The Irish standard. [volume], February 08, 1919, Image 4

About The Irish standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn. ;) 1886-1920

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KORTHBRN PRINTING AND PUBLISHING COMPANY,
422 to 430 Flr«t Av». No.
Minneapolis, Minn.
Published Saturday at Merchants and Jobbers Exchange
Sutldlnv, corner First Avenue North and Fifth Street, Minne
apolis, Ulna.
W. Nicollet 2308. Trl-State 37 273
TERMS PAYABLE IN ADVANCE.
bat year
CHURCH CALENDAR.
Feb. 8—Saturday—St. Denis.
Feb. 9—Sunday—St. Cyril.
Feb. 10—Monday—St. Scholastica
Feb. 11—Tuesday—Mary of Lourdes.
Feb. 12—Wednesday—Seven Servites.
Feb. 13—Thursday—St. Maura.
Feb. 14—Friday—St. Valentine.
IRELAND OUT OF WESTMINSTER.
Many friends of Ireland are coming into the belief
that it is futile to continue to send representatives
of Irish parliamentary constituences to sit at West
minster and participate in the proceedings of the
British ,government. This has long been the policy
of the Sinn Fein party, and the seventy-three mem
bers won by it in the last election had pledged
themselves in advance not to accept either seats or
salaries as members of the British Parliament.
Proclaiming this as a part of their platform of prin
ciples they went before the several electorates and
received the strong indorsement of the people.
Nearly all of them were elected by big, sweeping
majorities. Thus it was emphatically^ demonstrated
that over two-thirds of the electors of Ireland con
curred in the policy of abstention from participa
tion in the affairs of the Empire.
Even some of the Nationalist party who had been
followers of Paijiell and Redmond, had entertained
the belief that they would best serve their country's
interests by refraining from debating and voting on
all parliamentary measures except those in which
the affairs of Ireland were immediately concerned,
justifying their acceptance of seats at Westminster
only on the ground that it afforded them the op
portunity
of
making public protest against the
the Union.- They were persuaded to continue their
attendance at Parliament by -the counsel of the ma
jority of their party, who in turn were deceived from
year to year and from decade to decade by the sol
emn promises and pledges
of
leaders. In this way Irish representation has been
continued since the time of the Gladstone Home
Rule bill of 1886 and up to the passage of the Home
Rule statute in 1914, which was suspended because
of the alleged pressure of the exigencies of the war.
It was a logical consequence of the Sinn Fein
objective ever since the beginning of that organiza
tion that Ireland should neither ask or accept repre
sentation in the Parliament of Britain. Denying
the basic claim of English jurisdiction in Irish af
fairs this small group of patriotic workers declared
the inconsistency of maintaining the right of Ireland
to complete independence while the nation was send
ing at each election a delegation of representatives
to participate in the British government at West
minster.
And now, after four decades of futile attempts at
reconciliation and adjustment of the Irish problem,
two-thirds of the people of Ireland have come to
accept the Sinn Fein view of the matter. A British
Parliament without representation of two-thirds of
Ireland thereto will constitute a striking object
lesson to the world regarding the vaunted British
boast of democratic government. The attention of
the nations assembled at the Peace Conference will
be focussed on these vacant seats, despite all that
British diplomats are able to do in the way of
camouflaging the significance of the situation.
"Why," it will be asked, "do the men duly elected to
these seats refuse to occupy them?" England will
be compelled to answer that pointed question satis
factorily if she wishes to retain the confidence and
esteem of the nations assembled in the interests of
democracy and permanent peace of the world. But
Ireland, too, is ready and should be given the op
portunity to answer the same question before the
great tribunal of the world.
What a part of that answer may and doubtless
will be we quote from an editorial of the Butte Inde
pendent written nine years ago, which that excel
lent paper republished on the occasion of its ninth
anniversary. It will be seen that the views therein
expressed have been wonderfully borne out in the
present situation of Irish affairs. Here is an excerpt
from the Independent's editorial:
"In holding and proclaiming the view that Irish
men should not attend the English Parliament we
are possibly a lone voice in the wilderness in Mon
tana and in Ireland the Sinn Fein party, represent
inga small but intelligent and enlightened minority,
stands alone in vindication of the same principle.
