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Made copies 1 i&k' Si I ik I fS «r*'» vwws I Published by tb* KORTHBRN PRINTING AND PUBLISHING COMPANY, 422 to 430 Flr«t Av». No. Minneapolis, Minn. Published Saturday at Merchants and Jobbers Exchange Sutldlnv, corner First Avenue North and Fifth Street, Minne apolis, Ulna. W. Nicollet 2308. Trl-State 37 273 TERMS PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. bat year CHURCH CALENDAR. Feb. 8—Saturday—St. Denis. Feb. 9—Sunday—St. Cyril. Feb. 10—Monday—St. Scholastica Feb. 11—Tuesday—Mary of Lourdes. Feb. 12—Wednesday—Seven Servites. Feb. 13—Thursday—St. Maura. Feb. 14—Friday—St. Valentine. IRELAND OUT OF WESTMINSTER. Many friends of Ireland are coming into the belief that it is futile to continue to send representatives of Irish parliamentary constituences to sit at West minster and participate in the proceedings of the British ,government. This has long been the policy of the Sinn Fein party, and the seventy-three mem bers won by it in the last election had pledged themselves in advance not to accept either seats or salaries as members of the British Parliament. Proclaiming this as a part of their platform of prin ciples they went before the several electorates and received the strong indorsement of the people. Nearly all of them were elected by big, sweeping majorities. Thus it was emphatically^ demonstrated that over two-thirds of the electors of Ireland con curred in the policy of abstention from participa tion in the affairs of the Empire. Even some of the Nationalist party who had been followers of Paijiell and Redmond, had entertained the belief that they would best serve their country's interests by refraining from debating and voting on all parliamentary measures except those in which the affairs of Ireland were immediately concerned, justifying their acceptance of seats at Westminster only on the ground that it afforded them the op portunity of making public protest against the the Union.- They were persuaded to continue their attendance at Parliament by -the counsel of the ma jority of their party, who in turn were deceived from year to year and from decade to decade by the sol emn promises and pledges of leaders. In this way Irish representation has been continued since the time of the Gladstone Home Rule bill of 1886 and up to the passage of the Home Rule statute in 1914, which was suspended because of the alleged pressure of the exigencies of the war. It was a logical consequence of the Sinn Fein objective ever since the beginning of that organiza tion that Ireland should neither ask or accept repre sentation in the Parliament of Britain. Denying the basic claim of English jurisdiction in Irish af fairs this small group of patriotic workers declared the inconsistency of maintaining the right of Ireland to complete independence while the nation was send ing at each election a delegation of representatives to participate in the British government at West minster. And now, after four decades of futile attempts at reconciliation and adjustment of the Irish problem, two-thirds of the people of Ireland have come to accept the Sinn Fein view of the matter. A British Parliament without representation of two-thirds of Ireland thereto will constitute a striking object lesson to the world regarding the vaunted British boast of democratic government. The attention of the nations assembled at the Peace Conference will be focussed on these vacant seats, despite all that British diplomats are able to do in the way of camouflaging the significance of the situation. "Why," it will be asked, "do the men duly elected to these seats refuse to occupy them?" England will be compelled to answer that pointed question satis factorily if she wishes to retain the confidence and esteem of the nations assembled in the interests of democracy and permanent peace of the world. But Ireland, too, is ready and should be given the op portunity to answer the same question before the great tribunal of the world. What a part of that answer may and doubtless will be we quote from an editorial of the Butte Inde pendent written nine years ago, which that excel lent paper republished on the occasion of its ninth anniversary. It will be seen that the views therein expressed have been wonderfully borne out in the present situation of Irish affairs. Here is an excerpt from the Independent's editorial: "In holding and proclaiming the view that Irish men should not attend the English Parliament we are possibly a lone voice in the wilderness in Mon tana and in Ireland the Sinn Fein party, represent inga small but intelligent and enlightened minority, stands alone in vindication of the same principle. The root of Ireland's national and political weakness lay in the attendance of Irishmen in a foreign as sembly which claims the right to legislate for Ire land. Those who now believe that Irish atten dance in a foreign parliament is