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The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920, February 01, 1919, Image 4

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Publish*! by tk«
HlBBMpolla, lllUL
PMblUihod Saturday at Merohanta and Jobbsrs Exchanit
ttullflni', corner First Annut North and Fifth Stntt, lllnns
laBolla, Mlna.
W. Nicollet 2S08. Trl-Stat« S7 273
91x BiSDths 1.00
Magi* coylss ft
Week February 1-8.
Feb. 1, Saturday—St. Ignatius.
Feb. 2, Sunday—Candlemas Day.
Feb. 3, Monday—St. Blasius.
Feb. 4, Tuesday—St. Andrew Corsini.
Feb. 5, Wednesday—St. Agatha.
Feb. 6, Thursday—St. Thcophilus.
Feb. 7, Friday—St. Romuald.
It has become apparent that an attempt will be
made by the British representatives at the Peace
Conference to deprive Ireland of the right of a bar
ing of her claims before that great international tri
bunal. This is indicated in the preliminary outline
of the program of procedure wherein there is made
a distinction between justifiable and non-justifiable
questions submitted for adjudication. Each of the
live great powers will, it is proposed, have the abso
lute right to decide in any particular instance in
which it is concerned, belongs to the former or to the
latter class of issues. Tf the delegates of any of
these governments decides that an issue introduced
for consideration and adjustment, is a non-justifi
able one, such an issue may be barred from a hear
ing of tlie general conference.
It may be said in. defense of such a rule that it
grows out of the necessities of the situation, for
btherwise the conference would be flooded and over
whelmed with a tide of grievances, real or imagin
ary, emanating from every part of. the world, and
involving every nation under the sun. And yet if
a rigid application of it were made, there would be
a denial of jurisdiction and remedial treatment of
sotfie of the most important and dangerous' prob
lems whose solution is requisite for the future peace
of mankind.
It is quite within the range of probability that in
the case of Ireland, under such a rule, the four Brit
ish delegates, all of whom are hostile to Irish nation
ality, would decide that the Irish question is non
justifiable, that it is purely and simply a domestic
quarrel which the British authorities reserve the
right to settle in their own way and at their own
time. The case of the appeal of the Trish nation,
if this view were sustained in the general confer
ence, would be thus barred of a hearing on the tech
nical ground of the rule adopted. The merits of the
case would not be heard or given to the forum of
the world. Doubtless this is the anticipation and
purpose of Lloyd George and his associates of the
British delegation. Knowing the strength and sol
idity of the claims of Ireland as based on truth, his
tory and precedent, they would be glad to escape
the difficult task of answering them on their merits,
and would resort to pettifogging legal tactics to
prevent the opening of the debate.
This may be sharp legal practice, .but it is not
statesmanship of the kind that the world situation
now demands. President Wilson has well intimated
that it is not the formal decisions of the conference
that are to be depended upon in their appeal to the
support of humanity, but rather the good faith and
sincerity of the representatives of the nations assem
bled to formulate them. The decrees, findings,
orders and judgments of the great tribunal must be
based on the fundamental principles of justice and
fair play in order to be entitled to the acceptance
and approval of mankind, without
What is Ireland and the Sinn Fein party, which
must now assume the burden of leading the nation,
doing to meet this phase of the situation? It be
comes the duty of all the friends of the old land to
"go along" on the policies that have been so- em
phatically indorsed at the recent polling. All should
bear a hand that British intrigue, chicanery and
special pleading may not bar the door of liberty to
Ireland while the other oppressed nations are being
restored to their historic and racial rights. It is
a time for careful study and analysis of the matter,
so that it may be presented worthily and fully at
the world tribunal. It is a time for taking counsel.
In multitude of counsel, says the adage, there is
safety.- Ireland's case should be made ready, both
for the initial pleading and the subsequent hearing
on the merits of her cause.
