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The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, January 25, 1919, Image 3

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn90059959/1919-01-25/ed-1/seq-3/

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Accusations Raised Against "Church
es" Do Not Apply to Catholic
Opponents Themselves Responsible
For Weakening of Her
When the Great War began there
were many who spoke of the bank
ruptcy of Christianity and the
churches. Now that the war has come
to an end, the same cry is raised in
a different version. In the face of the
reconstruction problems which we
must meet. Harry Emerson Foswick,
in the "Atlantic Monthly" (Jan. issue)
repeats the implication of the previ
ous inefficiency of the churches in a
lengthy article, and demands that the
leaders of religion must cease "mak
men suppose that religion is noth
ing more than a bribe for protection
by a benevolent God!" Christianity,
the Churches, should do more than
this, he says, thus taking for granted
that the churches have not pursued
anything more positive or construc
tive than a merely negative policy of
cajoling the public into membership
in a quasi soul-insurance association.
And the "New Republic," in a recent
editorial ("The Greatest of These"),
boldly accuses the churches of having
done nothing "before or during the
war," to "diminish the social bankrupt
cy. They are charged with having
"permitted the subordination of reli
gious to political authority and
with having "consented to the secul
arization of all human activities...."
These accusations are unjust, even
as applied to the non-Catholic
churches, and, as for the Catholic
Church, we deny them flatly. But even
if we concede that an awakening of
"the churches" to the duties of their
broader religious and social mission
might be .necessary, yet they should
not unqualifiedly be held responsible
for inaction or inefficient action when
the sources and causes of their seem
ing dereliction can be so easily dis
cerned. Many who now assail the
churches are "de facto" opponents of
their spiritual work they have per
mitted or even encouraged their "se
cularization". Instead of being the
religious center, many churches have
been made the "social center" in the
conventional sense, not in the socio
economic sense and the policies of the
ministers and of their congregated
bodies have been dragged down by the
secular thoughts and wishes of the
congregations many of those who pat
ronize the churches and profess mem
bership in them are but the eager pu
pils of masters who have been endeav
oring for centuries to cripple the
churches,—and primarily the Church
—, to neutralize their influence, to
relegate them to the rank of agencies
for the providing of a one-time-weekly
spiritual recreation,—with an obliga
tory two-months' vacation during the
summer season.
Individualism, exalted by Protestant
ism, and the newer Humanism have
cultivated an attitude of mind distinct
ly hostile to the Church—to any
church which represents spiritual au
thority. And as the Catholic Church
is the foremost exponent of the author
ity which binds men to their Maker
and holds them responsible to Him
and to her, as their divinely appointed
spiritual guide—the opposition of men
is directed chiefly against her. And
against her are directed the efforts
to curtail her influence for the good of
men. For the humanist, especially he
of the hewer school, hates her most
sincerely. With the humanistic ideas,
says a learned Dominican Professor at
the University of Fribourg in Switzer
land, Dr. Weiss, "belief in a church,
In the means of salvation, in the means
of grace, is incompatible. Humanistic
man is his own lord. If he sins, he
merely exercises his own right, and if
he wishes to cleanse himself again
from sin, he is sufficient unto himself
to do so. He will not allow it to be
said of him that he is ever in need of
divine or, much less, of human media
tion The hatred of the Church
and of the spiritual authority she rep
resents is hot confined to the mind of
the individual, but finds its expres
sion through many channels, "in scien
tific works, in leaflets and in
many other ways. And the other fac
tor, Individualism, urged and preached
in the literature of the last three cen
turies, essentially denies the authority
of the Church, and consequently op
poses it. How, then, can the descen
dants of those who have sought con
stantly and consistently to minimize
the authority and the influence of the
Church, dare to accuse her of not ex
erting a sufficiently active influence
of not doing "anything to minimize the
social bankruptcy"!
