OCR Interpretation

The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, August 24, 1912, Image 1

Image and text provided by Minnesota Historical Society; Saint Paul, MN

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn90059959/1912-08-24/ed-1/seq-1/

What is OCR?

Thumbnail for

Vol. XXVn., No. 44.
Speaks on Home Rule to a Vast
Crowd of Englishmen on Their
Native Heath.
Elicits Enthusiastic Applause by
Reference to the Loyalty of
the Liberals.
The Irish Had Clasped the Hand
of Friendship Extended by the
British Democracy.
At a great gathering in Yorkshire
on Aug. 3, John E. Redmond, M. P.,
delivered an address to Englishmen
on the Home Rule question. He was
preceded by the Postmaster-General,
Mr. Herbert Samuel, who said in part:
"If they were truly a United King
dom such a statesman as Mr. Red
mond would have been a Cabinet Min
ister long ago. In no country of the
world except ours would it be possible
for the chief city of one of the great
provinces like' Dublin to be unvisited
by the Prime Minister of the country
for over a hundred years. The es
trangement which had so long con
tinued between Great Britain and Ire.
land had been the fault, not of the
people—for they had no quarrel with
one another—but of statesmen who
had not had the success of bringing
them together. He noticed that a
Unionist speaker in that district had
said that Ulstermen opposed to Home
Rule were born and bred under the
Union Jack and under the Union Jack
they would die. If that was all they
required they would be very easily
satisfied (laughter),for the Union
would remain floating over Ire
land when Home Rule was granted,
Just&j it waved over Montreal or
Quebec, or Sydney or Melbourne. If
by the side of the Union Jack there
graved in Ireland the Green Flag with
the Golden Harp where would be the
Mr. Redmond, who was enthusiasti
cally cheered, said he was gla.d to take
the opportunity of expressing to the
Postmaster-General, in the name of
Ireland, gratitude, not merely for his
sympathy with the Irish cause but for
the fact that he brought his clear
mind and powerful intellect to aid of
the Government in preparing the de
tails of the Home Rule bill, which had
both politically and financially given
satisfaction to the Irish people, and
which safeguarded the financial and
political interests, of Great Britain and
the higher interests of the Empire
So far as he could gauge public
opinion in this country the justice and
necessity of Home Rule for Ireland
had come to be accepted as their set
tled conviction during the past twenty
years. A blessed changed had been
brought about in Ireland. The great
principle for which Parnell had stood,
and which twenty years ago was de
nounced as robbery, confiscation and
anarchy, Almost had been enshrined
in an Act of Parliament, and the peo
ple were becoming owners of the soil
they tilled. In more than half of Ire
land landlordism had disappeared.
With it the crowbar brigade, evictions
and the destruction and burning of
the houses of the people had also dis
appeared and in place of that system
they had a smiling, happy and pros
perous peasantry.
Peace and crimelessness were to be
found today all over Ireland, and
while this was so they had the people
busy carrying out a system of local
government which they would remem
ber, Lord Salisbury had said was
more dangerous than Home Rule it
self. It had worked admirably, and
the people had shown themselves able
and efficient governor* of their own
affairs. In addition, the Catholic Uni
versity question had been settled by
agreement. But there was one thing
which remained unchanged, and which
was unchangeable, and this was ike
demand of the great mass of the Irish
people that they should have the right
-to govern themselves in their own
purely local affairs. All the arguments
of their opponents had lost their
cogency and flavor. All the old fears
had disappeared, and the efforts which
had been made to arouse the elector
ate to a state of excitement in opposi
tion to Home Rule had absolutely
failed. Twenty years ago the ques-
Uoa la Great Britain used to be—why brought together on this occasion."
should Ireland get Home Rule? To
•v it was—why should Ireland not
Home Rule? Only one reason
it was advanced. Their op
not say Home Rule was
did not pretend to argue
recent performances
Belfast would be a rather audacious
proceeding—that the Catholic major
ity would attempt to oppress and
persecute the Protestants, nor did
they pretend to argue that Home Rule
would disrupt the Empire or injure
the English people.