1 0 0
become a nullity, like those of the Hague Confer
It will not do to shelf the Irish question in this
perfunctory kind of procedure. It is large enough
and important enough in the eyes of the world to
demand attention on its merits. The people of Ire
land have spoken in no uncertain voice at the last
general election. They have elected as theii* parli
mentary representatives a body of 72 men, compris
ing nearly three-fourths of the entire number of
seats, who were pledged in advance not to sit in a
British parliament, but jn an Irish one. Surely this
is a clear and convincing self-determination and
proclamation of the sovereignty under which they
desire to live. Shall they be coerced then to live
under an alien sovereignty? If sp then the four
teen points of President Wilson, which have been
accepted in substance as the basis of peace and the
future regulation of the affairs of the world would
be treated as a nullity—vox et praterea nihil.
It is said that the Russian soviet leaders have
objected to the place designated by the Allied Pow
ers for a conference—Prince's Islands, which is a
summer resort in the Sea of Marmora near Constan
tinople, with good bathing facilities. Is it because
the Bolshevist "intellectuals" are not quite sure -of
the effect a dip in the salt water may.have upon
their ideas of things in general A few good plunges
into the sijrf might have the effect of setting Up a
counter-revolution in the systems of these diffident
they mav
To the Patriarchs, Archbishops, Bishops and other
ordinaries of the Catholic world:
That, for which the whole world has long sighed
which' Christianity has implored with fervent pray
ers, aind for which we, interpreter of the common
sorrow, have never ceased to pray with the heart
of the Father intent on the good of all—that' has
come in a moment at' last the clash of arms has
ceased. True, peace has not yet in solemn fashion
brought to an end the £reat war, but the road to
peace has been opened happily with the armistice,
which has meanwhile suspended slaughter and' de
vastation by land, sea and air. Many and various
reasons could be given to explain the suddenness of
the event: but, if the supreme reason be sought,
there is no other way but to look above to Him.
Who rules all events. Moved to compassion by the
unceasing prayer of His servants, He now lets hu
manity breathe again after so many trials and sor
rows. W hile, then, all thanks are being given to the
Lord for this wonderful boon. We are glad that
many imposing demonstrations of piety have taken
place in the Catholic world to that end.
It remains now to implore of the Divine mercv
that the crown be put on the gr^at gift accorded
us. Soon the delegates of the various nations will
meet in solemn congress to give to the world a just
and lasting peace no human assembly has ever had
before it such serious and complex determinations
as they will have to take.
Words, then, are not required to show how great
need they have of being illuminated from on high
that they mav carry out their great task well. Ami
as their decisions will be of supreme interest to
humanity, there is no doubt that Catholics, fur
whom the .support of order and civil progress is a
duty of conscience, must invoke Divine assistance
for all who take part in the Peace Conference. We
desire that that duty be brought before all Catholics.
1 herefore, venerable brothers, in order that there
may come from the congress, shortly to be held,
that great gift of Heaven, true peace, founded on the
Christian' principles of justice that enlightenment
from the Heavenly Father may descend on them, it
shall be your care to order public prayers in each
parish of your dioceses in the way you may think
most convenient.
As for tis, representing, however unworthilv, [esus
hnst, King of Peace, we shall exert all the influ
ence of Our Apostolic Ministry that the decisions,
which are taken to insure forever in the world tran
quility of order and concord, be willingly accepted
and faithfully carried out by Catholics everywhere.
As harbinger of Celestial favors and pledge of our
benevolence, to you, venerable brethren, and to your
clergy and people we impart from our heart the
Apostolic Benediction.
Given in Rome at St. Peter's on the first day of
December, 1918, the fifth vear of our Pontificate.
That socialism of the Bolshevikist type is not
destined to flourish and prosper even among the
ruins of the old German empire was amply demon
strated in the recent elections. A few weeks ago
in these columns we predicted that the German
people would not ''take to" the highly adventurous
and hazardous schemes of the Lenine-Trotzkv em
piricists, basing our conclusions on the belief that
Bolshevikism will not take deep root among anv
people where the masses have enjoyed the benefits
of a common school education. Illiteracy is the
top-root of the Balsheviki plant, and wherever the
vast majority of the people are possessed of the
ability to read and write, it will not thrive. Blind
credulity and fatuous gullibility are the elements of
the social soil which chiefly sustain and stimulate
its growth, and these are not usually to be found
where the common schools have been established for
a few decades.
