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The Northwestern standard. [volume] (Minneapolis, Minn.) 1885-1886, January 23, 1886, Image 1

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn90059960/1886-01-23/ed-1/seq-1/

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The Beginning of Another Session—The
rjii New British Parliament Quietly
ti,' \^$8etUing
Dowfc to Work.
'rt,'*Vv»
1
Political 'Forecasts on the All-Absorbing'
Question of Home Bole for
Ireland.
Vi?" Jv*
(Bo.
./
rnb
The Parliament ofj the British Em
pire met on Tuesday, January 12,
though there is little probability that
anything will be done nntil the Febru
ary meeting. An eye witness says that
the fog hung low over the statues on
Parliament Square. Beaconsfield, Can'
ning, Derby, Palmerslon and Peel had
a thin covering of snow on their heads
(meaning, of course, the statues of those
deceased worthies) j*aiid seemed to give
but a chilling reception to the new or
old members who passed by in cabs or
afoot. The drizzle ab&ve and the slush
below had thinned the usual crowd of
sight seers, and the cheers saluting
well-known members! sounded hoarse
in the raw air. The Qirst to enter Pal
ace yard were, of course, the new mem
bers. One could tell them at first sight,
much as one can detect a new congress
man at Washington^ Each one of
them looked as if he.' thought that he
was being inspected by the whole coun
try, and insensibly hie bowed at any
faint noise. They lost this look, how
ever, when, on entering the building,
they were frequently challenged by po
licemen and doorkeepers who were on
the alert against ingenious reporters
giving the names of new members.
Close by the entrance to the Commons
stood four "beef-eateriy from the Tow
er, who had just concluded the tra
ditional search of the vaults through
out the entire building for another Guy
Fawkes. More in accordance with the
progress of the age, policemen had
closed the Westminster Hall entrance
against dynamiters, feeling that Rossa
had supplanted Guy As the crowd
looked through the railings, chaffing at
the gorgeous crimson uniforms and the
pole axes of the beef-eaters, its atten
tion was suddenly turned to the en
trance of the members of the labor
party, who dramatically came together
Broadhurst, Arch, Powell and Leices
ter among them—immediately followed
by John Bright and Bart, the secretary
of the Miners' Association. The first
named agitationists were readilj
recognized. The brothers Ashmead
Bartlett soon after arrived togtetbejr^.
®1(£ -M»mbar3 of-both
parties, of course, received the accus
tomed greetings, but it was remarked
by habitues that Dilke, Chamberlain,
and Gladstone were not cheered as of
old. Churchill, however, received such
ringing salutations as "Dizzy" used to
get from the mob that everywhere bails
audacity. Gibb, member of Parlia
ment for St. Pancreas and the former
vestry clerk of his parish, excited no
tice by wearing a big Kessuth hat, from
the brim of which drops of drizzle fell.
Meanwhile the members inside were
selecting seats by card-pinning and hat
depositing. For the time the interior
of the House reminded an American of
a Chicago national convention just as
sembling. Sir John Mowbray got up
soon afterwards. He is threescore and
ten years old, a church estates commis
sioner and tha unopposed Conservative
member from Oxford University. He
nominated Mr. Arthur Peel for speak
er, eulogizing the latter until his bushy
whiskers trembled. Mr. Mowbray's
voice was husky. He was followed by
the silver tones of John Bright, as he
seconded the nomination in a dignified
and scholarly speech. Justin McCarthy
followed in a calm and deliberate tone,
speaking on behalf of the Irish mem
bers, in the absence of Parneli. He
simply acquiesced in the result of the
election, but, in a gentlemanly manner,
protested against the eulogy on the late
speaker's impartiality, which the Irish
members denied. He sat down amid
the cheers of the Nationalists present,
ably led by Biggar, with a rose in his
buttonhole, ready again to become the
"masher" of the ladies' gallery. Mr.