The "New Republic" maintains that
"they (the Christians and the church
es) have no sufficient apprehension of
the danger to the human spirit of the
concentration of such enormous auth
ority in the hands of irresponsible
classes and states," and that they tol
erated the subordination of religious
Unfounded Charges
Saturday, January 18, 1919 E I I S S A N A
to political authority. These accusa
tions may apply to many of the
churches, but they do not obtain with
reference to the Catholic Church. She
is and ever has been the opponent of
Absolutism. Prince Kropotkin, the
Russian Anarchist, whose views no one
will construe as being unduly favor
able to the Church, presents in his
book on Mutual Aid as a factor in Evo
lution, a striking picture of the influ
ence of the unfettered Church in the
struggle of the people against Absolut
ism. He tells us that during the 10.
and 11. century rich and poor alike,
nobleman and peasant, took part in
certain elections. "At the same time,
he writes, "the tendency existed in
most of the cities of Western and
Southern Europe to take a Bishop as
Protector, the city having itself elect
ed him and the number of Bishops
who thus led the cities when it was
necessary to protect their rights or to
defend their liberties, was so great
that many of them have been consider
ed saints and special protectors of
these cities after their death. St. Ethel
red of Winchester, St. Ulrich of Augs
burg, St. Wolfgang, of Ratisbon, St.
Heribert of Cologne, St. Adalbert of
Prague and others, and likewise many
Abbots and Monks were all made com
munity patron saints, because they
had conducted the defense of the
rights of the people. And under the
new protectors, lay and clerical, the
citizens obtained their own complete
judicial institutions and self-govern
ment in their peoples' assemblies."
And just as in these instances Bishops
of the Church fought the encroach
ments of Absolutism, the Church in
the Middle Ages fought the arbitrary
assumed power of rulers or ruling
classes. The famous Bishop Ketteler
of Mayence very correctly says: "The
egotistical abuse of the power of the
State, whether it designates itself as
being derived from the gace of God or
from the grace of the people, whether
the Roman emperor says: "My
pleasure is the law of the world," or
the Protestant prince declares: "Cujus
reglo, ejus religio" whether the so
called legitimate ruler says: "I am the
State," or Robespierre says "Liberty is
the despotism of Intelligence",—
all of this is the expression for the
same Absolutism of State power",—
and consequently counter to the laws
of God and the spirit of the Church.
The "New Republic" also claims
that the churches have "suffered the
secularization of human activities."
This accusation also does not hold
good as applied to the Catholic Church.
Even her constant opponents accuse
her unceasingly of preventing this se
cularization, and in this instance their
contentions may serve to protect her
from the contrary aspersion. "Flight
from the World", "Future-life Moral
ity", "Unworldly Philosophy",—these
are the very things she is accused by
her enemies of fostering. How, then,
can they, in the same breath, assail
her with the charge of permitting the
"Secularization of men's activities",—
the very issue she has been fighting?!
In view of these facts it is utterly
unfair to hold the Church responsible
for not exercising that wholesome in
fluence which her opponents have
ever been seeking to curtail. From
a Luther, who sought to eradicate the
Church, to a Voltaire, who raised the
cry for her destruction, and from a
Napoleon I. who took the Pope a pris
oner, down to the ruler who seized the
remnants of the Papal States, from a
Bismarck who tried to force her into
his absolutistic straight-jacket down to
those who would deny the Pope a seat
at the peace-table,—from that remote
date to this everything has been done
to cripple the influence of the Church.
And in spite of it all, critics ask why
she has not made use of this influence!
A bit of study of history and an en
deavor to cultivate a fairer judgment
would prove highly valuable to some
of those who are ever eager to call
the Church to task for occurrences
which meet with their disapproval. But
there is method in the endeavors of
those who fain would erect a temple of
Neo-Humanism on the ruins of St.
C. B. of the C. V.
At last accounts in the cemetery of
Mt. Valerian, Paris, were buried 280
of our American soldiers who died in
the Paris hospitals.
I got on a slow train, says Maize.
I told the conductor about the slow
ness of the train and he told me if I
didn't like it I had better get out and
walk. I said:
"I would, but my folks don't expect
me until the train gets there." In the
seat right in front of me sat a mother
with her fat boy. She handed the con
ductor a half-fare ticket and the con
ductor said:
"That boy is too large to ride on a
half-fare ticket."
"Well, said the mother, he wasn't
when he got on."
Georgia's Bigots Meet
With Defeat
Catholics Win a Splendid Victory in
Their Fight For Their Constitu
tional Rights.
A great fight has been fought and
won in Georgia.
The issue involved in recent popular
elections for members of the School
Board was "Should Catholic Women
Be Allowed to Teach in the Public
Schools?" The Rev. John Ham of the
Baptist Tabernacle led the fight
against Catholics, and before a great
crowd that braved a rainstorm, he
spoke at the Baptist Tabernacle in
Atlanta on the question of the politi
cal encroachments of Roman Catho
licism upon our public schools.