Not only the people of German land but the whole
world may well rejoice theVefore at this critical
juncture of human affairs that the tidal wave of riot
and loot centering in Russia has received a decisive
setback in its destructive course. Had the spartacan
element won a victory in the German contests the
whole European situation would have been greatly*
aggravated and the work of the Peace Conference
would have been prolonged almost indefinitely.
There would doubtless have followed an orgy of
anarchy and chaos that would have required for
their suppression another colossal draft upon the re
sources of the civilized world,, and would have been
attended with an epoch of misery, starvation arid
looting such as is prevalent in Russia.
The returns so far available indicate that th*
spartacans who had adopted the title of Indepen
dent Socialists, were relegated to fifth place among
the six important elements in the German election,
having succeeded in electing only 24 representatives
in a total of about 500. The F.bert party, the "Ma
jority Socialists," are credited with 164 seats, the
Christian Peoples' party, the Centrist, or socalled
Catholic party, with 88, the German Democratic
party with 77. the German National Peoples' party
(the Junkers) with 34, and the German Peoples'
party with 23. In sprne of the electoral districts,
including Alsace-Lorraine and parts of Poland,
there was no participation in the election, these dis
tricts being no longer in the German domain.
It is interesting to note that the Center party, the
socalled Catholic party, comes second in strength
to the Majority Socialists. The Centrists, or Chris
tian Peoples' party, rallied to its support the out
and-out opponents of Socialism. These included not
only a vast majority of the Catholic voters but also
a strong contingent of Lutherans, who have adopted
the Catholic view of the Socialistic tenets.' This
party swept the Rhineland by a two to one vote,
winning eight seats in the Aix-la-Chapelle district
alone. Inasmuch as the Ebert faction, though the
most numerous in the new government, will still be
only a minority party. It must seek affiliations and,
combinations with one or more of the other con
tingents to maintain its control of the situation. But
it will not be obliged td link up with the Bolsheviki
spartacans. It is quite apt to negotiate a working
agreement with the powerful Centrists and some of
the conservative elements of the other parties, rather
than with any of the radical elements.
In the lines of cleavage the several parti'es ran
true to their old form, regardless of the-socalled
"revolution," all classes voting in accordance with
their special interests, with the exception of the
Centrists, who stood boldly on their anti-socijdistic
principles. It is readily seen that when there is real
danger impending1, the German glasses are intelli
gent enough to repudiate the Marxians, whom they
formerly tolerated with some complacency as poten
tial mediators in other countries when the interests
of the empire might require their services.
During the world war many German leaders gave
expression to their opinions regarding its origin
and significance from the standpoint of the Teu
tonic policies. These included militarists, states
men, diplomats, professors, phil6sophers, socialists,
theologians and scientists of more or less general
repute. But so far as we are able to recall, there
was none of these that evinced clear-headed think
ing and genuine logical reasoning in so great a
degree as the writings of Prince Lichnowskv. form
er representative of the German empire in Great
Britaiin. Not onlv Germany but the whole world
will be benefited in the course of the future by the
cle\ er and comprehensive review of conditions ex
isting immediately before the opening of the war.
which he compiled as a sort of apology for his own
position. He did not intend that this review of
the situation should be given publication, but hap
pily his plans in this regard -were inadvertentlv up
set, and the literature and historv of the great Arma
geddon has been thereby greatly enriched.
In Prince Lichnowskv's illuminating survey of
the European status at the opening of the war is
condensed a profound and penetrating study of the
international relationships then existing. As one
catches its scope and scholarship, there comes the
thought, here is a real statesman here is a man
who writes with greater breadth of view, depth of
comprehension, and up-to-date knowledge of facts
than any of the rest of his countrymen. He is not
intoxicated with megolomania as they are. His feet
are always on the ground, and his head in excellent
working order. He realizes the natural and politi
cal limitations of the empire, and strenuouslv de
nounces the swell-headed politicians whose schemes
he foresees will lead it to disaster and destruction.