The root of Ireland's national and political weakness
lay in the attendance of Irishmen in a foreign as
sembly which claims the right to legislate for Ire
land. Those who now believe that Irish atten
dance in a foreign parliament is morally, nationally
and politically disastrous can be counted by the one
ten thousand. Ten years hence we can count that
conviction the majority of the people of Ireland.
"If all Irishmen could see the wisdom of the Sinn
Fein policy, the 'United Parliament' at one stroke
would become a distintegrated Parliament—the
'United Kingdom' a Continental joke—within, we
write it deliberately—two years after Ireland had
retired from the English Parliament—England's
statesmen would be seeking terms of settlement as
Austria sought from Hungary. Those who do not
believe us now will believe us in 1920. Truth is
great and time is with us.
^r-£vi
BRITAIN'S GREATEST BLUNDER.
Perhaps Britain's greatest blunder has been her
treatment of Ireland, at her very doorstep. This
has, of course, been a matter of domestic policies,
of shortsightedness in modern times and ruthless
ness before that. Britain now quite sincerely de
sires to settle the Irish question, to do justice to the
people of the Island. But she finds the Irish people
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the British party
large
and
averse to the only settlement she can make with
safety to herself—home rule. The Irish of Ireland
now seem by their turning to Sinn Fein to declare
for independence, or something very near it, while
the Ulster Irish are determined to remain part of
Britain and to refuse even home rule, if it means
their inclusion with the rest of the Island. This dif
ference is racial and deep-seated.
If Britain could now bring to bear on the Irish
question some of the steady common sense that
has served and saved her in matters farther afield,
she would do herself and the rest of the world as well
an immense service.—Minneapolis Journal.
PUT COLONEL DONAHUE "OVER THE
TOP" FOR THE SENATE.
The death of Hon. C. C. Wallace, State Senator
of the 34th District, which consists of the Eighth
ward of Minneapolis, deprives the district and city
of an able, efficient and valuable representative in
the upper house of the Legislature. To fill this
vacancy a special primary is called for Tuesday,
Feb. 11, and the election will take place one week
later, on the 18th.
At the solicitation of thousands of his friends
in the city and district, Colonel William H. Dona
hue has consented to stand as a candidate for the
vacant senatorial seat. He comes before the elec
torate of the district fresh from the fighting front
of France, where he won the Distinguished Service
Cross for personal bravery and efficiency at-his post
of duty. He was among the very first of the Ameri
can contingent of fighters to set foot in France,
after rendering excellent service in the Mexican
border troubles. He participated actively in the
several campaigns in France, fighting side by side
with the French troops until the American forces
were organized into an independent army, and ren
dered such efficient service therein that he attained
the rank of colonel with the recommendation ol
Colonel Leach and General McKinstry. He. was
assigned to the 38th Field Artillery and was engaged
in preparing his command for overseas service when
the armistice was signed.
He fought side by side with his daring comrades,
and has received many token of recognition of his
valiant service at the hands of hi#superior officers,
and his name will be indissolubly linked with the
great achievements of the Minnesota forces at the
front. Colonel Donohue has made a record of
service of which the city, state and nation may well
be proud.
Prior to his entry into the national service he was
engaged in the practice of law in this city for about
seventeen years, and by his ability, fidelity and hon
orable dealing had won an enviable place in his
profession. He enjoyed the full confidence and
esteem of his professional brethren as well as of
the judges of the several courts in which he prac
ticed. He is a graduate of the University of Minne
sota, having made the course largely by dint of his
personal sacrifice and labors, and having started his
studies while he was working in a humble indus
trial position. l»y his indomitable habit of per
severance and sacrifice he was enabled to finish his
law studies, and these same qualities syon brought
him a generous measure of success in the practice
of his profession.
He has lived in Minneapolis practically all his life,
and
there
arc
but few of its citizens that enjoy so
general acquaintance of its people as he.
He is familiar with its legislative needs and is in
hearty sympathy with its high ambitions of growth
and
development. In the senatorial seat he would
well typify the patriotism, progressiveness and
energy of this great metropolis, and would in all
respects, sit as a worthy successor of the able and
learned Senator Wallace.