Amid intense enthusiasm, the pap
ers said, Mr. Ham declared he stood
for the personal right of every man to
be a Catholic religiously, if he so de
sired, but he opposed "political Catho
licism" in the educational system. He
declared he was opposed to men and
women who are subjects of the auto
cratic Roman Catholic Hiearchy be
ing appointed or retained upon the
public school faculty of the city.
The fight was a bitter one. The
Catholic men and women, the latter
under the able leadership of Mrs. O.
M. Varley, wife of the manager of the
Collier Publishing Company, rallied to
defeat the bill. Mrs. Varley was for
merly Miss M. F. Dowling of New Or
leans, and is a sister of the Rev. L. T.
Dowling, the well-known Jesuit. She
was educated at the Rosary Convent,
New Orleans. To Mrs. Varley's side
rallied also many earnest Protestant
women determined to down the bigots
who supported the movement.
The Atlanta Constitution, in a lead
ing editorial, the day preceding the
election, under the caption, "The Is
sue," spoke bravely in defense of
Catholics in the schools, the principals
of the three leading schools being
The following day, when the bigots
were defeated, the Constitution came
out with a magnificent leader. The
true people of Georgia, and of Atlanta
in particular, are to be congratulated
on the victory they have won.
There are many legends concern
ing the origin of music, but the fol
lowing account, which puts forth the
claims of the Emerald Isle, is cer
tainly one of the prettiest of them all:
In olden times, before music was in
vented in Erin, a chief named Cool
and his wife, Canola, lived together
unhappily, in constant quarreling and
disagreements. Cool was hasty, hot
headed and easily displeased. Canola
was fretful, impatient, sharp of tongue
and temper.
One day Cool came in tired and hun
gry from hunting. Perceiving that no
fire was made ready for cooking, he
became so angry he raised his hand to
lay it hard upon her. At that Canola
fled and Cool pursued.
Now there was never a woman
all Erin so fleet of foot as Canola,
and her husband could not overtake
her. By the border of Lough Neagh
she fled along the sands where are
wind pipes among the reeds and sedge
where 4he curlew and the plover
whistle shrill overhead like the ani
mate voice of that wild, free world in
which they dwell where hedges and
yellow broom stripe the gray-green
fields inland, and the gray-blue water
stretches away in a steely gleam
the dim horizon. Over the great, gras
sy hills of Tyrone, by the border
the swift, sparkling Foyle—on and
she fled till she drew near the bold
north coast, where the green moun
tains stand tall on their buttresses
rock, over the never-resting sea.
There first she stopped her speed
for, suddenly, in that lonely and deso
late spot, she heard a strange, sweet
sound unlike anything her ears had
ever known before. It rose melodious
ly in a plaintive cry, and then sank
gently again to a soft murmur, many
times repeated over and over.
Canola drew nearer and nearer to
the strange sound, till she came at last
to the edge of the sea and there
stranded on the coast, she saw the
skeleton of a great fish and the wind,
playing through its dried ribs, was
that which made the sweet sounds.
Being enraptured, she stood still to
listen. It was indeed then that Cool
drew near in his pursuit of her. He
too, heard the melodious sound, and
when he took witness to himself that
this wife was fascinated by what came
to her ears, he turned aside into a
grove bard by, where the sallies and
oziers drop their cascades and glim
mering silver upon the moss-grawn
Fr. PeriGord
Warmly Praised
Is Given Appreciation Filling Entire
Chapter in Book on
Dr. James A. Sheaver, president of
the Throop College of Technology in
California, and late chief field agent
of the United States council of nation
al defense, in his book, "The Nation at
War," devotes a whole chapter to an
appreciation of Capt. Paul Perigord,
the St. Paul Seminary professor. In
part he quotes from an address of Dr.
Albion W. Small of the University of
Chicago, given at the 1917 commence
ment of Colby college, in which Pro
fessor Small introduced his main
theme by a beautiful reference to the
heroic career of Perigord his former
graduate student. President Shearer,
Father Paul Perigord, Hon. George B.
Chandler of Hartford and Dean Guy
S. Ford of the University of Minne
sota, who has edited the "Red, Whitea
and Blue Books," traveled together in
the interests of the National Bureau
of Information.
