what was obtained in the English mind five short years ago when you remember who the man was that was then in power, and what he attempted to do for Ireland: when you which Gladstone's bill were certo Ireland to hang innocent men, S«Wf®j'Swl .•'• .: •:. y^vY^' jr/ During the recent general elections it was my dutv, in obedience to the orders of my leader, Mr. Parnell, to travel more through England, Wales and Scotland than in Ireland, and it fre quently happened that I would be ad dressing an audience on one side of the Home Rule question while Lord Spen cer, the man who put me in prisoi\ three times, would be speaking to an audience a few miles away proving THAT I WAS IMG FIT and. he was wrong. These remarkable results have- been achieved by the two-i'old policy of con vincing England,or that portion of Lng laud which follows Mr. Glaclstoiie's leadership, that neither through, force nor coercion would Irish Nationalists ever cease to agitate for justice to Ire land until Ireland again had the right to manage her own affairs, and second, by striving to realize those aspirations of: her peopie in a movement conducted on purely moral and constitutional acts. Now, the reasons why this policy has had such a remarkable success in so short a time must be obvious to every reflecting mind. A people like ours united in one cause, working in one movement and through one legitimate means, under one sagacious and incor ruptible leader, c.m not be divided by any power on earth interested in main taining a government oi injustice and oppression. The success of a cause so fought is made absolutely certain in a manner, when we consider the conditions under which.tfte Tory- party must attempt to resist its triumphant march to success. We contend, and we know right well what we are talking about, that the applicaion of the nrinciple of Home Rule by the government of the British empire is the only way in which thab unwieldy conglomeration of nations can be kept from going to pieces. In other words, the remedy which we de mand for Ireland, and the form of gov ernment which we are asking to be re stored our country, will be abso absoiutely necessary to save Great. Britain from becoming disrupted. The attempts to legislate in one Parliament for all the local needs as well as for all the national, interests of England, Wales, Scotland and Ireland is a com plete failure. It is difficult for an American to understand the absurdity of such a system, J. can only do so by supposing for a moment that all your State constitutions would be swept away and that instead of having your local matters attended 10 iu your State legislatures, you would have to send all your representatives to Washing ton, there to try and have justice done to your local needs, while the interests of the entire republic would be at tended to at t.lie same time. In West minster they haye to look over the in terests of the Indian empire with 200. 000,000 of people they have too keep their eye upon Cauada lest you Ameri cans should be gobbling it up (ap plause aud laughter,) they have to watch Australia and New Zealand and, South Africa, and then while all this is to be attended to. every little local matter pertaining to Great Britain aud Ireland must also be discussed and legislated upon if necessary in tne par liament in Westminster. Fonn-tauce, if there is a member of that abseuihlv representing one of the most aristo cratic constituencies of London, and if he wants to have a gas bill or railway bill or some other bill passed through Westminster for the benefit of his con stituents, it i3 within the power of say, Mr. Dacey, who represents a por tion of my poor county ot Mayo, or Mr. McPherson from the north of Scotland, to stand up and object to any such Loudon member passing any such local bill until the needs of Ireland and Scotland are at tended to. Mr. Parnell, with that far-1 seeing sagacity which characterizes nis political career, has seen the weak-: ness and rottenness of this systeao, and for the iast six or seven years, with his faithful followers, has seized upon every available opportunity to carry on' a policy of obstruction in Westmin ster. It was one of his sayings at that time that an/j«i\ce of English? parlia mentary fea|3f&l "'W'Ojrth a ton of Engt-'/^ liah parllamptary love^and Wis E: V/- i/ 4 ''A /I 1 'V' Vl/ NUMBER 1. and tried if the force of the British em pire was not sufficient to put down Irish national sentiment. Five short years ago every weapon which the English Gov ernment could use against us was used, every power the great British empire could put forth was put forth in an ef fort to crush out the land league and wipe out their movement which was initiated seven years ago. What has been the result? The man who tried to do aii this is now before his countrymen and before the civilized world as the foremost champion of Home Rule, pledged to devote the re mainder of his life to convince his countrymen that the best policy of English government is to govern Ire land by Home Rule and not by force. 4 •:M tz iifr-