It will be conceded that in this critical period of
post-bellum readjustments it would be desirable to
have at least one representative in the State Senate
who possesses from actual and personal experience
the point of view of the fighting.forces, now return
ing in constantly increasing numbers to civilian, life.
And where can be found a more typical or repre
sentative American soldier than Colonel Donahue,
who has consented to stand as a candidate for this
vacant senatorial chair? With such a spokeman
the returning soldiers and sailors would have full
assurance that nothing reasonable/would be left un
done to make adequate provision for their needs
and welfare, and that full consideration would be
accorded to their causes of complaint in the process
of readjustment. We bespeak, therefore, the sup
port of the soldiers and sailors and their friends
for one of their own number in this contest.
In tfie candidacy of Colonel Donahue, there comes
to the electorate of the 34th district the opportunity
of showing its appreciation of his heroic service.
Do not be satisfied with tongue or pen appreciation
of this sterling American soldier, but vote it with
a cross mark on the ballots. Surely by his record
of service and sacrifice he has merited this favor
from you.
Colonel Donahue has never before been in poli
tics and enters this contest with a clean and hon
orable record as a citizen and a soldier. He answers
fully to the acknowledged tests of fitness for public
office, honesty, capacity and patriotism. Judge him
by these standards, voters of the 34th district, and
we believe you will concur with us in the indorse
ment of his candidacy.
SENATOR HALE'S TWO-BY-FOUR VIEW OF
AMERICA.
With his weather eye slanted toward the presi
dential election of 1920, and evidently with the am
'bition to manufacture a little political ammunition
for his party in the ,coming contest, Senator Hale
of Maine has indulged somewhat extravagantly in
criticism of the American ideals in the world war.
In substance he argues that we played the part of
hyprocrites in that cataclysmic struggle, and that we
did not seriously mean what we proclaime in
various forms to the whole world. It declares that
he does not believe the ideals for which President
Wilson is contending were the ideals of the vast ipa
jority of the American people and that the Ameri
can fighting man did not share the idea that he
fought to make the world safe for democracy
"That the Americair people are bound by any of
these statements of ideal or policy is to me incon
ceivable," said Senator Hale. "They certainly never
were bound by the vastly different declarations of
the president during the weary month before we
went into the war.
"American soldiers, like the of the Allies, fought
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to protect and save their own country," he added.
"The men now in the saddle and doing the talking
in this country are not the fighting men."
Deploring "theoretical talk and wasted time over
the development of impracticable ideals," and de
claring the people would not stand any plan which
would affect the country for any internationalism,
Senator Hale said:
Now that the war is won the American people
want peace, and they want it without further delay.
They want their boys back in this country. They
want and expect their representatives at the peace
conference to close matters up just as quickly as
can be done."
I do not wish to decry the work of the presi
dent, but I believe his ideals are not the ideals of
the vast majority of the people of the United States.
1 hese ideals were expressed during the progress
of the war and because they were not publicly
turned down by the American people or by their
representatives in congress the president considers
the American people are pledged to their fulfill
ment."
We doubt very much if the American fighting
forces or the rest of the American people who
backed them up in "their glorious crusade for uni
versal liberty will accept the status which the jaun
diced stateman from Maine imputes to them. In
feet he indicts the whole American people as what
are vulgarly called welchers, bluffers or quitters.
He would not have us "see it through," and reap the
rich fruits of victory in providing for the future
permanent peace of the world, but pack up our
belongings at the very earliest opportunity and
withdraw to our supposedly splendid and safe isola
tion. It is not necessary to dilate on the short
sightedness of the Hale conception of our national
policy when we recall that the past few weeks have
witnessed the emancipation of such nations as Po
land, the Czecho-Slovaks, the Jugo-Slavs. Ukrania
and some others.
Would not America be playing the part of a pol
troon if Senator Hale's two-by-four conceptions
were carried out and these new-born nationalities
were abandoned to the tender mercies of European
diplomacy? Is it not our duty and our destiny to
Istand by them until they are able to get on their
feet and gain strength enough to walk safely in
the world? To "do otherwise would be to fritter
away the great advance that- has been gained for
the benefit of all mankind and make vain and un
fruitful the immense sacrifices of life and property
that the war has entailed.