Dr. Shearer (p. 138) describes the
honor table at a banquet given Father
Perigord by the Idaho Knights of Co
lumbus: "There was Perigord",, a
Frenchman, and brought up as a Cath
olic, the guest of honor. Sitting peace
up a Lutheran, of German ancestry,
ably at his side was myself, brought
Next to me was a Catholic priest, and
next to him a Scotch Presbyterian min
ister. Then came the secretary of the
Idaho Council of Defense, a loyal Mor
mon. Presiding over the feast was the
Hebrew governor, Moses Alexander,
while sitting between him and Peri
gord was the Catholic Bishop of the
diocese. But we were all assembled
for war work, and we exemplified
what is happening elsewhere."
"There is but one Church in the
United States which has stood right
up and defied all this drift and all
these new fangled notions. It is the
Roman Catholic Church, and it has the
biggest churches and the largest con
gregations, and flourishes in the tough
est neighborhoods. It is the mightiest
social influence in all our cities, and
we know it," says Rev. Fred Hopkins,
minister of Pilgrim Congregational
Church, Chicago.
sod where the poplar leaves and the
ash seeds clash like soft cymbals in
the breeze.
There he cut down a slim sapling,
scooped the wood of it into a bow, and
strung lengths of deer-gut within. Then
he drew his fingers across the strings,
and a sound that was still sweeter
than that made by the wind in the
bones of the great fish issued there
Now, Canola, hearing it proceeded.
When she came to the edge of the
wood her eyes fell upon Cool, but in
stead of again giving speed to her
fleet feet, she let them draw her near
er to where her husband stood, and
he, noting her approach, held out his
arms, and she entered in between
them and fell on his breast. So then
they kissed one another and return
ed to their home hand in hand.
And ever after from that day Cool
and Canola lived in concord and har
mony together, having eased all their
troubles before the gentle muse of mu
Private Cecil Chesterton, of the
Highland Light Infantry, British Ex
peditionary Forces, died on Friday,
December 6th, at the 55th General
Hospital, Boulogne, from an illness
contracted in the trenches during the
closing days of the war.
This brief announcement tells of the
passing of another noted English con
vert and journalist who a few years
ago visited this country and lectured
here before various Catholic organiza
tions. Cecil Chesterton was the
brother of the equally celebrated Eng
lish journalist, G. K. Chesterton, who
during the" absence of the former in
the service in France, held editorial
control of the journal that the de
ceased had founded, the New Witness,
and which has achieved wide circula
tion and won great respect for its
fearless stand in English politics.
Cecil Chesterton was a consistent and
persistent friend of Ireland, always
urging her claims and uncovering
English stupidity. Cecil Edward Ches
terton at the time of his death was in
his thirty-ninth year. He was edu
cated in St. Paul's school and entered
ournalism in 1901. In 1912 he was
received into the Catholic Church by
Rev. Sebastian Bowden. Cecil Ches
terton was identified in his later edi
torial career with Hilaire Belloc.
The Manchester Guardian, one of
the most powerful and influential pa
pers in England, makes the following
just plea for Ireland:
Let it be realized at once that it
will be entirely impossible to exclude
the question of Ireland from the pur
view of the Peace Conference. Ther
will be a demand, of course—it has
been made already—for direct rep
resentation of Ireland by the Irish at
the Conference.
Yet, after all, Ireland may put for
ward a claim not less worthy of at
tention than that, say, of the Czecho
slovaks or of the Jugo-Slavs, whose
case will occupy the very serious at
tention of the Conference and whose
spokesman will presumably be heard.
No doubt, but it will be said that
Parliament, and not the Peace Con
ference, is the tribunal to which Na
tionalist Ireland should carry her
griefs that it is a purely domestic
matter with which nobody but our
selves is competent to deal, and that
any attempt to take it out of our hands
and bring external opinion, let alone
external action, to bear would be in
stantly and uncompromisingly resist
The answer to this is that Ireland
has been appealing to Parliament for
generations, and her representatives
even allege that not only has the
oft-promised measure of freedom
been dashed from Ireland's lips, but
that nothing has been done to help
her and satisfy a claim long since ad
mitted to be just, but that the Prime
Minister, who is ultimately responsi
ble for all that happens or does not
happen in Ireland was once known
as a friend of other small nations,
but that no word of help or release
comes from him that, on the con
trary, whereas in old days his politi
cal opponents lashed Ireland with
whips, he attempted and is even Mow
threatening to lash her with scor
pions, and that in all England no ef
fective voice is raised in protest on
her behalf.