There was one argument, and it was
this although admittedly the over
whelming majority of the people of
Ireland want Home Rule, although the
majority of the elected representa
tives of Great Britain want it, al
though the self-governing colonies of
the Empire are unanimously in favor
of Home Rule, still Home Rule must
not be enacted, and must not pass
because a section of Ulster was against
it, and they were threatened with vio
lence and revolution if the Govern
ment seriously attempted to carry out
the will of the majority of the people.
It was ridiculous to say that Ulster
was against Home Rule. Only four
counties out of nine were against it.
As for the talk of revolution, history
would repeat itself. There was noth
ing in the shape of violent utterances
and threats of revolution which they
heard today which the English people
did not hear at various periods for the
last hundred years when almost every
proposal for reform was made. The
threats on past occasions came to ab
solutely nothing. They did resist
They did not cause revolution. Whyl
Because in every case in the past they
found the measure they were attack
ing was, when passed into law, a just
measure, and did not injure their
rights or liberties. The same would
happen now. If, when Home Rule
was passed, the Irish Parliament were
criminal and mad enough to enter on
a course of persecution of Protest-
P"tja. Pjutpj|tAnU woul^_. revolt,
and he said they would be right in
revolting, but when they found, as
they would find, that they would meet
with no oppression or persecution—
that the one great desire of the mass
of the Irish people would be to gather
all the sons of Ireland, of every creed
and class, into one united nation—
there would be no revolt, and he ven
tured to prophesy .hat before any
thing like a generation had passed
these men would be the strongest
Home Rulers in Ireland and would
form, perhaps, the most powerful par
ty in the Government of the country
(loud applause). After denouncing the
inflammatory language of the Union
ist leaders, and the recent attacks on
Home Rulers in Belfast shipyards, Mr.
Redmond said Home Rule would win
over not only the four millions in Ire
land, but the millions of the race
throughout the world. They had
grasped the hand of friendship held
out to them by the English democ
racy, and had clasped hands across
the chasm of the miserable memories
of centuries, and he said there that
day there was no power in the world
of prejudice, of ignorance, or of bigot
ry that could ever again separate the
two peoples (loud cheers).
Of Religious Reception and Profession
at St. Clara Convent, Sinsinawa.
At Saint Clara Convent on Monday,
August 12th, occurred the ceremonies
of religious reception and profession.
Twenty-four young women received
the habit of the Order, fifteen novices
made their simple profession, and six
teen sisters took final vows. High
Mass at 9 a. m. was celebrated by the
Rev. J, D. Kavanaugh. The cere
monies of reception and profession be
gan at 2 in the afternoon, the sermon
of the occasion being preached by the
Rev. Father Theunte, O. P. The exer.
cises were closed by solemn benedic
tion given by the Rev. J. J. Flaherty,
with Rev. W. D. Malone as deacon,
and Rev. G. E. Gormley as sub-dea
Gov. Wilson's Good Joke.
A number of citizens from Orange,
N. J., headed by Hon. Judge Dugan,
called on Governor Woodrow Wilson
to offer felicitations. On being in
troduced to the audience by Judge
Dugan, the candidate for president on
the Democratic ticket said: "You
may have noticed that I was a little
slow about beginning proceedings un
til I was introduced by Judge Dugan,
because I wanted to be sure that
there were some good Irishmen among
those 'Orangemen.' I was glad to
see the north and south of Ireland
Education Not Based on Religion
is Not Calculated to Make
Good Citizens.
Gladstone Says Every System is
Pernicious That Places God in
the Background.
What Famous Educators and Men
of Affairs Think of Mere Secu
lar Training.
The ideal American school system
is one which does not have religion
or morality as a necessary compon
ent part, says the Catholic Register.
Our educators know the necessity of
morality in education and in defense
of the present methods have been
forced to the absurd contention that
it is possible to teach morality with
out any positive religion. We are fed
with the theory that there is a non
sectarian morality. Before saying
anything on the necessity of sound
religious principles of definite dog
matic teachings as the basis of mor
ality, we will give the opinions of a
few men who cannot be accused of
Catholic bias.
A member of a "ministerial associa
tion" in a recent meeting of that body
said: "The masses are not being
taught religion as they should be. The
fact is that the young are made to
feel that religion is only a side issue.