Like some other American publicists and poli
ticians, Senator Hale does not seem to realize, to
use the words of Bishop Gallagher of Detroit, that
"we are living in a new era. that a new epoch in
the world's history has dawned." That .era, it is to
be hoped, will be an era of permanent peace among
the peoples of the world. Evidently the Maine
statesman has not fully grasped the scope and sig
nificance of American participation in that tremen
dous conflict of contending policies. For a broader,
bolder and more truly American apprehension of
the matter we quote further from Bishop Gallagher
''I have a firm, deep conviction that America had
a mission from the beginning—to set an example of
freedom to all mankind. Before Washington's time
the idpa of government by the people had been ex
pressed, but America made it a world principle. And
when we abolished southern slaverv we made the
equality and freedom of all men a world principle.
"Now it follows that if one man has no right to
enslave another, then no nation has a right to en
slave another and enrich herself from the sweat and
blood of that downtrodden nation. I believe it is
America's destiny to rescue the enslaved nations."
EVENTUAL GOVERNMENT CONTROL OF
RAILROADS.
Like the man who entered into an engagement
with a wildcat and was puzzled as to how to let
go, the government is at its wits' end as to what
disposal should be made of the Failroads. It may
be just as well to call the battle a draw, with guar
antees that the transportation systems shall here
after be subject to government regulation rather
than complete ownership.
Both parties to the controversy have learned much
during the experimental period, and the public as
well and it would now seem feasible to arrive at
an adjustment of the situation that will prove satis
factory to all concerned.
The experiences of the world war have striking
ly proved the interdependence of all lines of in
dustry and business upon each other for the general
prosperity of all. No great line of human endeavor
is immune from the vicissitudes or misfortunes that
may befall the other activities of the country. With
out adequate facilities for transportation even the
farmer, who, perhaps, comes nearest of all occupa
tions to self-support and independence, finds that
his progress is seriously handicapped, and much of
his labor fails of. its legitimate return in money.
And without easy and reliable communication with
the agricultural hinterland the urban population in
its entirety is embarrassed with* the diminishing
supply and consequent high prices of the necessaries
of life.
After our experience of about a year and a half
of government administration of the transportation
systems are we now fully convinced that it would
Ke expedient to continue as now, with the same
corporate ownerships and full national control of
operation? Or would it be advisable to resume the
status existing prior to the assumption of national
control? Regarding the latter alternative, most of
the railroad owners themselves do not all desire
such an adjustment of the matter. Many of them
DR. COOK LECTURED AT 8T.
CATHERINE'S.
Dr. Frederick Cook, of international
feme, in recent years. In connection
with polar exploration through the
courtesy of Mr. M. C. Dillon of St.
Paul, paid a visit, on Wednesday, Jan
nary 29, to the College of St. Cath
erine. Dr. Cook gave an address la
which he graphically sketched his trip
to the "top of the globe," dwelling at
some length on the character nfl cus
tom* of the Eskimo. He broughthls
interesting lecture to a close by a
statement to the effect that his
E I I S S A N A S a a a 8 1 9 1 9
PREPARE QALLAQ.
REPORT ON
HER BILL.
Washington, D. C., Jan. 28, 1919.—
The House Foreign Affairs Committee
has begun its executive sessions to
formulate its report on the resolutions
In favor of Independence for Ireland,
which have been referred to it The
Gallagher resolution requests the
American delegates to present to the
Peace 3oof«rence the ritfit of the peo­
it will be recalled, were facing a financial crisis at
the time that Mr. McAdoo found it necessary as
a war measure to take possession of them. The
more prosperous railroads which are the least nu
merous, would naturally favor the old regime, with
the old time fat salaries of officials and the many
other incidental prerequisites of ownership and man
agement.
But what about the traveling public, the shipper,
the big businesses and the operators? All are deeply
concerned in the outcome of this important issue,
and their interests must be considered in any perma
nent adjustment of the matter. It has been sug
gested that the present status should be continued
for-a period of five years in order to test fully its
merits and deficiencies. But it is obvious, with a
little analysis, that this would mean complete and
final government ownership, for it would be a gross
injustice to the railroad corporations to hold their
properties for such a prolonged period with the
option of "turning them down" at the termination
of it, thus depriving them of the potential oppor
tunities of success and development that might
arise in the interim.
