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The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, February 26, 1887, Image 1

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VOL. Ill: NO. 17.
The Lecturer Accurately Describes the
Governmental Construction of
The British Empire.
Home Eule for Ireland Means an Exactly
Similar Government to that Row
Enjoyed by Canada.
On a recent Sunday evening, Mr. Ty
nan addressed a crowded audience in
the Music Hall, Providence. R. I. Sev
eral of the leading citizens of Prov
idence and vicinity were on the plat
form. Among the gentlemen who
formed the committee were the follow
ing: Hon. George J. West, chairman,
Hon. Hugh J. Carroll, James Mulligan,
Thomas Grimes, Dr. Kelly, Dr.O'
J. Nerone, ('apt. John Revens, James
Corcoran, W in. Burke,Dennis O'Reiiiy.
Alexander McCaughen, John Casey,
Col. John M.cAlarms. Maj. MeGuinnes,
James Black, J. L. Gannon, B. Mc
Lurnan, T. P. McOormick.
The speaker was introduced by the
chairman, Hon. George J. West, in a
forcible and eloquent speech on the
present aspect of the Irish question.
Mr, Tynan's appearance was greeted
with repeated applause. It was very
evident that he had the full sympathy
of his audience. The following is a
summary of the principal points:
The struggle between the British and
the Irish peoples is that between two
distinct and antagonistic nationalities,
one to destroy and the the other to pre
serve a distinct and separate existence.
Otherwise the Irish Parliamentary
party wouk! have .no basis for their de
mand for an Irish National Parliament,
TheBriti.b eom."ution is that we are
one people, aud that we are but a pro
vince of that which they designate the
British Empire. Now the British Em
pire so-called is not a homogeneous
body. It is composed of crown colonies,
and virtually self-governing dependen
cies. We find in Ilindoostan a popula
tion of two hundred million people
ruled by a despotism called the Indian
Government, which consists of the
Governor-General, appointed by the
British Crown, and whatever British
officials he wishes to include in his
council. This small group of men gov
ern this vast dependency independently
of party politics. In the isitter .we find
the .Dominion of Canada and the differ
ent governments of Australia- virtually
.independent of the British people.
.Nothing can illustrate more forcibly
how loose the connection is between
them and the so-called mother country,
when the British people could not pos
sibly appoint a policeman by virtue of
any authority they hold over those so
called portions of the British Empire.
These people, it is true, lly the
(lag, but that aud their supposed loyal
ty to the British Crown are the- only
facts which constitute their parts of the
British Empire They have their own
Parliaments, freely elected by the peo
ple. and from their Parliament springs
a ministry as independent in the man
agement of their affairs as the Imperial
Cabinet that- sits iu Downing street.
With the exception of the Government
of Victoria they all levy protective du
ties on goods coming into their ports,
exactly the same as a foreign nation.
Their governments have the complete
control of their finances, their militia.
and what appears to be an incipient co
lonial navy. The people of the United
States must be somewhat familiar with
the course of the so-called Canadian
cruisers in the fisheries question, aud
we also read of the establishment of an
Australian navy to protect the Austra
lian interests in the South Pacific. In
the face of these facts, it is absurd to
call their Parliament an Imperial Par
There is not a single Veprpsehtative
sitting in that Parliament from any por
tion of the British Empire outside of
the British islands. They make no laws
for any nation but Britain, with the
exception of that neighboring nation
which they are anxious to crush out of
national existence. The Irish people
when they speak of Home Rule,
mean an exactly similar government to
that now enjoyed by Canada and the
Australias the absolute control ol then
trade, navigation, and commerce, the
same power to legislate for Ireland as
Canada and Australia now enjoy, with
an executive government springing
from their Parliament, and also the
absolute control of the finance of the
Now, Mr. Gladstone's bill would se
cure no benefit whatever to the Irish
people. It withholds from the Irish
Parliament, which he would establish
in Dublin, the right to make any laws
whatever for the land, so that evictions
would still continue, while this as
sembly of Irish gentlemen insultingly
called a Parliament, would be sitting in
College Green.
It also withholds from them that
which is the life blood of a people—the
right to protect manufacturing indus
tries, which is of much more serious im
portance to the Irish people than the
land question. The bill permits this
Parliament to levy taxes in Ireland.