Unfortunately for herself and the rest of the
world. Germany has but few Lichnowskvs. It is
men of this type that should be now put control
of its administration if the "revolution" is to lead to
sanity and sobriety of conduct, rather than the
socialistic tribe of vacillating empiricists, who are
completely "up in the air" as to governmental plans
and policies. Having at last woke up to their na
tional folly, the German people gave short shrift to
the spartacan Bolsheviki. At the coming assem
blage of the representatives of the people the pres
ent provisional government announces that all
power will be surrendered.,to that body and when
that is done, it would not be surprising to see that
the whole socialistic outfit would be thrown into
the discard.
The German people would then do well to look
about for men of the Lichnowsky type and place
them in the seats of leadership, if they desire a
speedy regeneration and rehabilitation of their na
The intention recommended by our Holy Father
for the month of February will meet with ready re
sponse from American Catholics. He asks us to
pray in particular for soldiers.
We are justly proud of our soldier boys. In
every circumstance they have borne themselves in
a way that was a credit to them and the flag they
followed. When they entered military service they
had no military traditions to guide them. The busi
ness of soldiering was foreign to them. Fired by
the sacred cause to which they answered the call,
they soon surprised the world. When the first con
tingent of American troops arrived in Europe the
French and British officers did not take them quite
seriously. It could not be allowed that green civ
ilians could be turned into soldiers in a few months.
The boys asked for a chance. They got it and his
tory will tell how they made good. Every com
mander in Europe will ungrudgingly acknowledge
that no finer work was done by any section of the
Allied army than that done by the Yankee dough
boys. In this we are honestly proud.
There is one record of our boys tha't gives us
more pride than their record of valor and heroism.
They were the cleanest body of men that ever made
an army. Too much praise cannot be given our gov
ernment for what it did to make them so. Every
possible moral safeguard was thrown around the
American troops. They were not 'only given full
opportunity to attend to their religious duties, but
the officers co-operated with the chaplains in every
way to help them to keep up the religious spirit of
the men. Precisely because they were clean thev
were victorious. As soldiers and as Christian gen
tlemen the American troops have done all that could
be asked of them.
Now that the war is over they will meet dangers
that are more insidious and more deadly than trench
or open field fighting. \ye do not expect that our
boys are wiser than Solomon or stronger than Sam
son. The devil still "finds work for idle hands to
The army of occupation will have little to do in
the way of active work. We know the dangers of
idleness. The natural courage that is the heritage
of every true American carried the boys "over the
top. It will need the grace of God to protect them
in the new dangers that' they now must meet.
The boys who are returning home will be treated
like conquering heroes. They deserve it and we do
not begrudge it to them. Few can stand the adula
tion of the multitude. For the boys who come.home,
we must pray that God give them grace and cour
age to carry themselves through these dangers with
the same fine, clean manhood with which they
braved the dangers of tattle.
It has required the utmost of the exertions of the
musical genius Paderewski to evolve harmony out
of the discord in Poland. But he seems at last to
have struck the right key and the whole population
is iri unison with him. The world is now anxiously
looking for a musician whose powers may charm the
savage breasts of the bolsheyists.
(Kansas City Star.)
The president's secretary in a letter gtves the fol
lowing memorandum showing the religious affilia
tions of President Wilson and members of the cabi
President Wilson, Presbyterian,
Secretary of State Lansing, Presbyterian.
Secretary of Treasury McAdoo (resigned), Epis
Secretary of War Baker, Episcopalian.
Attorney General Gregory, Presbyterian.
Postmaster General Burleson, not personally af
filiated family mostly Baptists.
Secretary of Navy Daniels, Methodist.
Secretary of the Interior Lane, Presbyterian.
Secretary of Agriculture Houston. Episcopalian.