They are made to feel that morals and
public decency are right, but religton
is not such a stern necessity. The
nation that neglects the worship of
.a..true,God." hp continued, "is doom
ed." He says, "Leave out religion and
irreligion is taught. Back of the mod
ern tendency to substitute morality
for Christianity is the false philosophy
that there can be a high morality
without religion."
Dr. W. Montague Geer, Vicar of St.
Paul's Episcopal Church in New York
City, in commenting on our public
school system, asks, "What is the re
sult of our malpractice? Why, we are
bringing up all over this broad land a
lusty set of young pagans who sooner
or later, they or their children, will
make havoc of our institutions."
Prof. James of Harvard University
says, "As a result of state education
we see college graduates on every side
of every public question. Harvard
men defend our treatment of the Fili
pino as the masterpiece of policy and
duty. Harvard men as journalists
pride themselves on producing copy
for any side that may enlist them.
There is no public abuse for which
some Harvard advocate may not be
"Any people." says ex-Superintend
ent Barrett of the state schools of
Iowa, "who attempt to make a school
system without due attention to mor
als will fail to accomplish their high
est purpose."
The French infidel, Guizot, has
written that in order to make educa
tion truly good, socially and useful, it
must be fundamentally religious.
Mr. Theirs, president of the French
republic, not a Catholic, said to the
legislative body: "We must make
education more religious than it nas
been up to the present moment, or if
we do not I tremble for the future of
Mr. Gladstone, of whose creed you
know well, has said, "Every educa
tional system which places religion in
the background is pernicious."
Daniel Webster, who as you know
was not a Catholic, when arguing the
Girard will case in Philadelphia said:
"In what age, by what sect, when,
where, by whom, has religion been ex
eluded from the education of youth?
Never, nowhere. Everywhere and at
all times it has been regarded as ?s
sential. It is the essence and the vi
tality of instruction."
"Educate men without religion,
says the Duke of Wellington, "and you
make clever devils."
In the Boston course of study
mapped out for the high school of that
city we read: "In giving instructions
in morals and manners, teachers will
at al'l times exert their best endeavors
to impress upon the minds of youth
principles of piety, justice and a sa
cred regard for truth: love of their
country, Christianity, moderation and
No one who has any idea of fixed
lesson there is th*j infallible Church
established by Christ to give tlnal and
authoritative answer. While the Am
erican Government theoretically ig
nores all forms of .religion, the mass
of the people is Christian. The Con
stitution is founded on Christian prin
ciples and the men who laid the foun
dations of our Republic were men
who put their falt'n in an all-ruling
personal God. ". The minority which
questions the necessity ol' moral teach
ing in our schools' is such a negligible
quantity that it deserves little con
sideration. The only question is the
manner of .accomplishing the desired
result. There are not a few educat
ors who try to believe that morality
can be taught without any definite
creed or dogma, 'for them the pres
ent system of educition can be made
perfect. While we admire thctr de
sires, we must sympathize with its
hopelessness. We believe that mor
ality is Impossible-' without religion.
principles of right and wrong, who
believes that there is* a certain well
defined code of morals, will question
the necessity of teaching morals to
our children. The Socialist, who meas
ures all things by economic determin
ism, and the agnostic and atheist,
who plan life without regard to a Di
vine Creator and Ruler, will be in op
position to us. But they are few in
the vast number who know God, at
least to some extent, and will admit,
even though the fact does not influ
ence their daily practical lives, that
God has put man under certain moral
obligations which cannot be disre
garded with impunity. And these
positive moral laws must be taught
just as we teach the alphabet and
multiplication tables. They are not
matters of speculation nor influenced
by latitude, longitude' or climate. We
may experiment in many things edu
cational, new theories may be ad
vanced in the domain, of science and In the trial of the English women in
speculative philosophy, but in morals Dublin for attacking the British Prem
there is little room for discussion and1 ier and attempting to burn tile Then
when discussion has learned its last tre Royal, Mr. T. M. Healy, K. C., ap-
We maintain thit jnprality must be
based on dogma.' liext week we will
write you and *'H1 endeavor to show
that there is such thing as a. con
sistent and permanent non-sectarian
Christian morality.
