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THE PUBLIC WEAL
VOL. XI. Prohibitionists’ Eyes on Washington Representative Lobeck, in an Eloquent Speech, Nominates W. J. Dean ol Minneapolis for U.‘ S. Senator. Fidelity to Principle Compels Prohibitionists to Support those who Stand by the Right. The two Houses of the Legislature met in their respective chambers on Jan. 22 for the election of a U. S. Sen ator. It was not at all strange that only a few had an idea that any but the “regular” parties would have a nominee for the position. For never before had the Prohibition party of Minnesota had the right to take part in such an election. It is reasonable to suppose that the majority party in the House had chosen its most finished orator to present the name of Senator Knute Nelson to succeed himself. Glowing references were made to the bare footed boy from Norway who had at tained the highest position open to a foreign-born citizen. But there was not a syllable of reference to any principle for which either he or his party stands. In an extremely brief speech the Democrats placed their candidate be fore the House. Then the Speaker, presuming that all nominations had been made, was about to order the roll-call when E. E. Lobeck, of the 58th district, Senator Nelson’s own county, was rec ognized by the chair. His manly ap pearance commanded instant atten tion. His earnest and statesmanlike words won the respect of all both for the speaker and his party. His re ferences to the woes brought on the people by the liquor traffic evidently touched the hearts of his hearers. His biggest hit, however, was his refer ence to the anti-slavery struggle and to Lincoln’s part in it. In these elo quent passages he fairly captured the colors of the Republican party. He said: “Mr. Speaker: I rise to-day to place in nomination a Prohibition candidate for the office of United States Senator—the first in the history of the state, and I deem it a great honor that this great privilege falls upon me, to be the first man in this our North Star state to make such a nomination for this office. “In a nomination speech, I understand, it behooves a speaker to state his and his party’s principles, and why he nomi nates a candidate in harmony with them. Time will not allow me to go into any lengthy discussion of this kind but per mit me, Mr. Speaker, to trespass upon your time and state before you and the gentlemen here that the Prohibition par ty arose amidst numberless plaintive cries of starved Children, pale mothers, heart broken wives and ruined fathers and hus bands, who stood on the brink of de struction with the cruel, grinning demon of drink behind them —just as the Re publican party sprung up when the sound of clanking chains, the crack of the whip and the blood-curdling bays of bloodhounds and the moans of dying darkies filled the land. And parties with such beginnings and with such an origin have had and have their God-given mis sion to fulfil. “I hear on various occasions politicians asking us to ‘stick to your party—be loyal to your party—don’t forsake your party.’ But I say this, ‘Stick to your principles and let men and parties go, provided they do not come up to the standard of the principles that have become a part of your inner life and are not tuned in ac cordance with the best qualities of your nature.’ I know that you have principles that you cannot readily give up. I know that I have principles that are of such a nature that I cannot support any man if he is not in harmony with them—prin ciples that have become a part of my Inner life, developed during years of strife, weary days, sleepless nights and racking pain. It may cost me worry and sorrow to stick to them. It may not be policy to uphold them. Principles, gentle men, are mighty things for a man who will strive to live his life truly amidst a struggling, suffering humanity. We ought to learn and understand that with all true men it is not always what they in tend to do but what the true qualities of their nature compel them to do that de termines their careers. It will cost them pain and sorrow, but it is impossible to serve righteousness in this world and not have sorrow. “Abraham Lincoln was a man of prin ciples, and he was a man of sorrow. He stood true to his principles, and his soul was covered sometimes with darkness and despair. When something great is to be accomplished, God calls upon certain men to do the task. When slavery was to be destroyed in these United States, God called upon Garrison, Lovejoy and Wendell Phillips, but above all he called upon Abraham Lincoln and up stepped this wonderful man, tall and lanky, bony hands and bony feet, a big nose and a MINNEAPOLIS and ST. PAUL, MINN. FEBRUARY, 1907. face wrinkled like a walnut, but he was a mighty good tool in the hands of Al mighty God when slavery was to be oust ed from the United States. He firmly believed that slavery was wrong, and he said, ‘I find in the doctrines of Jesus Christ, the humble Nazarene, that slavery cannot exist in this land one day longer without sin, and if the enemy is driven back ever the Potomac I shall declare the “But Lincoln had to take the abuse of his enemies. . From November 1860 to April 1865, his horizon was black with storm, but he stood like a huge rock in the midst of a turbulent sea; and he went through four black, desperate, pur gatorial years, when God Almighty was cleansing the sins of this nation with blood and fire. He stood true to his prin ciples until John Wilkes Booth sneaked up the stairs of Ford’s Theatre in Wash ington on the evening of the 14th of April, 1865, and sent a lump of lead into Abraham Lincoln’s head, and his great heart quivered and stopped. The whole nation was hushed into silent weeping when this great heart ceased to beat. “You will find, Mr. Speaker and gentle men, that the principles of my party are clothed in a somewhat changed form in the words of this —the most colossal fig ure in the world’s politics during the last four hundred years—when he said, ‘A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government cannot perma nently endure half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved; I do not expect the house to fall; but I expect it will cease to be divided. It will have to become all one thing or all the other.’ So far Mr. Lincoln. Here is how I will put it: ‘I believe that this nation cannot permanently endure half sober and half drunk. All sober, and this nation shall prosper immensely. All drunk, and this nation shall rot and die.’ This is a burning conviction in my soul. These are the principles for which I stand and to which I adhere. I believe that the drink traffic is the most horrible curse of all the curses of humanity, and my belief, based upon this fact, is crys ta'lized into a principle from which I cannot deviate without bein£ untrue to myself, and a man selling his principles is the worst cheated man in the whole universe of God. “Hence I arise, Mr. Speaker, to nomi nate a candidate in harmony with this principle. We hold, and you know it to be a fact, that it is wrong to license a traffic that breeds idiots, paupers, luna tics and epileptics, and casts them upon society to be supported by decent, honest and industrious people. We hold it to be wrong to license a traffic that increases our taxes by creating a demand for jails, penitentiaries, hospitals, asylums, or phanages, reformatories, police and crim inal courts. We hold it to be wrong to maintain a national quarantine against dependent criminal classes from abroad and at the same time license 250,000 sa loon-keepers to manufacture criminal and dependent classes in our own land. And this is why I nominate a candidate who is heart and soul in harmony with those principles of ours. I have the honor to name a gentleman who is a very good man. He has given hundreds of dollars yearly for temperance work and for the protection of the home against the sa loon. He is a good business man. He is a patriot and philanthropist, and one of God’s noblemen. I have great honor in nominating for the office of United States Senator, W. J. Dean of Minnea polis, and I shall, when the roll is called, cast my vote for him.” At the close of Mr. Lobeck’s speech, not only the galleries, where a con siderable number of Prohibitionists were gathered, but both sides of the House itself broke into hearty applause which continued several times as long as that accorded the other speakers and upon adjournment representatives of all parties extended their congratul ations to the speaker. Mr. Higgins seconded the nomina tion in a single sentence, referring to Mr. Dean as "God’s noblest work, an honest man.” Brief as it was, it will go down into history as the first speech made in any Legislature seconding the nomination of a Pro hibitionist for U. S. Senator. Mr. Dean received three votes, the largest number ever cast in any Legis lature up to this time for a Prohibi tion nominee for the highest legisla tive body in the nation. Do not the recent Prohibition victories in Minnesota indicate that we should push for a wider hearing for our cause than ever before? And if so, do they not urge every Minnesota Prohibitionist to do his share to this end? Is there any more effective way of influencing Minnesotans, than through their state paper? Could you ask a bigger premium offer than we make? Doings at the State Capitol Petitians Pouring in for County Option. Mr. Higgins gets (he Suffrage Bill on General Orders. Other Bills af Prohibition Members Making Good Progress. Initiative and Referendum Move. Unless appearances are very decep tive, legislators need not go home without paying off the mortgage. A liquor lobbyist was heard to say to a friendly legislator in language that would melt the types, “Our business is gone to if this county Prohibition bill passes. If a half million would put it on the bum, it would be cheap.” A traveling liquor salesman stated that he had gone over the situation carefully and that should the bill be come a law “the Prohibitionists would wipe all but eight counties off the map at the first election.” The liveliest parliamentary passage at arms thus far this session was a tilt over Mr. Higgins’ bill providing for a woman suffrage amendment to the constitution. It had been referred to the committee on elections of which Mr. Higgins is a member, but some how the judiciary committee got hold of it and reported it out without re commendation. A minority report re commending the bill to pass was al so made. Then “the fire works was off.” The House was flooded with oratory until Mr. Higgins broke into the deliberations with a speech that was greeted with cheers, in which he called attention, first, to the anoma lous position taken by the judiciary committee and, second, to the fact tnat that committee had no right to the bill. The speaker saw it that way too and ordered the bill to the elec tions committee, conforming to its original commitment. An anti-polygamy resolution was in troduced, the rules were suspended and it was given second reading