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Established 188/ 1 \ Noted Citizens Have Represented American Nation in Four Conferences Since Close of the Revolution |ffjrj?|pjlflHE list of peace confer-1 ences with foreign na- tions, exclusive of Indian United States as a belligerent was a party reduces strictly to the fol lowing: The Peace of Paris after the Revolution; the Peace of Ghent with Great Britain after the War of 1812; the Peace of Guadalupe Hidalgo with Mexico, 1848, and the Peace of Paris after the war with Spain. Of some pertinence, however, are the peace treaties forced on us by the Barbary pirates, 1794-97, and by us on them 20 years later; and the Peace convention with France made in 1800. Technically in the latter case we had not been at war, even though our frigate Constellation had captured the French frigate Insurgente and had destroyed another, La Vengeance. Our peace with Great Britain after the Revolution was concluded by commissioners of Congress un der the Articles of Confederation, and of course before an American president or constitution existed. Washington was simply comman der-in-chief. The provisional treaty was signed at Paris November 30, 1783, General Washington hav ing declared cessation of hostilities in January, 1783. The American commissioners in the first conference were John Adams, Franklin, Jay and Henry Laurens; in the second the same without Laurens. Richard Osgood negotiated for the king in the first" conference, David Hartley, M. P., in the second. The four main questions in both were the boun daries of the United States, fishing rights off Newfoundland, the pay ment of private debts of American citizens to British and compensa tion by the United States to Brit ish loyalists (tories) whose prop erty had been confiscated by the colonies during the war. The two former questions had to be further adjusted later on, al though presumbly conclusive agreements were then arrived at, the United States getting the ter ritory between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi, and getting the right to fish off the Newfound land coast, but not to dry the catches on those shores. There was to be no lawful impediment to the recovery of debts either way, and American legislation was to recommend making the loyalists immune from confiscations or prosecutions. It is unlikely that there will ever be an American peace commission of greater ability than this one. Franklin, our representative at Paris, had won for the struggling colonies the invaluable friendship and aid of the French government. John Adams was to be president, Jay to be chief justice of the United States Supreme court, Lau rens was a former president of the council of safety of South Caro lina and of the Continental Con gress, • -t # Our convention of peace, com merce and navigation with France, which on September 30, 1800, ended a war that was not a war, was ne gotiated for the United States by Oliver Ellsworth, William Rich ardson Davie and William Vans Murray; for the first consulate by the following counselors of state: Jerome Bonaparte, Charles Pierre, Claret Fleurien and Pierre Louis Roederer. The quarrel on the French side, was a legacy from the directory to Napoleon’s first con sulate. ' PEACE CONFERENCES The change in the French gov ernment made possible a reconcili ation without formal progress into war. By the convention France recognized the rights of neutral vessels and promised indemnities for her navy’s depredations. De pending on what historian- you read, America’s success in the con ference was mainly the work of Ellsworth or that of Murray. John Adams, Federalist, was president at that time. The vice president was Jefferson. Two of President Adams’s com missioners, Ellsworth, who had just resigned the office of chief justice, and Murray, who had been Washington’s minister to the Netherlands, were strong Federal ists. Davie, English born, a for mer governor of North Carolina and a veteran of the Revolution, seemed to haye been a free lance in early politics. The scene of the convention was Paris. Becoming tired of piracy and blackmail, American squadrons at tended to the Barbary coast, and between 1805 and 1815, when De cature finally made the whole thing sure, treaties were made with the deys and bashaws. The Peace of Ghent was con cluded December 24, 1814. The United States commission appoint ed by President Madison, who was a Jeffersonian Democratic-Repub lican, included John Quincy Ad ams, then our minisiter to Russia; James A. Bayard, former United States senator; Henry Clay,speaker of the House; Albert Gallatin, who had been secretary of the treasury from 