List of Leaders of Guardians of Lib
The following list of the fathers of
the new anti-Catholic organization,
the GuardUns of Liberty, appear in a
daily paper, and is given herewith in
order that our readers may have a
record of. them for future reference:
General Horatio C. King, Brooklyn,
N. Y. Dr. J. D. Buck, Cincinnati, O.
Rev. Charles L. Ooodell, I). D., New
York Isaac S. Hurst, Los Angeles
Rabbi Silverman, New York David
B. G. Rose, Louisville, Ky. Major Ed
win A. Sherman, Oakland, Cal. Roar
Admiral Leutze V. A. Pope, national
president Patriotic Order Sons of
America LaForest J. I'aige, secre
tary Vermont Consistory S2d degree
Robert E. French, grand custodian,
grand lodge, A. F. & A. M„ Nebraska
John Franklin Cmwell, president Am
erican Civic Alliance Colonel Prime,
president American nag Association
Colonel Henry U. Andrew, president
American Peace and Arbitration
League Louis A. Aines, president Em
pire State Society Sons of the Revo
lution Colonel Andrew, president
general Union Society of the Civil
War James B. (3ourlay, New York
state counselor, Junior Order II. A.
M. Rev. L. L. Hand, sta.te counselor!
Junior Order IT. A. M. of New Jersey
Major E. T. Paul!, "American Conti
nentals," Washington, D. C. The na
tional court, which is to be the gov-1
erning body, consists of this executive!
committee of five: Charles D. Haines,
chief guardian, head of the court
Lieutenant-Genera 1 Miles, chief attor-I
ney Major-General Sickles, chief cus
todian Rear-Admiral G. W. Baird,
chief vigilant, and Rev. A. E. Barnr-tt,
D. D„ chief recorder. "There is con
siderable interest in army and navy
circles," remarks a contemporary, "as
to how much 'liberty' the Guardians
have been taking with the names of
prominent Washingtonians."
Irish Centenarian.
Williams Bay, Wis., Aug. 17. T.
Sullivan, the oldest Irishman in 'he
United States, today signified his in
tention of attending the international
demonstration of the United Celtic
American societies at Chicago, Sept.
8. He will be 112 years old in No
vember, speaks Irish fluently, and can
yet dance a jig and reel.
By T. M. Healy in the Trial of
English Women for Outrages
In Dublin.
Palliates the Crime Committed and
Blames Ministry for not
Granting Demands.
In the United States that Kind of
Defense Bears the Name
of Pettifoggery.
peared for one of the prisoners. On
his way to court lie was vigorously
hissed. Alter the evidence was all in,
Mr. Healy addressed the jury on be
half of the accused. Needless to say,
counsel began, the lady in the do-k
was no ordinary criminal, nor in her
view and the view of those who sym
pathized with her, was she a criminal
at all and when the. objects for which
she stood indicted had been achieved
she, whom they were now asked to
send to prison, and those who were
indicted with her, would bo held in
honor and respect. She represented
a cause which had, not once, aut
many times, been approved by the
solemn vote of Parliament. Slio rep
resented an order of thought which
said when women were taxed to sus
tain the community they should have
a voice in the governing and distribu
tion of these taxes. She represented
the cause of those who said that when
women were allowed to choose Town
Councillors and County Councillors
they might, well be. allowed a voice
in the selection of members of Par
liament, who, from what he had seen
of them, were really not the extra
ordinary body of sacrosanct persons
that they might imagine. The ac
cused, with others, had been engage]
in this agitation for a considerable
time. In the course of it promises
had been held out. to them by respons
ible ministers that legal effect, should
be given to the wishes of that section
of the community who wished to have
a. voice in the distribution of the
taxes which they provided. These
ministers—not all of them, but sev
eral of them—instead of making good
their word, met these ladies with de
ceit and with Injury, and one of tliem
—a gentleman occupying the respons
ible position of the President of !li«
King's Council—to]r| thern that they
would not. be taken seriously uniess
they protested, as other franchise, re
formers had protested fifty years ago,
by burning down castles, as at. Not
tingham, or by tearing up the railings
of Hyde Park, as t.liey were, torn up
in '7. That was the language held,
not by rowdy corner boys, but by men
occupying grave, serious offices of
trust under the King's Government.