Secretary of Commerce Redfield, Episcopalian.
Secretary of Labor Wilson. Presbyterian.
The president is not a member of any secret lodge
or organization other than college fraternities.
Swing out and upward, now, America—
Today, tomorrow—always—for thy power
Is blown with youth's clear voice and fiery dreams
Along the troubled pathways of the world.
Art thou not charged with Destiny's stern mandate
To lead Karth's Races to the Promised Land,
O'errun with milk and honey, fruits and flowers?
Swing out. America, the tocsin's sounding.
Democracy's great word must now be enrolled
Upon the blue horizon-skies of time
In letters large with life.
Golden and starred witn flame.
Shot through with unconquerable flame,
Democracy's Great Word must now be writ—
Must now be writ indeliblv
—From J. Corson Miller's poem,
"Forward America."
Mr. Miller has dedicated a volume of his poems to
Our Blessed Ladv, and is a devout Catholic.
The British empire, with its dependencies, is rep
resented at the Peace Conference by 14 delegates
as against the five allotted to each of the other four
great powers.
This reminds one of the old stanza of Lord Byron:
"The world is a bundle of hay
Mankind are the asses who pull.
Each pulls in a different way,
But the biggest of all is John Bull."
Now that prohibition has won a knock-out in the
bout with John Barleycorn, would it not be proper
to make appropriate recognition of the heroes who
provided the most cogent and decisive arguments in
the cause? These include the "horrible examples,"
who were rounded up regularly in the police courts
from time to time so long as they had the oppor
tunity. And were not unavoidably absent by reason
of previous service. Iron Crosses should be awarded
to these veteran arguments for prohibition, while
something made of bone should be devised to re
ward the liquor dealers who sold their wares to
them without restriction or compunction.
To be Bolsheviki or not to be Bolsheviki
the question in Russia.
Another enemy of universal humanity, the high
cost of existing, is showing signs of impending de
feat. Some of his most advanced bastions, which
have been so long held by the invincible butter and
eggs forces, are beginning to retreat from their
Hindenburg lines. Other commodities may be soon
expected to join the march back to normal condi
tions. The downward trend and final overthrow
of this universal foe will be acclaimed with a re
joicing second only to that of the victory of the
How do those bolsheviki pull their shirts off over
their whiskers? asks a local paragrapher. Huh!
Why should a bolshevist take his shirt off at all?—
Catholic Register, Kansas City.
In replying to the address of King George of
England, President Wilson referred to "me and
Mrs. Wilson."
President Wilson was right in the order of refer
ence. In every day affairs, courtesy and gallantry
would demand the formula "Mrs. Wilson and me"
but it was to the President of the United States that
the honors of the occasion were shown.
Wasn't it Richelieu who spoke of "Ego et rex
meus"? And someone remarked that while it was
good Latin, it was poor allegiance.
—The Monitor (Newark, N. J.)
Edward N. Hurley, chairman of the United States
Shipping Board, has entered a protest against the
terms "reconstruction" and "Readjustment" now so
freely used in connection with post-bellum affairs.
These terms, Mr. Hurley points out, imply "going
back to something, and we're not going back, we
are going ahead. Therefore, I say, call the present
era in the history of our country the era of progress."
Mr. Hurley's point is well taken, and he might
have added further the aphorism of Secretary Sher
man at the time of the resumption of specie pay
ments in 1819, "the way to resume is to resume."
"Here Wilhelm sleeps. For Mercy's sake,
Tread softly, friend, lest he should wake."
—From "The Laughing Willow"
(Doran), by Oliver Herford.
Prohibition has been indorsed by three-fourths
of the American states and the constitutional
amendment will soon be duly made a part of our
organic law. That amendment will doubtless lack
the approval of a number of the states of the Union,
which will nevertheless be subjected to its provis
ions. This is democracy in America. If a measure
pertaining to any great public question was pro
posed in Ireland, but failed to receive the approval
of a few counties in Ulster, it would be rejected.
Such is the "democracy" of Great Britain.
-that is

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