For the present and under existing conditions,
therefore, it would seem that a middle course is the
prudent one to adopt. It is the consensus of opinion
that there must be a permanent measure of govern
mental regulation and supervision approaching in
scope and authority the existing status, but that the
owning or operating corporations shall not be ham
pered as heretofore4with the multifarious and em
barrassing dictation of the different states and
municipalities. On these broad principles the rail
road question will probably be temporarily adjusted.
But eventually, it may be confidently predicted, the
full governmental ownership and control will be es
tablished.
The Kaiser is evidently tired of getting trimmed.
He has now broken off professional relations with
his personal barber, and proposes to allow his hair
to grow ad libitum. But he will never forget the
trimming administered to him at the hands of
Marshal Foch, who played the role of Delilah to his
Sampson. If he keeps on sawing wood and saying
nothing he will be acting under the best of council,
pending his arraignment and trial before the
tribunal of the world.
LIMITATIONS OF THE POWER OF THE
STATE.
..In a brilliant eulogy of the late Judge James V.
Coffee of San Francisco at the funeral services,
Dr. Peter C. Yorke, the well known priest of that
city referred to the modern tendency to make the
state the repository of all powers in the following
illuminating passages:
It is true that law is perhaps the noblest product
of human reasoning, but experience proves to us
that there must he some further sanction than hu
man reason that there must be behind it, "Thus
saith the Lord." And through the long history of
the Jews their whole policy was summed up in two
words: The Law and the Prophets. The two ex
isted side by side. The law, rigid and unbending
with the priests, remained. But prophesy waned
and disappeared, while law endured.
And when our blessed Lord came upon earth and
set forth the great charter of the Kingdom of
Heaven in the Sermon on the Mount, his decision
was that not one jot or tittle of the law should pass
away until all be fulfilled. He said, "I come not to
destroy, but to fulfill." And so the Christian Church
entered into the heritage of Rome. And Rome, after
all, is the greatest of all law-givers. She adopted
the Roman Code, and she took out that diabolical
heresy that has come back again with renewed force
today, that the State is all things, and she wrote
in the word of Christ, "Fear not them who can kill
the body but are not able to kill the soul." §he
wrote into it the noble and immortal words of the
Apostles, "If we should obey men rather than God,
judge ye," when she insisted that all human law
is limited by the right of God and bv the rights of
man. Thus she produced that great Christian Code
of which we are her unworthy heirs today.
You know, my dear brethren, we are very busy
nowadays in denouncing tyrannies, denouncing gov
ernments, denouncing m^n that are placed in power,
because they hold that in the case of the State the
end justifies the means, and that all things are
lawful when the .welfare of the State is in jeopardy.'
Let us take care that we do not exchange the
tyranny of a man or a clique for the worse tyranny
of the mob'. We have come to that condition here
in America today when we openly proclaim
that all things are lawful to the people that
the majority is the source of right and wrong that
whatever gets the majority of votes is to hold sway
and we forget that for the people as well as for
Kings there is a limit, the limit of God's right and
the limit of the rights of the individual.
FREEDOM OF THE PRESS.
Free will, frank speech, an undissembling mind,
Without which Freedom dies and laws are vain,
On such we found our rights, to such we cling.
In them shall power his surest safeguard find,
Tread them not down in passion or disdain
Make man a reptile, he will turn and sting.
—Aubrey de Vere.
Dublin, Ireland, 1848.
as discoverer of the North Pole has
been authenticated by a congressional
document, and the signature of sixty
nine Arctic explorers.
A TRUTH EXPRESSED IN A BULL.
"Returning soldiers who find"that after sacrificing
their lives have not even a decent job—make Bol
shevists," says an exchange.
ple of Ireland to self-determination
and freedom. The McLaughlin reso
lution proposes that the United State*
intercede with England to grant Ire
land a form of government such as
Canada has.
DAUGHTER OF U. 8. PEACE
ENVOY A CATHOLIC
The only daughter of Henry White,
one of the American peace delegates,
is a Catholic. She became a oonvert
In France, where her father
American Ambassador, oh her
rlage to Count Ernst Herman Scherr
Thoss.
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