At the same lime it withholds the right
to levy the only taxes the British Gov
ernment has ever collected in Ireland,
namely, the customs and internal reve
nue. So glaring was this insult, not
only to the Irish people but to the car
dinal doctrines of no taxation without
representation, that when Mr. Glad
stone spoke of a fiscal union between
the two islands, a Tory member—Lord
Randolph Churchill—twitted him with
the fact that the English Parliament,
while passing the Irish budget, would,
by the provisions of the bill, have no
representation in the House by which
taxes were being levied on the Irish
The crowning insult to the Irish peo
ple and the intelligence of the Irish
race, was the form of the so-named
Irish Government as proposed in the
Gladstone bill. The seventh and eighth
clauses of that bill provided for the ap
pointment of an Irish Executive. Said
Irish Government was to consist of a
Lord Lieutenant, appointed by the
British Crown, and whatever .number
of gentlemen in Dublin Castle he wished
to select as members of his council.
This despotism would be an exact fac
simile oi the so-called Indian Govern
ment, which rules in Hindoostan to
day. It was to shape the destinies of
the Irish people. This government, as
autocratic as that of Russia, was staled
in the Pecksniflian phraseology of the
British Premier an Irish Government.
To this despotism was to be delegated
the selection of the magistrates and
judges and possibly the control of the
Irish constabulary. And this subject
has been so debated in the public press,
and I regret to say by Irish speakers on
public platforms, as if these powers
were to be given to the Irish people,
instead of which they were to
be given to a foreign despotism,
with the insulting and mock title
of an Irish Parliament. Mr. Glad
stone's object was to get rid of the
eighty-live inconvenient votes and
voices of the Irish representatives in
the House of Commons, so as to pre
serve the pretence which England has
always kept before the world that Ire
land was a constitutionally governed
portion of the Empire. So ably were
Mr. Gladstone's plans laid that he
would make the Irish members un
conscious signers of their own death
warrants. Finally, this bill would make
Ireland occupy the same position in the
British Empire as India or the other
Grown colonies occupy to-day. With
the addition of the mockery of a Par
liament sitting in Dublin without the
powers of a grand jury, their legisla
tion confined to roads and bridges, and
handicapped even iu this by a first or
der of 108 anti-Irish, who would have
not only the power of sitting in de
bates and legislating with the rest of
the members, but also the extraordi
nary veto power, while sitting by them
selves as a first order, to bar any legis
lation of the popular body for three
years, and this Pailiament, over
shadowed by an anti-Irish executive,
with the power to summon and dissolve
Parliament at his pleasure.
The address was listened to with the
most profound interest, and made si
deep impression. At its conclusion the
lecturer retired amidst the plaudits of
his hearers. Mr. Tynan also lectured
on a recent Sunday evening, at Leland
Opera House, Albany, X.
While Ireland is
at peace," and all
that, it is worth noting that the Eng
lish have an army cf occupation in that
island almost exactly as large as the en
tire standing army of the United States.
This is the roster: Six regiments of
cavalry, sixteen batteries and two de-.
pots of artillery, one bat-talon of guards,
twenty-four of "the Line," three com
panies of engineers, five of the commis
sariat and transport corps and four di
visions of the medical staff corps. This
gives a strength of nearly 24,000 officers
and men, of whom about 3,300 are cav
alry, 1,400 artillery and 17,000 infantry.
Ireland is just about as large as In
diana. If the whole standing army of
the United States were concentrated
within that State, its inhabitants might
think that-they were being somewhat
The steamship lines find more than
one disadvantage '"scab" labor.
Aside from great delays from inexpe
rienced men they find that some of the
property entrusted to their care is being
appropriated by their Italian workmen.
Perhaps this is the way they have of
compensating for their cheap labor.
In the trial of Messrs. Dillon, O'Brien,
Redmond and others, the jury disa
greed. .*
From the Venerated Archbishop of Tuaia
to the Officers of
Local Leaguers.