1801 to 1813, and Jonathan Russell, our minister to Norway and Sweden. John Quincy Adams was a for mer Federalist from Massachusetts, a strong Federalist state. That is, he had been originally in opposi tion to Madison in politics. Later he had come into accord with Madison’s government. Bayard was another former Federalist, but he was the man who had brought about Jefferson’s victory over Aaron Burr when that presidential election was thrown into the House of Repre sentatives. Clay was a conspicu ous Madisonian, and so was Gal litin, the eminent financier. Rus sell was a second Massachusetts commissioner of Madisonian parti sanship. Ten years later he was elected to Congress as a Democrat, in the present-day party sense. For the achievement of our com mission much of the credit has always been given to Clay. The best opinion nowadays overshad ows him with Gallatin. The late Henry Adams, grandson of the American chairman on the occa sion, and a conscientiously just New England historian, writes: “Far more than contemporaries ever supposed or than is now imagined, the treaty of GheDt was the especial work and the peculiar triumph of Mr. Gallatin.” The peace with Mexico, conclud ed in the treaty of Guadalupe Hi dalgo, was a curious specimen of such negotiations. The lone hand American commissioner was Nicho las Philip Trist, chief clerk of the state' department under President Polk, and, like Polk, a thorough going Democrat as Democrats are today. There was nothing very intricate to negotiate with Mexico. We had gone to war to establish the boundary at the Rio Grande as against the Mexican contention for the Nueces. The peace that was made not only satisfied our govern- OUR MOTTO:—“It Is Never Too Late to Mend.*' Stillwater, Minnesota, Thursday, February 27, 1919 ment as to that portion of the boundary but also fixed the remain der of it, giving us New Mexico and what was then called Upper California. Trist’s job was to make those stipulations and con clude a treaty yielding to them. He first met Santa Anna’s commis sioners in the summer of 1847. General Scott had not been noti fied o f Trist’s mission, and quarreled violently with him when he appeared. During an armistice in August Trist, whose instructions as to New Mexico and California had followed him, failed to come to an agreement with the Santa Anna commission, which made counter prosposals and rejected all the American demands. At the end of the armistice fighting was re sumed, and in deference to Scott Trist was recalled by the authori ties at Washington. Before the order reached him, however, he had made friends with Scott and by Scott’s advice he remained on the ground regardless of the order; At Christmas time, 1847, Scott’s army took the city of Mexico and Santa Anna resigned the Mexican presidency. Trist then, without any authori ty except Scott’s, resumed negoti ations, procured the treaty that was wanted and took i t back to Washington. Polk submitted it to the Senate on February 23. Senatorial opposition caused modi fications to which Mexico acceded, and ratification came on March 16. Our treaty of peace with Spain was concluded at Paris, December 10, 1898. The American commis sioners were William R. Day, late secretary of state, chairman; Sena tors Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye # and George Gray, and Whitelaw Reid. All but one of the men appointed by McKinley were of his oyvn party. Senator Gray was a Democrat. Spain relinquished sovereignty over Cuba, ceded Porto Rico, the Philippines and Guam, and re ceived $20,000,000. Woman Spy Loses Life One of the mo9t dramatic chap ters of American war spy activity, a coup whereby the German-Aus trian food stocks were nearly wrecked last winter by almost 2,000,000 spurious bread tickets circulated in the central powers, has been disclosed in Paris. The plot cost the ljves of two American patriots, one a girl. Early in January, 1918, five American spies, including Rosa Who writes the messages that make men think? Who placed proud Solons on the brink? Who solved grave problems with skill that won World’s plaudits for the man at Washington? And thus thru’out this land of free domain, Where labor toils or grasping magnates reign, The “square deal” plan “for every man” sounds clear; In the hearts of high and low he has no peer. Who wrote the drama, set the stage That made the “system” squirm with rage, Who made quick blood run quick and thin, (Avails it Dot if some did grin) And fearless in the right the while Increased his efforts with a smile? In peace or war his facile hand doth show Truth, wisdom, strength, the gifts the gods bestow. He sends a war fleet steaming