And these ladies, met with the taunt
that they were not serious, took up
the challenge of the Minister of State
and said they would show him
whether they were serious or not. It.
would not be his place to argue the
merits or demerits of this question.
They must, understand there were
special subjects which had inflamed
the minds of those ladies, the most
of whom lived in London, and who
saw perishing before their eyes year
after year an army of immolation, a
traffic in human beings, a traffic in
young girls whose lives were destroy
ed and blasted, whose parents were
I dishonored, and to rescue whom the
Government of the country never
lifted a finger. They were in horror
when the match was put to a theatre
curtain they were ablaze if petrol
was spilled upon the carpet. But
year after year two thousand young
girls were ruined in London, and these
women said to that Parliament of
men: "We have knocked and thun
dered at your doors, and never have
you raised a hand or voice to put
down this iniquity."
When the White Slave Traffic bill
came before Parliament it was sent
to a Grand Committee, presided over
by Mr. T. P. O'Connor, where it was
mauled and hacked out of shape. The
bill was sent back emasculated and
useless, to this Parliament that pre
tended to have the interests of wo
men at heart. And without voice and
without vote, these women are told that.'"
by the Cabinet that they were rot
serious. The same Cabinet inflicted
upon thousands of women a tax for
insurance purposes without allowing
them any voice as to how they would
be taxed. Upon special subjects
which concerned their sex they main
tained they had a better right to be
heard than they bad received. The)
maintained and insisted that until the
promise so often made to them was
kept no minister of the Crown should
have peace or ease. Further, they
said that Parliament never listened to
the voice of any unprotected class un
til outrages and crime had proved the
seriousness of the demand. There
was not upon the Statute Book of
England a single Act dealing with
measures of what he might call a
revolutionary kind until Hie momen
tum of disorder had produced the pas
sage of the measure.
Upon this night of July last, these
women came hither because tlie Prime
Minister of their country was visit
ing Ireland. They thought that, in
view of the fact that at the instance
of Mr. Asquith no less than sixteen
Irish members changed their votes on
the franchise question. In other
words, sixteen men who last year said
It. was right that, women should have
the franchise tills year voted it. was
wrong, almost in the space of a. re
volving moon. It occurred to these
ladles to come to the country which
was the home and focus and heart of
agitation to hear tho Prime Minister
talk and the criminals In tho dock
beard the Primo Minister refer to men
like Parnell and O'Oonnel] and hold
them up as glorious examples to their
Mr. Asquith was surrounded by
torch-bearers and welcomed by an or
ganization called tho Ancient Order of
Hibernians, which boasted that, it was
a. lineal descendant of Ilibboniuen,
and just as criminals like O'Connell
were now! honored with statues be
cause they won, so in the same wav
tho lineal descendants of tho Ribbon
men were honored by being the guard
of honor of the Prime Minister of
England. They hail only to turn to
the sta.tuto passed in their own life
time, which rendered every man who
surrounded hini that, night, had he
lived iu 1X72, liable to n. cell in Kil
mainbam Jail. When horror was ex
cited by the speeeli of his lea rued
friend, it. was well in this country to
remember tho past.
"And now," said Mr. Healy, "I lio.v
are the friends of Mr. Asquifli, And
today," he. added, "it is that society
which appoints the Lord Lieutenant,
which appoints the Attorney-General,
which appoints the Crown Prosecutor
iu Green strict." (laughter.)
Mr. Justice Madden—You will, in
your own good (line, come to the evi
Mr. Healy—I will, iny lord. He A'.is
showing the jury that, when the bauds
of horror were thrown up at: the acts
for which Gladys Evans was charged
it. was well, after all, to remember
what, the past of the country was, anil
by what means the liberties which we
now enjoy were achieved, a.nd the fur
ther liberties, which were to be. ex
tended to us—by what, means I .'ind
Acts and other Acts had hec.ii passed.
And it. was for following In the foot
steps of these successful criminals
if they liked—following in their foot-
long distance that these
ladles, whose acts bad excited so much
condemnation from his learned friend,
stood in the dock.
Irish Coal Mines.
it. is stated in a government return
recently issued that last year 790 per
sons were employed in Irish coal
mines, the output of coal being 84,684
tons, being an increase of 4,882 tons
over the preceding year, and 1,000 tons
of fire-clay.