'The Man Who Commits a
Gives Strength to the
Sir Thomas Esmonde, Colonel Nolan,
M. P.'s, and other Nationalists of note
were the speakers at a splendidly suc
cessful Home Rule demonstration that
occurred at Tuam, Galway, in the early
part of this month. The venerated
Archbishop, Most Rev. John McEvillv,
was unable to be present, but he penned
this letter to the officers of the local
leaguers I am very sorry, indeed, that
I cannot attend your meeting or accept
the invitation to the banquet with
which you have honored me, in the
name of the good people of Tuam. But
although I may be unavoidably absent,
rest assured tha you have mv sym
pathy, not the cheap, barren sympathy
of mere words, but you may calculate
on my firm resolve to assist you prac
tically by every means within reach in
attaining the objects you have in view.
These objects are in themselves gool
and most necessary in the peirnanent
interests of civil society, morality and
religion in this country: and tbe means
you propose to yourselves of attaining
these objec will be, I am sure, as they
have hitherto been, thoroughly iu ac
cordance with the immutable law of
God and justice. You ever keep in
mind the golden maxim of tbe father of
our country—''The man who commits a
crime gives strength to the enemy."
Although at the present time the politi
cal horizon is overcast,and it is difficult
to conjecture what changes present
complications may bring forth in the
near future, one thing, however, is
quite clear, be the changes what they
may, that nothing short of the great ob
ject you have in view, to which every
other political object must be subordin
ate as means to an end, will ever satisfy
the just aspirations of the peo
ple of this country. That object
upon which the minds of all
are firmly fixed is the restoration of
our native Legislature, the giving back
of that of which we were robbed by
fraud, force, terror and corruption—in
other words, the granting of Home
Rule as shadowed forth in the bill of
one of the greatest statesmen, and most
brilliant orator England ever produced.
It is hard to conceive how men, in every
other respect gifted with the highest in
telligence, could oppose this act of pub
lic justice and venture to insult the
public intellect by putting forward as
their plea of justification the fear of
separation. What grounds could there
be for fearing separation in our case
any more than in the case of almost all
the colonies and dependencies which
Great Britain has entrusted with the
management of their own affairs with
out fear of separation Does not ex
perience prove that- she has thus bound
them more closely to herself in the
bonds of fealty And in our case,
apart from the fact that no one in his
senses ever thinks of separation, our
very proximity furnishes an additional
guarantee. Iu truth the concession of
Home Rule would have one certain ef
fect—that of consolidating the union
between both nations, of ''breaking
down the middle wail of partition."
thus creating peace and goodwill be
tween two peoples who, owiug to in
justice and national hate on the one
band, and a natural feeling of resent
ment on the other, are in feeling and
sentiment as wide asunder as the poles.
To this object should be referred as its
legitimate end the equitable settlement
on a fair and just basis of the land ques
tion. It is not for sheep or oxen, after
the country is depleted of its inhabi
tants through the operation of unjust
land laws, that Home Rule is wanted.
If this vital question of the land were
once equitably settled we would have a
people so far contented and advanced
in intelligence as to be able and willing
to carry out fully into practical effect
the long desired blessing of Home Rule.
But here we are met at the very outset
with the spacious objection, are not
contracts to be kept Do away with
the binding force of contracts, will not
society totter to its very foundation, es
pecially when such contracts are sanc
tioned by the high authority of the
state Certainly, if there be question
of just or yahd contracts. But were
the contracts, or rather arrangements,
entered into in this country between
the great bulk of landlords and tenants
—no doubt there were many horrible
exceptions—valid contracts I unhesi
tatingly assert they were not. What is
the first and essential element of ayalid
contract in general Is it not that it
be free? Was one of the contracting
parties in the arrangements between
the great bulk of landlords and tenants
free? In truth, there was but one
party to such arrangement, viz., the
landlord, who dictated to his tenants
whatever terms he pleased, terms which
the tenant was obliged to accept under
penalty of having what has been de
scribed in the language of the highest
living authority "a sentence of death"
passed upon him in being ruthlessly
torn with his family from the place on
which his heart was centered, created,
in ai certain sense, by himself, or his
fathers before him, with no other pros
'tfpect in view but the hated workhouse
or enforced exile, with the hardships
and perils of the deep. Who will one
day account for the dreadful spiritual
evils which awaited our people and
their offspring beyond the ocean. Could
such contracts be, in any sense of the
word, regarded as free? But supposing
them to be free and valid, were they
just or equitaole? For answer we need
only refer to the sweeping reductions
made by the land commissioners, act
ing on the equitable "live and let live"
principle—men who should be con
sidered as the government representa
tives, in whose appointment, although
they might be regarded in a certain
iAense as mediators or as a court of ar
bitration, one of the parties concerned
had no voice. No doubt we can point
to several instances of landlords kind
and humane, who on no account would
be guilty of harshness or oppression,
nor need we travel far in search of such
and there sire cases where tenants abuse
the indulgence of kind landlords, and
treat them ungenerously because of
their forbearance. These, however, are
but exceptions, and we are now dealing
with a system which, as far as im
muai from legal consequences are
concerned, might be in every instance
unjust and oppressive. May we hope
that the day of reparation will not long
be deferred. To the landlords them
selves it will be a blessing, apart from
other considerations, after just com
pensation or equitable purchase to be
saved from the temptations and re
sponsibility of irresponsible power.