There is at this moment a more
New York.—The population of Great
Britain exceeds 41,000,000. If the flg
lires used by the inland revenue com
missioners are to be the guide, the rel
ative potentiality of Ireland and Great
Britain in civilian war effort, is, in re
spect of personal service, in the ratio
of 1 to 15 and in respect of wealth of
1 to 28.
If account were taken of income, the
disparity would be much more marked,
and the ratio, at the lowest estimate,
would be 1 to 30. Few persons en
joy large incomes from commerce
alone in Ireland. The result clearly
demonstrates that Ireland's contribu
tion to the war is astonishingly great.
For in stance, the total sum contrib
uted by England and Wales on "Our
Day" last year amounted to 341,631
pounds. The wealth of England and
Wales is, as shown, at. least twenty
five times that of Ireland. Hence Ire
land's proportionate offering would
have been 13,665 pounds. It actually
amounted to 62,600 pounds.
Contributions from Ireland represent
all social grades of the people and
all religious denominations. Catholic
and Protestant, nationalist and union
ist, rich and poor, have shown in the
most practical manner their loyalty
to the Red Cross and to other war
funds. When the Red Cross pageant
paraded the Btreets of Dublin the po
litical leaders of every school ex
pressed by word and by action their
respect for the Geneva convention.
medical and nursing profes­
sions have been well represented.
American Plan
$2.90 to $5.00
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How Can Peace Conference
Draw Any Distinction?
Only American PlanlJHotel in City
Zbe pheasant "Room
Dancing Every Evening, 9 to 12 P. M.
regorous repressive regime in force
in Ireland than there was in the
palmiest days of Mr. Balfour's Irish
administration and the twenty year's
or resolute government.
How is it possible in the eyes of the
world and the Peace Conference to
draw any line of distinction between
the case of Ireland and the case of
other subject nationalities? There
has been infinite reluctance on the
part of this country to recognize
that there is such a thing as Irish
Yet, there it is staring us in the
face at' it has stood through all her
history, but demanding but justly de
manding, with insistence, recognition
and remedy. True it is, no doubt,
that the question is not simple, but
that there are two Irelands, and that
their claims clash. Of what other
subject nationality cannot the same
thing be said? Of which of the half
dozen or dozen small peoples whose
claims the Peace Conference will be
called upon to adjust is it not also
true that they contain within them
separate and dissenting elements?
In all these cases adjustments will
have to be made, compromises ar
ranged, securities given. Why is the
case of Ireland to be accorded some
thing more than securities and the
fairest possible treatment? Why is
it to be permitted forever to bar the
way to peace?
We do not know whether tjje prob
lem is too hard for the present gov
ernment. Probably the reason why
its policy has appeared to develop on
the side of violence and provocation,
rather than that of statesmanship and
appeasement, is that, the will or the
power for the second of those policies
is lacking and that the government
—or the predominant forces within it
—have consciously or unconsciously
sought to cover this dreadful defeat
and failure by a course which substi
tutes force for policy, and is reckless
of liberty and reckless of blood.
(As passed by Censor.)
Ireland is at a crisis in her fate.
Your voteB may determine whether she
is once again to be free and glorious
or further condemned to wasting slav
Stand fast by Ireland. As Eve
so will you be betrayed if you suc
May the blood of our martyrs
through the centuries inspire you! May
the bones of Brian of Clontarf repos
ing in your midst! May Benburb and
the Yellow Ford, where your ances
tors in victory routed the self-same
enemy that opposes you today!
Munster and Connacht and Leinster
and Ulster have struck world-blows
for Irish liberty.
Shall the nursery of Freedom, Ul
ster of the O'Neils and O'Donnells
strike the traitor blow?
"O Uladh, last to bend the knee,
awaken—give to those knaves
the lie!
Say you stand still, unawed, un
Dought, unshaken, true to the
days gone by!"
Sinn Fein stands for an independent
unfettered Ireland.
Victory for Sinn Fein is victory for
Ireland. Defeat for Sinn Fein is de
feat for Ireland.
Patrick and Brigid and Columcille
inspire you! We have staked Ireland's
destiny on your patriotism and honor.
tempted by the apple, so are you be
ing tempted today—and
Eve was,
European Plan
$1.00 to $3.00

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