Peel, assuming an air of modesty, like
Wyndbam or the late John Brougham
before the curtain, returned thanks and
eulogized the new House, giving taffy
for taffy. When the speaker had seated
himself in his chair, Sir Michael Hicks
Beach, Chancellor of the Exchequer,
re-echoed the puflxey of Mowbraw and
Bright, to which Gladstone added
treacle. He made the tactical hit,
however, when he said: "The protest
of the Irish members he regarded as a
reluctant fulfillment of conscientious
duty.-' The relations between their
party and the chair have been strained
on past occasions, and it is not to be
expected they should be quite satisfied.
In the speech of the honorable member
for -North Longford, however, I recog
nize an acknowledgment of a duty to
the chair, and hope that the changed
circumstances of the Irish party will
help to prevent a repetition of the
strained relations." This reference to
changed circumstances
elicited an earth
quake of "Hear, hears," from Biggar
According to the best accounts the
chances are that the
Irish question con­
tinues to be as much of a conundrum
as the secession question was in the
winter of 1861. .Nevertheless, the cor
respondents of provincial and other
papers continue
to air their imagraar
tion and prophecies aboutit, forgetting,
as George Eliot said, thatr vaticination
is the cheapest foira of ignorance. Only
yesterday a member of Parliament
close to the government and thoroughly
au fait with all the gossip of St. Ste
phen's, said: Home rule must break
out but, like a coming epidemic, no
oBe can tell how, when or with what
surroundings the break will come. All
really known is that America is repay
ing us for our silly sympathy with se
cession. We aided Davis all we could.
The Irish-Americans are now aiding
Parneli. We can hardly complain of
our own precedent." This much, how
ever, is known, that within the past
week great press and political changes
against Mr. Parneli have been going
on, looking much as if combinations
for thwarting him are beginning, like
those in Washington in 1861, when the
war Democrats and Republicans com
bined to form an anti-secession party.
The Echo and Pall Mall Gazette (Radi
cal), said: What we shall soon be dis
cussing is not Home Rule, but dis
franchisement not concession, but co
ercion not establishing county boards,
but a desperate attempt to throw Ire
land into a huge jail. Which is it to
be? It all turns upon one question
will the Irish pay a fair rent for their
farms, or a fair price for their land? If
the Irish will not pay their landlords
20 shillings in the pound on the par
value of their property, then they must
dispense, not only with the hope of
Home Rule, but any semblance of gov
ernment by consent. They will De gov
erned as Russia governs the Poles, and
their Inducibles will be crushed as the
Czar has crushed the Nihilists." Home
Rule has caused difference of opinion
between Mr. Robinson, manager of the
Daily News, and Mr. Frank Hill, who
has been its editor for sixteen years.
The result was the retirement of the
latter Saturday and the substitution of
Mr. Henry W. Lucy, chief of the News
parliamentary staff and best known in
America as the writer of a parliamen
tary work. The News and Truth are
the only London papers sympathizing
with, if not backing up, Mr. Pamell.