The men who at great sacrifice are un
selfishly devoting their energies to
bring this about, and are throwing
themselves into the breach to arrest the
progress of greater evils, are, to my
mind, deserving of all praise.
Separation Due to Ireland.
The London Daily Telegraph cou
tsiined these paragraphs si lew days
Mr. Fronde, who will not be suspect
ed of partiality for the Irish people, de
scribed the land system introduced by
the English owners of the soil as "a
grinding tyranny, the more unbearable
because inflicted by aliens in blood and
creed." Mr. Gladstone said in April,
1SS6: "We cannot wash ourselves clean
and clear of the responsibility. The
deeds of the Irish landlords are to &
great extent our deeds, We are parti
ceps criminis we, with power in our
hands, looked on we not only encour
aged, but sustained." Therefore, he
asserted that it was 'an "obligation of
honor and of policy" to buy out the
landlords whom we had established on
the soil and who were, he said "our
garrison in Ireland."
We are told how Archbishop Croke
converted Pope Leo XIII. to condona
tion oS the "plan of campaign." What
would your Holiness say," asked Dr.
Croke. "if a poor peasant of the Ro
magua were to hire for a fewsoudia
barren rock in the Apennines, and
were to inciuse it with a wall and plant
it with a vineyard and build on it a
house, and if when the vines began to
bear fruit the lord of the soil were at
once to raise the rent to the full value
of -the improvements made, and if, on
failure to pay, the poor peasant were to
be turned out and his labor confis
cated?" "1 should call it," said the
Pope, "a robbery.'' To which the arch
bishop replied, "That, Holy Father,
has .been the whole history of the land
quarrel for generations in Ireland."
There can be no doubt of the truth of
Dr. .Croke's description as applicable to
many Irish estates. Confiscation of
the tenants' improvements has been
permitted by English law. To the peo
ple we owe reparation for that injustice,
and we have no right to make that
reparation at the expense of the present
generation of Irish owners, who are as
innocent of wrong-doing as ourselves.
We are rich enough to repair the wrong,
aud it is only by a concurrence of Eng
lish parties that we can do it. For such
is the malignity of rival partisans that
whichever minister proposes to impuse
on John Bull anv outlay or risk, the op
position will use it as an electoral tool.
We firmly believe that Ireland can never
be pacified except during and through a
political truce and the present is the
best opportunity we have had for ^ears
—when Mr. Chamberlain and Mr. Mor
ley, already in conference, might serve
as linfcs to unite Lord Salisbury and
Lord Hartington to Mr. Gladstone and
Mr. Parnell.
A Brief Sketch of the Ancient
of Athy, County Kildare,

The Charter Constituting the Market Town
of Athy a Borough was Pro
cured in 1615.
The following will, no doubt, be of
interest to sill students of Irish history,
and especially so to those of our read
ers who are natives of the county Kil
dare or who have visited that part of
Ireland, ft was published in the "An
thologia I.libenrca" in May. 1793, and
the reader must bear this date, in mind
when the article refers to time or
events iu the present tense: The
borough, of Athy, in the county Kildare,
in trio barony of Narragh and Rheban.
is situated on the river Barrow. The
neighboring country is pleasant a lime
stone soil better adapted for agriculture
than pasturage. The town owes its
foundation to two monasteries, erected
on each side of the river «t the entrance
of an extensive wood in the thirteenth
century. Tha on the west side of' the
river was founded by Richard de St.