Of the coal raiKed 71,535 tons were
anthracite, valued at 41,828 pounds,
the total value of the minerals being
49,048 pounds. There was only one
fatal accident.
In the metalliferous mines 814 per
sons were employed, the output being
123,690 tons (£36,044). There were
three fatal accidents 3,865 persons
were regularly employed in Irish quar
ries, the output being 1,496,731 tons,
valued at 202,555 pounds. Nine fatali
ties were recorded during the year.
It Wasn't Edible.
"A multi-millionaire iu a fashion
able restaurant," she said, "pointed to
a line on the menu and said to the
'I'll have some of that, please."
'I am sorry, sir,' the waiter an
swered, 'but the band is playing
For Reprinting Slanders on the
Catholic Church From
Walker's Menace.
The Offending N. Y. Publication
Fails to Apologize for its
Copied Insults.
Dignified Protest From a Reader
in Sioux City Who Publishes
His Objections.
The following letter to the Literary
Hi Rest of New York first appeared in
the True Voice of Omaha, Neb., from
the pen of Wm. L. Steele, of Sioux
City, la,, who objects to the reprint
ing of slanderous articles from the
Menace, Tho editor of the Digest, in
a, preface to the copied article, 1e
clared that because of the great cir
culation of the Menace "Its utterance*
arc. of Interest and importance to all
observers of religious thought." Mr.
•Steele was of a contrary opinion and
wrote to the editor of the Digest as
1 am a Catholic, and though It may
seom strange to you in the light of
Homo of the articles which you print
about the Church, Catholics are Arm
believers in free speech and the lib
erty of the press. They would prefer
tho abuse of these privileges to their
To lie. and to slander are certainly
abuses of free speech. The liars anj
slanderers may have their say and
then, if tlie Injured party can afford
it, a libel suit, is brought. In some
cases membership in tho Ananias
Clnb has been freely bestowed.
It has not been the policy of yiiur
magazine during the few years 1 have
followed it to spread slander and
calumny. It has avoided delicate sub
jects deftly. It has spread before its
readers weekly a fairly just survey of
events anil current opinion.
It. does seem to me, however, that
when it. comes to matters concerning
tho 'athollc Church your selections
betray an animus In tho editorial mind
which is directed toward possible
weaknesses, apparent abuses, any
thing which would seem to indicate
failure on the part of the Catholic
Church to fulfil I her divinely appoint
ed mission.
You have doubtless a great many
Catholics among your readers. Thfc
first copy of the Literary Digest I
ever saw was on the study table of a
Catholic priest. We do not expect
you to publish complimentary articles
about us, but we would like you to
bo fair.
I submit, that it Is distinctly unfair
to quote as you do from an editorial
published in a scurrilous paper which
shall be nameless so far as I am con
cerned. It is a sheet whose makeup
and character ought to bar It from
tho exchange, lists of any respectable
paper. I have been assailed by sam
ple copies of this sheet on several dif
ferent occasions. In all there waa
printed matter which, to say the
least, was indecent. In all there were
articles which, to say the least, WON
libelous. In all there were slanders,
inuendoes, slurs, insults directed
against the Catholic Church. In all
there were printed lists of the most
vile, degraded and nauseating books
that ever disgraced So-called "rell«
I gious" controversy.
If, in the interests of truth and
honesty, one must repeat the low gos
sip of the tap-room and servants'
quarters, one should be careful to
apologize in the same breath for the
infringement of eltquette committed.
One would hardly attempt to dignify
the source of such material as repre
sentative of a phase of religious
thought. It is a poor excuse to say:
"As report places its circulation well
along toward the million mark, 'ts
utterances are of interest and im
portance to all observers of religious
thought, and our readers are entitled
to a specimen of its opinion."
I have asked two .different Protest
ant ministers and one Protestant lay
man, all of whom are representative
men, all of whom are representative
of Methodist, Presbyterian and Con
gregational religious thought, wbat
they thought of the paper, which yJu
dignify by your mention. None of
them had ever beard of it.
Ever since the days of Brann's
$2.00 Per Year

xml | txt