morally, nationally and politically disastrous can be counted by the one ten thousand. Ten years hence we can count that conviction the majority of the people of Ireland. "If all Irishmen could see the wisdom of the Sinn Fein policy, the 'United Parliament' at one stroke would become a distintegrated Parliament—the 'United Kingdom' a Continental joke—within, we write it deliberately—two years after Ireland had retired from the English Parliament—England's statesmen would be seeking terms of settlement as Austria sought from Hungary. Those who do not believe us now will believe us in 1920. Truth is great and time is with us. ^r-£vi BRITAIN'S GREATEST BLUNDER. Perhaps Britain's greatest blunder has been her treatment of Ireland, at her very doorstep. This has, of course, been a matter of domestic policies, of shortsightedness in modern times and ruthless ness before that. Britain now quite sincerely de sires to settle the Irish question, to do justice to the people of the Island. But she finds the Irish people :Jr 12.00 1.00 .06 the British party large and averse to the only settlement she can make with safety to herself—home rule. The Irish of Ireland now seem by their turning to Sinn Fein to declare for independence, or something very near it, while the Ulster Irish are determined to remain part of Britain and to refuse even home rule, if it means their inclusion with the rest of the Island. This dif ference is racial and deep-seated. If Britain could now bring to bear on the Irish question some of the steady common sense that has served and saved her in matters farther afield, she would do herself and the rest of the world as well an immense service.—Minneapolis Journal. PUT COLONEL DONAHUE "OVER THE TOP" FOR THE SENATE. The death of Hon. C. C. Wallace, State Senator of the 34th District, which consists of the Eighth ward of Minneapolis, deprives the district and city of an able, efficient and valuable representative in the upper house of the Legislature. To fill this vacancy a special primary is called for Tuesday, Feb. 11, and the election will take place one week later, on the 18th. At the solicitation of thousands of his friends in the city and district, Colonel William H. Dona hue has consented to stand as a candidate for the vacant senatorial seat. He comes before the elec torate of the district fresh from the fighting front of France, where he won the Distinguished Service Cross for personal bravery and efficiency at-his post of duty. He was among the very first of the Ameri can contingent of fighters to set foot in France, after rendering excellent service in the Mexican border troubles. He participated actively in the several campaigns in France, fighting side by side with the French troops until the American forces were organized into an independent army, and ren dered such efficient service therein that he attained the rank of colonel with the recommendation ol Colonel Leach and General McKinstry. He. was assigned to the 38th Field Artillery and was engaged in preparing his command for overseas service when the armistice was signed. He fought side by side with his daring comrades, and has received many token of recognition of his valiant service at the hands of hi#superior officers, and his name will be indissolubly linked with the great achievements of the Minnesota forces at the front. Colonel Donohue has made a record of service of which the city, state and nation may well be proud. Prior to his entry into the national service he was engaged in the practice of law in this city for about seventeen years, and by his ability, fidelity and hon orable dealing had won an enviable place in his profession. He enjoyed the full confidence and esteem of his professional brethren as well as of the judges of the several courts in which he prac ticed. He is a graduate of the University of Minne sota, having made the course largely by dint of his personal sacrifice and labors, and having started his studies while he was working in a humble indus trial position. l»y his indomitable habit of per severance and sacrifice he was enabled to finish his law studies, and these same qualities syon brought him a generous measure of success in the practice of his profession. He has lived in Minneapolis practically all his life, and there arc but few of its citizens that enjoy so general acquaintance of its people as he. He is familiar with its legislative needs and is in hearty sympathy with its high ambitions of growth and development. In the senatorial seat he would well typify the patriotism, progressiveness and energy of this great metropolis, and would in all respects, sit as a worthy successor of the able and learned Senator Wallace. It will be conceded that in this critical period of post-bellum readjustments it would be desirable to have at least one representative in the State Senate who possesses from actual and personal experience the point of view of the