Mr. Parneli is sphinx-like to all, refer
ring all inquirers to his recent inter
views. He held on Monday, in Dublin,
a secret caucus of eighty-five men who
are defending the Irish Thermopylae
against coercion. Mr. Gladstone fol
lowed with a secret caucus on the same
day in London. Lord Salisbury has
one daily but only from the Queen's
address can aught be even guessed at
as to Home Rule manoeuvres. This
only is certainly known—all England is
affrightedly angry at the money raising
and sympathy .across the Atlantic. The
best account of the Irish situation is
furnished by Mr. Jennings to the New
York Times, in which this able corre
spondent says, writiDg from London
last
the heavy guns of the Thunderer, and
the rattle of the fusillade of the smaller
press guns do not ailow one to forget
for au instant that a tremendous final
attack is being made all along the line
on Mr. Gladstone's position. The at
tempt of the higs to overthrow and
discredit his leadership in 1880 was an
intrigue rather than an assault. The
mutineers then took precious good care
not to go so far that they could not
easily slide back into office when the
revolt collapsed. This time the con
flict, if not distinctly above board, is
obviously bitter and determined. For
purposes of their own the Tories are
merging their own identity with that of
the Whigs, and are moving heaven and
earth to induce the latter to stand firm
and fight the grand old man. In the
name of the moderates of both parties
a dozen different Tory lieutenants dur
ing the past week introduced in their
speeches a profession of their willing
ness to support for the premiership
Lord Hartington if he would take the
field openly against concessions to Ire
land, and there is still other evidence
that Tory strategy attaches as much
importance to this bait for a coalition
Whig and Tory ministry as to a menace
of swift dissolution. Until the smoke
clears next week it will be impossible
to judge of the effect of this fierce con
certed attack on the Hawarden forti
fications. The besieged have been very
saving of their ammunition. Only the
Daily News has maintained a desultory
answering fire, but it is suspected that
this is a cover for extensive mining op
erations the result of which may be sig
nally effective and diastrous to the
Whigs and Tories alike. Even the
most sanguine of these are unable to
resist an uneasy fear that the strategist
is meditating a calamitous surprise for
them. He will come up to London on
Monday and throw himself into the
task of getting acquainted witn the new
members. The 1
iberals are enlisting
under his banner. A week will either
confirm or crush his leadership. The
coolest and closest observers say the
balance of success or failure is pain
fully even now.
The emigration returns for 1885 show
a decrease, as compared with last year,
of 10,000 in the number of people who
emigrated from England to the United
States, and of 9,000 in the number who
emigrated from England to Canatda,and
an increase of 9,000 in the emigration
from Ireland to the United States, and
of 2,000 in the emigration from Ireland
to Canada.
A London dispatch hints that the
Salisbury Government will submit to
Parliament the question of the estab
lishment of a British protectorate over
the Bechuanas, extending to the CJpper
Zambesi, in South Africa. As this is
one of the moot questions between
England and tie Boer .Republic, tor
newtfof that portion of the African
dimHyisnotimproUWe.
Something About the "(fraud Old Man's"
Ideas on Lash Home
Bnle.
Is Fighting Now For The Survival
of the Fame that Once Belonged
to Him.
Was Mr.Gladstone a week ago revolv
inga-scheme for establishing an Irish
Parliament with supreme control with
in the Irish seas? asks United Ireland
of the 26th uit. His own circumlocu
tory explanations are the surest evidence
that he was. The only question that
will bear discussion is: Has he been
terrorized out of bis plans by the ignor
ant outcry of the Cockney press, and
by the ebulitions of malice or mulish
ness among his own followers? To be
lieve so would be to believe the great
est force in contemporary English poli
tics to be an ancient baby. vEngland
and Scotland have giveu him a majority
of eighty-six votes over the Tory mni
istry a majority which the Irish party
could reduce to impotence, but which
they could also have it in their power
to swell to a majority of 172. What is
he to do with that omnipotent power,
ready to his hand? Doze away his last
years on an opposition bench in con
fessed failure, and see his Liberal bat
talions humbly yoked to his rivals'
chariot wheels and dragged through all
manner of tinsel Disraelian adventures
attheheels of a minority? Those who
know Mr. Gladstone, know that sooner
than play a dingy role he would use his
axe to chop off his own arm instead of
tho Hawarden oaks. But there is ab
solutely nothing else for him to do with
his majority except to set to work man
ufacturing an Irish Parliament. He
could not otherwise budge an inch to
wards office in the present Parliament,
and were the present Parliament dis
solved be would go to the country with
the ignominious reputation of having
planned an Irish Parliament and aban
doned it because the Times mewed and
Mr. Chamberlain was in the sulks. He
is, therefore, on pain of closing his
life in abject impudence, bound to go
on. Is there auy thing in the reception
of his reputed scheme in Great Britian
that need daunt him? No influential
politician cares two straws for the gab
ble of the Cockney press. Lord Ran
dolph Churchill a few weeks ago argued
brightly for his owa chances from the
mere fact that the Ti^fi was virulent*
chances grew brighter, and, of course,
with thoir brightness came the grovel
ing homage of the Times. The Daily
News was a few weeks ago poisonously
anti-Parnellite it is now penetrated
with the urgency of an Irish Parlia
ment, since the word was passed to the
man at the wheel. The truth is that
with two or three splendid exceptions,
the London newspapers are simply rich
news shops, and, while the most pomp
ously pretentious press in the world,
are in reality the feeblest in initiative,
and the most servile echo of the opin
ions of cliques and party wirepullers.