and placed on its final passage, and was out of the way without a dissenting voice in five minutes after it was in troduced. There are no Mormon votes in Minnesota. Senator W. W. Dunn is the attorney for the Hamm Brewing Company, the largest booze factory in the state. A grin that could be detected by those of specially sensitive auditory nerves was occasioned when the clerk read a petition addressed to him, praying him to use his best efforts to secure the passage of a county option bill. A bill prohibiting the sale and use of cigarettes and cigarette paper was reported for passage by the committee on Crimes and Punishments. The chairman of the committee on Public Health and Pure Food made a fight to have it sent to that committee be fore its second reading. A House member who knows the chairman in timately told The Public Weal cor respondent that the bill would never see daylight again. In that he is mis taken, however, for both Higgins and Lobeck are on the Crimes and Punish ments committee, and will see to it that the measure at least gets called to the attention of the House again, or that its practical duplicate is in troduced and sent to a favorable com mittee. A bill providing for a constitutional amendment giving the ballot to women was presented by the Prohibitionists, and submitted to a conference com mittee of the W. C. T. U., the Woman Suffrage Association and other or ganizations interested. It was intro duced in the House by Mr. Higgins and in the Senate by Mr. Seward, a Republican. It will draw the vigorous opposition of the whiskyites. In an interview with Senator Seward the day after its introduction, he told The Public Weal representative that the liquor interests were already hard after it. But we are practically sure of getting it out onto the floor of both bodies with favorable recommenda tion. In the Senate it was referred to the Judiciary Committee, of which Mr. Seward is a member. Courtesy to him will be almost sure to bring it out. In the House it was referred to the Elections committee, of which Mr. Higgins is a member. The Committee on Elections recom mended the woman suffrage amend ment for indefinite postponement. Mr. Higgins, however, had secured the signature of eight of the committee of seventeen to a minority report. He supported his motion for the adoption of the latter as a substitute for the former by a brief but effective argu ment and, a roll call being demanded, the minority report was adopted by a vote of 65 to 46. The bill was then read the second time and went on general orders. The victory was greeted with loud cheering both on the floor and in the galleries. Mr. Higgins is the first man to pilot a bill of this kind safely through to general orders. One of the evidences, of which there are many, that the legislature is conscious that there are party Pro hibitionists in the body and that a vote of 32,000 is significant of a senti ment that cannot be toyed with is in the fact that there have been almost four times as many “temperance measures” of one kind and another introduced as when the same total number of bills were introduced two years ago. Yet our members have not yet introduced a single bill on the sub ject. Information from seemingly reliable sources has reached us that the op position to the measure providing for county prohibition will introduce a flood of legislation within the next few days for the purpose of confusing friends of the measure and starting a “log rolling” contest between the authors or introducers of the various ; measures. This state has the direct primary system of nominations applying to all but state officers. The law works well in the main, but does not suit the politicians. A bill has been in troduced to hold two primaries on different dates, at which delegates are to be elected to attend two conven tions on different dates. Not only is the machinery created intricate and cumbersome but the conditions are practically impossible to a minority party. We will do our best to defeat the measure. It may be recalled that the rules adopted debarred Mr. Calderwood, rep resenting the Associated Prohibition Press and The Public Weal, from the press privileges accorded other papers and that Mr. Higgins introduc ed a resolution four weeks ago to have the rules amended. That resolu tion still sleeps in the hands of the Rules committee but the chairman told Mr. Higgins that as author of the resolution he should instruct Mr. Calderwood to avail himself of the usual press privileges and courtesies and that the committee would prefer to make no report on the resolution, which “unfortunately mentioned pro hibition.” That this was the real bone of contention was evident from the several squibs in the dailies stat ing that the vote on the Higgins re solution for a place for a Prohibition press representative would be a test of sentiment on the saloon question. Our scribe accepted the “quiet cour tesy” of the committee and our repre sentatives will save their strength for the battle on some more vital issue. (Continued on page 3.) A club of new subscribers means light for the people and a lift for us. If this item is marked with a blue pencil, your subscription expires with this number. Please favor us with a prompt renewal. One and two-cent postage stamps accepted. If you paid your own subscription your paper will be con tinued until arrearages, if any. are paid and an order to stop is received by us. If your paper is a gift from a friend, it will be stopped at expiration, unless re newed. NO. 2.