fighting.forces, now return ing in constantly increasing numbers to civilian, life. And where can be found a more typical or repre sentative American soldier than Colonel Donahue, who has consented to stand as a candidate for this vacant senatorial chair? With such a spokeman the returning soldiers and sailors would have full assurance that nothing reasonable/would be left un done to make adequate provision for their needs and welfare, and that full consideration would be accorded to their causes of complaint in the process of readjustment. We bespeak, therefore, the sup port of the soldiers and sailors and their friends for one of their own number in this contest. In tfie candidacy of Colonel Donahue, there comes to the electorate of the 34th district the opportunity of showing its appreciation of his heroic service. Do not be satisfied with tongue or pen appreciation of this sterling American soldier, but vote it with a cross mark on the ballots. Surely by his record of service and sacrifice he has merited this favor from you. Colonel Donahue has never before been in poli tics and enters this contest with a clean and hon orable record as a citizen and a soldier. He answers fully to the acknowledged tests of fitness for public office, honesty, capacity and patriotism. Judge him by these standards, voters of the 34th district, and we believe you will concur with us in the indorse ment of his candidacy. SENATOR HALE'S TWO-BY-FOUR VIEW OF AMERICA. With his weather eye slanted toward the presi dential election of 1920, and evidently with the am 'bition to manufacture a little political ammunition for his party in the ,coming contest, Senator Hale of Maine has indulged somewhat extravagantly in criticism of the American ideals in the world war. In substance he argues that we played the part of hyprocrites in that cataclysmic struggle, and that we did not seriously mean what we proclaime in various forms to the whole world. It declares that he does not believe the ideals for which President Wilson is contending were the ideals of the vast ipa jority of the American people and that the Ameri can fighting man did not share the idea that he fought to make the world safe for democracy "That the Americair people are bound by any of these statements of ideal or policy is to me incon ceivable," said Senator Hale. "They certainly never were bound by the vastly different declarations of the president during the weary month before we went into the war. "American soldiers, like the of the Allies, fought iiu a*. :.i J&Ht to protect and save their own country," he added. "The men now in the saddle and doing the talking in this country are not the fighting men." Deploring "theoretical talk and wasted time over the development of impracticable ideals," and de claring the people would not stand any plan which would affect the country for any internationalism, Senator Hale said: Now that the war is won the American people want peace, and they want it without further delay. They want their boys back in this country. They want and expect their representatives at the peace conference to close matters up just as quickly as can be done." I do not wish to decry the work of the presi dent, but I believe his ideals are not the ideals of the vast majority of the people of the United States. 1 hese ideals were expressed during the progress of the war and because they were not publicly turned down by the American people or by their representatives in congress the president considers the American people are pledged to their fulfill ment." We doubt very much if the American fighting forces or the rest of the American people who backed them up in "their glorious crusade for uni versal liberty will accept the status which the jaun diced stateman from Maine imputes to them. In feet he indicts the whole American people as what are vulgarly called welchers, bluffers or quitters. He would not have us "see it through," and reap the rich fruits of victory in providing for the future permanent peace of the world, but pack up our belongings at the very earliest opportunity and withdraw to our supposedly splendid and safe isola tion. It is not necessary to dilate on the short sightedness of the Hale conception of our national policy when we recall that the past few weeks have witnessed the emancipation of such nations as Po land, the Czecho-Slovaks, the Jugo-Slavs. Ukrania and some others. Would not America be playing the part of a pol troon if Senator Hale's two-by-four conceptions were carried out and these new-born nationalities were abandoned to the tender mercies of European diplomacy? Is it not our duty and our destiny to Istand by them until they are able to get on their feet and gain strength enough to walk safely in the world? To "do otherwise would be to fritter away the great advance that- has been gained for the benefit of all mankind and make vain and un fruitful the immense sacrifices of life and