Michael, lord of Rheban, under the in
vocation of -St. John, or rather St.
Thomas, for crouched friars. The pre
cincts of this monastery extended from
the river at the foot of the bridge, con
taining all that part of the towii called
St. John and St. .John's land and the
domain consisted of the island in the
river and the adjacent fields as far as
the present barracks. This friary with
its appurtenances at thedissolution was
granted in August, 1575. to Anthony
Power, which, reverting to the Crown,
was granted by act nf Parliament of
the 17th and 18th Charles II. to Dame
Mary Meredith. Part of the walls of
this church still remain. The monas
tery on the east side of trie river was
founded in 1253 by the families of the
Boisels and fiogans, i'or Dominicans,
Its precincts extended from the river
along the north side of the present!
church to the corner of the street lead
ing to Preston's Gate, and from thence1
to the gate- and to the rear of the gar
dens o£ the present house called the ab
bey. The domain consisted of siximes
suages iu Le More, the present new
town the islands in the Barrow and a
water mill at Taileghorre. All of which
were granted on the 24th day of Janu
ary, the Both of King Henry VIII.,
A. D. 1-54.4, to Martin Pilles in capite
forever at The annual rent of 2s. 8d.
Irish money. i\ remains of this abbey
now exist, except the postern gate com
monly and corruptly called Preston's
Gate. From these two monasteries the
place was denominated Baile da. thigh
or Bla tbeach, pronounced Blahee,
which name it stili retains in Irish (and
which, by the way, makes neither the
sound nor the sense here .indicated.)
As the monasteries were founded by
the English settlers, not only the monks
but the inhabitants of the town were
princinally of that nation, to whom
were easily granted the immunities of a
merchant or market town, such as fairs
and markets, with the aulhoritj to levy
tolls, aud. as such, is mentioned prior
to the. fifteenth eenturv, b-!', which
customs, by an act of Parliament in 2':b
flenry VI., A. D. 14-4.S, were to be
charged only on goods sold and exposed
to sale in the town, and not on those
carried on the road through the town
or brought out of it. In 1309 Lord John
de Brownevilie, slain near the town of
Ai'stul, or Ascul, was interred in toe
Church of St. John's the year before Carlow and Kilkenny.)
the town was burnt by the Irish, In
131-5 Athy was plundered by the Scots
under Robert Bruce., who gained the
battle of Ascul, in which were slain
Haymond le Grace and Sir William
Prendergast, and on the side of the
Scots Sir Fergus Andressan and Sir
Walter Murray, all of whom were
buried in the Dominican Abbey, Athy.
In 1317 Sir John Athy, a native of this
town, took at ^sea the famous pirate,
Thomas Dover, cut off his head and
brought it to Dublin. In 1347. a dis
pute arose between the monasteries
relative to the fishing weir of the Do
minicans, when the prior of St. John's,
with some others, were indicted for
stealing fish out of it to the damage of
£100 and upwards. About the year
1424. Thomas, the seventh Earl of Kil
dare. then Lord Ufiay, married Doro
thea, daughter of Anthony O'Mare of
Leix. and with her obtained the manors
of Rheban and Woodstock, and them
erected a court, bawn and court leet,
which still held. Woodstock had been
built-about the time of the formation
of St. John's Abbey, by Richard St.
Michael, lord of Rheban, as an append
age to the palatinate of Dunnamaes,
granted to the Earl of Pembroke, and
situate at the entrance of a wood now
no more. Dunnamaes and the castles
appertaining thereto having been taken
by the O'Moore's, were retained in their
possession until this period. Dorothea
dying without issue is left out in many
of the pedigrees of the Fitzgerald
family, while others make her the an
cestor of several branches of the Ger
aldines. Athy, from the gradual con
traction of the English pale, became a
frontier and garrison town, command
ing a pass over the river. Gerald,
therefore, the eighth Earl of Kildare,
for the purpose of securing the pale,
erected several castles, and among oth
ers that of Athy, at the foot of the
bridge, about the year 1-506, of which
there only now remains a tower. In
]575, this castle was repaired and en
larged by one William White, from
whence it obtained the name of White's
Castle, as appears by an inscription
in the wall, and which was originally
placed at the null within the precincts.