In Irish affairs, the dull malignity of
their writings has done more to an
ger and estrange the two countries
than the sword of Cromwell or the lash
of fifty crimes acts. Their leading ar
ticles, when read out to an Irish
audience, have more affect in exciting
detestation of the English name than
O'Donovan Rossa's most lurid haran
gues. Their objections to Mr. Glad
stone's home rule projects are not a ti
tle as venomous as were once their
screams against disestablishing the
Irish Church or clipping the seiguorial
privileges of the Irish landlords.
Everybody knows that if a bill for crea
ting an Irish Parliament were running
through the House of Commons with
majorities of 170, the Liberal London
journals would industriously join in
the claque in its favor, and, even if they
did not, nobody would be particularly
the worse of it. Their cautious hos
tility may, therefore, be dismissed as of
no account the more especially as the
provincial Liberal papers, such as the
Scotsman, which represents more votes
than a whole clubf ul of Cockney jour
nals, have accepted Mr. Gladstone's
policy as the only one which can give
peace to the empire and save the Liber
al party from nothingness. But we are
told that Mr.Gladstone's own followers
are mutinous at the thought of an Irish
Parliament. As if it were something
new to Mr. Gladstone to find Mr. Gos
chen and his couple of brother-sorer
heads going into a corner and gnashing
their teeth, or as if anything ever came
of their sulks and cantripsl Lord llar
tington, too, forsooth, has not all at
once gushed over with Irish National
ist sympathies. He has written a let
ter which appeals to have given pro
digious relief to the Tories, but which
simply means that he has not committed
himself to'home rule and does not like
the look of it. That was precisely his
attitude with respect to evtey bold pro
posal of Liberal reform of recent
ears. He has a constitutional objec
t«on to everything at first sight, bofe*
still stronger constitutional objection
to drifting into an obscure Tory sub*
lieutenant by separating himself and
his class from their last hold upon the
English democracy. The attitute of
the Radical leaders, who last fstunater
proposed to come over to Ireland to hew
out a home rule project amidst 'the
piaodetaof tbe wild Irish, is coiiatders-
Mr
mm
Dilke's desire to prevent the formation
of a Liberal Cabinet at the preseat diir I
bious juneture of his own fortunes id
so very transparent that we are surpris
ed at a man of his strong, good sense
persuading himself and the editor of
his newspaper that the public can be at
any loss to understand his objoction to
the "importuneness" of turning the
Tory ministry out of office. Whether
Mr. Chamberlain is more embittered
against Mr. Gladstone for slighting the
three points"-of his campaign creed,
or against Mr. Parneli for not placing
the Irish vote at his service, or against
Mr. Parnell's countrymen for not flop-||sp
ping down to kiss the hem of his gar-la
ment, that for once artless politician'#
speech on the home rule policy so obviv
ously bubbles over with mere chagrin
and spite that it can damage nobody^
except Mr. Chamberlain. The Tory an®p|
mongrel Whig papers which catch at
his acidulated phrases know well that^#
they are not dealing with an honest'^
pronouncement against the statesman
ship of the proposed policy, but with a
force which they think they see work
ing for the disruption of the Liberal
majority. But Mr. Chamberlain knows
where to stop his sulks and dry his eyes
with the best grace he can. As Mr.