property that the war has entailed. Like some other American publicists and poli ticians, Senator Hale does not seem to realize, to use the words of Bishop Gallagher of Detroit, that "we are living in a new era. that a new epoch in the world's history has dawned." That .era, it is to be hoped, will be an era of permanent peace among the peoples of the world. Evidently the Maine statesman has not fully grasped the scope and sig nificance of American participation in that tremen dous conflict of contending policies. For a broader, bolder and more truly American apprehension of the matter we quote further from Bishop Gallagher ''I have a firm, deep conviction that America had a mission from the beginning—to set an example of freedom to all mankind. Before Washington's time the idpa of government by the people had been ex pressed, but America made it a world principle. And when we abolished southern slaverv we made the equality and freedom of all men a world principle. "Now it follows that if one man has no right to enslave another, then no nation has a right to en slave another and enrich herself from the sweat and blood of that downtrodden nation. I believe it is America's destiny to rescue the enslaved nations." EVENTUAL GOVERNMENT CONTROL OF RAILROADS. Like the man who entered into an engagement with a wildcat and was puzzled as to how to let go, the government is at its wits' end as to what disposal should be made of the Failroads. It may be just as well to call the battle a draw, with guar antees that the transportation systems shall here after be subject to government regulation rather than complete ownership. Both parties to the controversy have learned much during the experimental period, and the public as well and it would now seem feasible to arrive at an adjustment of the situation that will prove satis factory to all concerned. The experiences of the world war have striking ly proved the interdependence of all lines of in dustry and business upon each other for the general prosperity of all. No great line of human endeavor is immune from the vicissitudes or misfortunes that may befall the other activities of the country. With out adequate facilities for transportation even the farmer, who, perhaps, comes nearest of all occupa tions to self-support and independence, finds that his progress is seriously handicapped, and much of his labor fails of. its legitimate return in money. And without easy and reliable communication with the agricultural hinterland the urban population in its entirety is embarrassed with* the diminishing supply and consequent high prices of the necessaries of life. After our experience of about a year and a half of government administration of the transportation systems are we now fully convinced that it would Ke expedient to continue as now, with the same corporate ownerships and full national control of operation? Or would it be advisable to resume the status existing prior to the assumption of national control? Regarding the latter alternative, most of the railroad owners themselves do not all desire such an adjustment of the matter. Many of them DR. COOK LECTURED AT 8T. CATHERINE'S. Dr. Frederick Cook, of international feme, in recent years. In connection with polar exploration through the courtesy of Mr. M. C. Dillon of St. Paul, paid a visit, on Wednesday, Jan nary 29, to the College of St. Cath erine. Dr. Cook gave an address la which he graphically sketched his trip to the "top of the globe," dwelling at some length on the character nfl cus tom* of the Eskimo. He broughthls interesting lecture to a close by a statement to the effect that his E I I S S A N A S a a a 8 1 9 1 9 PREPARE QALLAQ. REPORT ON HER BILL. Washington, D. C., Jan. 28, 1919.— The House Foreign Affairs Committee has begun its executive sessions to formulate its report on the resolutions In favor of Independence for Ireland, which have been referred to it The Gallagher resolution requests the American delegates to present to the Peace 3oof«rence the ritfit of the peo it will be recalled, were facing a financial crisis at the time that Mr. McAdoo found it necessary as a war measure to take possession of them. The more prosperous railroads which are the least nu merous, would naturally favor the old regime, with the old time fat salaries of officials and the many other incidental prerequisites of ownership and man agement. But what about the traveling public, the shipper, the big businesses and the operators? All are deeply concerned in the outcome of this important issue, and their interests must be considered in any perma nent adjustment of the matter. It has been sug gested that the present status should be continued for-a period of five years in order to test fully its merits and deficiencies. But it is obvious, with a little analysis, that this would mean complete and final government ownership, for it would be a gross injustice to the railroad corporations