round the world. Great nations bow where ere our flags unfurled. In clarion tones he shouts his platform plain, And “beats ’em to a frazzle” in a hot campaign. Now putting ninety miles behind him in a day, He rides down critics, shows a will and way, Comes smiling up the home stretch through rain and sleet, And deems it but an ordinary feat. Like Mr. Greatheart (his hero) he leads on apace, And fearless seeks the welfare of the race. Heeds not caviling, jealous spleen or hate, For from Manhattan’s shore to Golden Gate, He holds among God’s best a honored name. Methinks the searching glare of limelight fame Will find his star ascendent ever bright, When lesser lights are sunk in Stygian night H. B. Litznauer, formerly an obscure music teacher of Milwaukee, Wis., crossed the frontiers of Germany from Holland and Switzerland. The spies carried counterfeit bread tickets, printed in Washington. Working with confederates among corruptible food adminis tration officials in Dresden. Munich, Frankfort, Berlin, Prague and Vi enna, the Americans succeeded in distributing more than 1,000,000 bread tickets. Again in April a second attempt was made through the same chan nels and more than 800,000 tickets were distributed before the Ger man secret service, seeking the cause of the unprecedented de crease in the supplynof bread, dis covered the trail of the Americans. Realizing their usefulness had ended, the Americans made an ef fort to escape. Three of them managed to reach neutral coun tries, but Rosa and a male com panion were caught. Both were tried as spies, condemned and shot at Prague. Rosa died not knowing that she iriad helped to create more havoc smong the German and Austrian iorces than a division of American troops could have caused, for the flood of nearly 2,000,000 spurious tickets, circulated during five months, so depleted the bread stocks that the food administra tions of the central powers were forced to reduce even the army supplies.— Exchange. Japanese Walking Tours Up and down their little coun try, the Japanese are never weary of tramping. And with their curi ous rigidity which characterizes Japanese whimsicalities, there is no deviation from prescribed formulas. Even the moon is tick eted, and must be viewed in aut umn from one to eight “moon viewing” temples, or the parapet of the temple at Lake Viwa, made famous in the eleventh century as the place where Marasaki Shikibu wrote her “Genji Monogatari ” The sunrise is scheduled for ap preciation off Futami beach, on the southeastern coast. One must climb a hill and look upside down at the “Bridge of Heaven,” a nar row, pine-fringed spit of sand run ning into the Japan sea. — Ex. Autocratical power is like steam generated in a boiler: it rises from heat produced below, and the fiercer the burning fires the greater the expansive pressure produced above. — B. The Man of the Hour (A Panegyric) THE WILSON IDEAL How to Rid the World of the Nightmare of War is the Master-Problem of Our Times Sidnes Brooks, in London Daily Express SMERICA came into the war not merely late, but last. She came into it lssniß J unprepared both militari ly and industrially. Her interven tion, while a decisive turning point in the struggle, was not allowed time in which to develop its full consequences. Her casu alties and sacrifices and suffering, compared with those of any other belligerent, were insignificant. But for the British mercantile marine she could not have transported even a third of the American troops that were actually landed in Europe. Her chief contributions to victory were money and food. - In the production of aircraft, guns, tanks and practically all other munitions of war, she fell far short of her own and other people’s expectations. In spite of the admirably determined spirit of her people, she had not, when Germany collapsed, been able to bring into play even a quarter of her real strength. Yet the head of the American commonwealth has been welcomed in Paris and was welcomed in Lon don as though his country had by itself won the war. He is by all odds the most inter esting and in many ways the most powerful figure on the internation al stage today. Why is this? How is the contrast between President Wilson’s influence and his nation’s tardy and comparatively lowly part in the war to be explained? The explanation is that Presi dent Wilson, a consummate master of words, has voiced more appeal ingly than any other statesman the longing of the world to have done with war. In the past four years waste unspeakable, losses and misery beyond computation, be yond even all imagining, have fall en upon the world and damned be yond redemption its