The remaining tower is at present used
as a prison, having been an appendage
to the county jail of Naas. The said
Earl of Kildare also, the more effec
tually to secure the borders, and to in
duce the gentlemen of the county to
pay attention to them, procured in the
reign of Henry the YII. an act of Par
liament appointing the assizes of the
county of Kildare to be held at I\rnas
aud Athy, and that, they should not be
altered or removed from these towns
unless by a subsequent act of Parlia
ment. Sir Robert Digby, who married
Lettice, daughter of Gerald Lord OfCaJy,
procured from James L, in the thir
teenth year of his reign, A. I). 101-5, a
charter constituting the market town
of Athy a borough, sending two mem
bers of Parliament, to by chosen by the
burgesses, and governed by a, recorder,
sovereign, two bailiffs, and a town
clerk, with power to hold a municipal
or sovereign court, with ail other im
munities of fairs, markets and customs,
which it had enjoyed antecedent to the
date of the said charter. In 142 the
Earl of Ormond arrived in this town
with 3,000 foot and 500 horses, and sent
out parties to relieve the neighboring
garrisons of Carlow, Maryborough,
Ball.ynakill, Bert, Clogbrennan and
Bailylinan. In 1C48, the Irish, under
Owen 'Roe O'Neill, were in possession
of Athy, but being hard pressed by
Jones, the Parliamists general, Owen
offered, by his vicar-general, O'Reilly,
to surrender Athy, Maryborough and
Rheban, and lay down his arms if he
and his confederates had the privileges
they enjoyed in King James' time. In
1650, the castles aud towns were taken
by Colonels Henderson ami Reynolds.
Athy, though a borough, is not an
original parish, the present town being
situated in two parishes, St. John's aud
St. Michael's and the church living
consiats of a union of live—that is, -St,
John's, St. Michael's, Ardree, Kilberrj
andChurchtown. During the close- of
the-last and the beginning of the pres
ent century, the .great south road lay
through this town as it had done in
very early periods, but afterwards being
turned through Castiedermott, trie busi
ness decreased, and with it the popula
tion, for from 600, it has novv only oo0
houses, of which 160 are slated aud
built of lime and stone, and S'.-O cabins
thatched, containing on the whole
about 3.000 inhabitants. The manu
facturers of consequence established,
here some stufl% cloths and hats were
made, but not in sufficient quantity to
men the nanm
la wuu
a tacture. Is either
do th. 'seem to increase, though a
branch of the Grand canal was built in
17U0, from Monasterevan to the west of
the town. The exports from the neigh
boring county to Dublin, on the canal,
consists of coals, corn, Hour, butter and
potatoes to the amount of upwards of
£20.000 per annum. (Much of the flour
aud corn came from the counties of
The Legend of the White Axes.
About the year 1229 the English lead
er, Richard. De Burgh, defeated the
forces of Hugh O'Connor in the Corr
sliab (or Curfew) Mountains, north of
Boyle, Don Oigle Mageraghty, chief of
Siol Murray, being slain, aud two years
later (1231) Hugh's son, Connor, was
slain by tbe people of the Tuathas,
whom he had invaded. He was slain,
it is told, by a white^handled axe, and
the the people amongst whom he was
slain, anxious to conceal his slayer,
colored all axe handles white. The dis
trict of the Tuathas extended from
Drurasnato Lanesborough, along the
western coast of the Shannon. They
comprised three districts, named re
spectively Cmel Dobtlia, Tin Breen na
Smna. aud Corca Eacblann. Two years
after Felim O Connor destroyed several
of De Burgh's castles, among them be
ing that of Duanamon., on the river
Suck.—Irish World, ..it-
Dennis McCauley, of Richfield, and
his brother, John McCauley, of De
Graff, well-to-do aud respected farmers
in the different localities in which they
reside, were among the visitors to Min
neapolis on Wednesday last.
Wi5 gj

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