to hold their properties for such a prolonged period with the option of "turning them down" at the termination of it, thus depriving them of the potential oppor tunities of success and development that might arise in the interim. For the present and under existing conditions, therefore, it would seem that a middle course is the prudent one to adopt. It is the consensus of opinion that there must be a permanent measure of govern mental regulation and supervision approaching in scope and authority the existing status, but that the owning or operating corporations shall not be ham pered as heretofore4with the multifarious and em barrassing dictation of the different states and municipalities. On these broad principles the rail road question will probably be temporarily adjusted. But eventually, it may be confidently predicted, the full governmental ownership and control will be es tablished. The Kaiser is evidently tired of getting trimmed. He has now broken off professional relations with his personal barber, and proposes to allow his hair to grow ad libitum. But he will never forget the trimming administered to him at the hands of Marshal Foch, who played the role of Delilah to his Sampson. If he keeps on sawing wood and saying nothing he will be acting under the best of council, pending his arraignment and trial before the tribunal of the world. LIMITATIONS OF THE POWER OF THE STATE. ..In a brilliant eulogy of the late Judge James V. Coffee of San Francisco at the funeral services, Dr. Peter C. Yorke, the well known priest of that city referred to the modern tendency to make the state the repository of all powers in the following illuminating passages: It is true that law is perhaps the noblest product of human reasoning, but experience proves to us that there must he some further sanction than hu man reason that there must be behind it, "Thus saith the Lord." And through the long history of the Jews their whole policy was summed up in two words: The Law and the Prophets. The two ex isted side by side. The law, rigid and unbending with the priests, remained. But prophesy waned and disappeared, while law endured. And when our blessed Lord came upon earth and set forth the great charter of the Kingdom of Heaven in the Sermon on the Mount, his decision was that not one jot or tittle of the law should pass away until all be fulfilled. He said, "I come not to destroy, but to fulfill." And so the Christian Church entered into the heritage of Rome. And Rome, after all, is the greatest of all law-givers. She adopted the Roman Code, and she took out that diabolical heresy that has come back again with renewed force today, that the State is all things, and she wrote in the word of Christ, "Fear not them who can kill the body but are not able to kill the soul." §he wrote into it the noble and immortal words of the Apostles, "If we should obey men rather than God, judge ye," when she insisted that all human law is limited by the right of God and bv the rights of man. Thus she produced that great Christian Code of which we are her unworthy heirs today. You know, my dear brethren, we are very busy nowadays in denouncing tyrannies, denouncing gov ernments, denouncing m^n that are placed in power, because they hold that in the case of the State the end justifies the means, and that all things are lawful when the .welfare of the State is in jeopardy.' Let us take care that we do not exchange the tyranny of a man or a clique for the worse tyranny of the mob'. We have come to that condition here in America today when we openly proclaim that all things are lawful to the people that the majority is the source of right and wrong that whatever gets the majority of votes is to hold sway and we forget that for the people as well as for Kings there is a limit, the limit of God's right and the limit of the rights of the individual. FREEDOM OF THE PRESS. Free will, frank speech, an undissembling mind, Without which Freedom dies and laws are vain, On such we found our rights, to such we cling. In them shall power his surest safeguard find, Tread them not down in passion or disdain Make man a reptile, he will turn and sting. —Aubrey de Vere. Dublin, Ireland, 1848. as discoverer of the North Pole has been authenticated by a congressional document, and the signature of sixty nine Arctic explorers. A TRUTH EXPRESSED IN A BULL. "Returning soldiers who find"that after sacrificing their lives have not even a decent job—make Bol shevists," says an exchange. ple of Ireland to self-determination and freedom. The McLaughlin reso lution proposes that the United State* intercede with England to grant Ire land a form of government such as Canada has. DAUGHTER OF U. 8. PEACE ENVOY A CATHOLIC The only daughter of Henry White, one of the American peace delegates, is a Catholic. She became a oonvert In France, where her father American Ambassador, oh her rlage to Count Ernst Herman Scherr Thoss. f- & 7..:'