political -methods and ideas. And when men; look into the future they see, along the old lines, nothing but worse to come —more wars and bloodier wars, the skies rustling with aeroplanes, the waters be neath the sea studded with mines or vibrating to the thud of the submarine’s screw, new and more murderous instruments of destruc tion, the nations crushed beneath the weight of armaments, the black men of Africa, the brown of India, the yellow men of China pressed into the struggles of the future, till at last all that we have known as civilization is wiped out and mankind is forced back upon the law of the jungle. Small wonder that with such a prospect before them and such an object lesson as the recent catac lysm beneath their eyes men cry and wriggle for a way to escape, declare that this, the latest and greatest of all wars, must also be the last, and busily devise plans so that neither they nor their children shall be called upon to fight again. How to rid the world of this nightmare of war; how to give hu manity a fresh start; how to sup press all aggressive selfishness by the power and authority of an in ternational league—those are the master-problems of our times. No one has seen this so clearly, no one has expressed it so moving ly, as President Wilson. Therein is the secret of the chain that links this austere and brooding Ameri can with the masses of the older world, A blood-soaked and con vulsive and exhausted Europe turns with a passionate expectancy to the one man on earth whose Vol. XXXII: No. 30 speeches set up against the claim of nationalty the superior claim of humanity, and to whose vision, Stretching beyond frontiers and boundaries, brings into view the vaster brotherhood beyond. He alone, men think and feel, or at any rate the country for which he speakk, can extricate the world from the morass of mili tarism. America is dispassionate. Ameri ca neither seeks nor will receive anything for herself. America, if not invulnerable, is unconquerable. America has the freshness of faith that a sophiscated, wearied, cyni cal Europe has lost. America stands out today the only country in the world whose security is be yond reach of external attack, whose strength, so far from being depleted, has been immeasurably increased by the war, and who, in a couple of decades, can make her self, if she chooses, and with a scarcely felt effort, the greatest military and the greatest naval power on earth. In the light of such unexampled position why bother with any nicely. calculated reckoning of what this country, or that has achieved or has failed to achieve during the past four years? When they greeted President Wilson our people did so with one conviction in their minds —that he means, as far as he can, to use the might and influence of the United States for no selfish or merely national or material end, but in the service of humanity and as a stepping-stone to a saner dispensa tion from which war will be ban ished and in which natural hatreds and jealousies will be submerged and held down. It may be all a mirage. But failh and hope are stronger than skepticism or experience. The old ideal beckons again with a new and compelling innstence. and a war-worn world gratefully recog nizes in President Wilson its fore most and most effective apostle. Winter Vacationists Not long ago we read in a maga zine about certain people who pro pose taking their vacation in the winter time and enjoying the same in our northern states and Canada. They claim in support of this seemingly insane idea that'4o-below weather is far healthier than the sunshine of semi-tropic regions. Also that winter outdoor sports are really much more exhilarating than those of summer. True, such afflictions as “Span ish” influenza, pneumonia, bad colds, coughs, rheumatism, chil blains, and what-not, prevail in the winter, but it is only the steam heated-flat-baked variety of hu mans that are subject to these diseases. The hardy winter vaca tionists don’t propose to spend their time in houses where -it is warm and nice but are to live in tents, just the same as if they were on a summer vacation. Outside of a few catarrh-choked and tubercular fresh-air fiends amd those women who like to pose dancing with their bare feet in the snow, it doesn’t hold forth any at tractions. Winter in Minnesota has certain delights and enjoyments until after the holiday season, when it commences to pall on one. And the winter vacationist would soon discover that about two weeks of tent life in sub-zero weather would satisfy his or her craving for that kind of vacation and send them scurrying for the sunny lands of Florida or southern California. — B.