Gladstone's coadjutor cum jure succes
sions, and with an organized Irish de
mocracy on his side, he has a career .of
boundless possibilities before him.
Morlsy's Meaning.
The speech that Mr. John Morley de
livered last Thursday week at Chelms
ford is considered significant. It
declares foi an Irish Parliament, points
to Mr. Gladstone as the only man capa
ble of finding a constructive solution of
the Irish problem, admits the tremen
dous danger of the experiment, but
insists that rule by the sword is the
only alternative. He makes, however,
one vital reservation. There shall be
no home rule till Parliament has passed
an act to prevent the tenants from con
fiscating the property of landlords.
The strongest Englsh home rule jour
nal supports Mr. Morley, assumes that
the Iriih meditate robhing the land
lords, warns them thatthej must either,
abandon home rule or confiscation, re
marks that democracies cannot be bas
ed on plunder, nor do republics allow
jails the right of self-government, and
concludes that if the Irish people in
sist on stealing they must be dealt with
as thieves and Ireland treated as a
huge jailv Mr. Morley has apparently
resolved to assume the leadership of
the home rule radicals. This splits the
Liberal party into three sections in
stead of two.
In the description in the-Pall filall
Gazette of a visit to Archbishop Crobfe,
there is the following interesting pas
sage: "The cathedral is magnificent
costly marbles, oak carving, stained
glass and frescoes, all contribute to
wards the rich perfection of the whole.
The altar is of alabastarand i9 inlaid
with a mosaic of lapis lazuli, malachite
find agate, and it is supported by white
and colored marble pilasters, many of
them a native production. The marble
figures above the adjoining chapel al
tars are from Rome, the colored plas
ter ones are from Munich. No square
inch is left undecorated, but frescoes or
inlaying cover the entire edifice, which
is very large and of noble proportions.
The adjoining baptistry is entirely mar
die lined, with a very ancient font from
Rome. And yet Thurles is an unknown
and unfrequented place. What a mys
tery it is how the Catholics manage to
erect and beautify these cathedral-like
churches in whatever country they take
root, and contrive to maintain their
priests without state aid or endow
ments. I put these thoughts into words-'
to the archbishop, who gave me tho
simple and doubtless true reason. Of
the 30,000 in his diocese not more than
10,000 come to Mass once a week and to
church more often. Each one gives
something, however poor, every time.
Outside the cathedral bears some faint
resemblance to that of Florence. Im
mediately facing it is the college,which
we walk up to, and where many young
fathers are wandering, book of devo-r
tions in hand, up and down the long
bare corridor or in the garden^ On
either side, and lying in the precincts
of the cathedral, are the convents of
the Ursuliiie rule and the nun
nery which is the parish
school^ Their ceaseless bells,
telling the unalterable routine,
mingle with the deeper tones of the
cathedral chimes. That the talents Of
his grace are great no one can doubt,
but that they are also very versatile is
attested to by the variety of important'
administrative posts has held. Be
ginning life as a lawyer, be had no in
tention of becoming a priest. Twice
he left his college, hut ultimately re
turned and joined the priesthood. He
has been curate and parish priest,
teacher of theology in France, arch- fe
deacon of his diocese, and archbishop
of Cashel at the early age of 60. He
gave us some interesting particulars of
the interior administration of the Papal
court. Every five yearn oach bishop or
archbishop in Europe and America has
to appear in Rome to give a written re-
wbethey ifefceof advance, retrogression
df 'no progress/ The colonial bishops
f^iwwtod to go every ten years,
foguJarlybrave
*#rnrmofhi*
vpuuom, jafrif attest
•dmlringMewf of Hr,
ing up to hiai
powerful I
dkmdilaMa, «r Ourio]* uulri*
•mk
'1

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