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Published every Saturday at 315 New lon Bldg., Fifth and Minnesota Streets, St. Paul, Minnesota, by The Catholic Bulletin Publishing Coi SUBSCRIPTION PRICE: $1.50 a year, payable in advance. Advertising Rates en Application. All advertisements are under editor* lal supervision. None but reliable firms Mid reputable lines of business are ad vertised and recommended to our read* trs. A mention of THE CATHOLIC BULLETIN, when writing to advertisers, will be mutually beneficial. The mailing label on your paper is a Ctceipt for your subscription, and a re* •Under of the date of its expiration. To insure change of address, the sub scriber must give the old, as well as the feew, address. Remittance may be made by Draft, Post Office or Express Money Order or Registered Letter, addressed to THE CATHOLIC BULLETIN, 315 Newton Bldg., St. Paul, Minnesota. ILEV. JAMES M. REARDON, Editor. Entered as second-class matter, Jan uary 12, 1911, at the post office, St. Paul. Minn., under Act of March 3, 1879. SATURDAY, MAY 30, 1914. The rising sun of nationhood is purpling the hilltops of Ireland with the dawn of a new day. P^ospere procede et regna! Next "Wednesday, Friday and Saturday, June 3, 5 and 6, are Ember Days of fast and absti nence. The usual exemption holds good in favor of the working class. The Paschal season, dtnring which Catholics are obliged, under pain of grievous sin, to receive Holy Communion, expires on Trin ity Sunday, June 7. The time is short, the obligation is pressing and all who, through neglect, fail to attend to this important scatter risk the loss of their Souls. "When my country takes her place among the nations of the earth, then, and not till then, let my epitaph be written." One of tlfc first duties of eman cipated Ireland is to carry out the dying wish to Robert Emmet by carving a suitable epitaph above his lowly grave. "His dust will feel its meaning, and rekindle in the gloom.'' The goal is reached! The battle is won! True, the Home Rule Bill must pass to the House of Lords and they are given a month in which to make some disposi tion of it, but at the end of that period it becomes the law of the land automatically. Unless some unforseen parliamentary crisis occurs, Ireland will soon enjoy the fruits of her victory. The month of June is set apart by the Church in honor of the Sacred Heart of Jesus. Accord ing to the promise made by our Lord to Blessed Margaret Mary, "All who promate this devotion will have their names written in My heart, never to be blotted out." Let us endeavor to reap the full benefit of this promise. Note the excellence of the press work as well as of the printing and general "make-up" of our Pro-Cathedral Edition. Credit for this is due to the well-known firm of Willwerscheid and Roith who have printed The Catholic Bulletin from the beginning They have installed a new Coxe Duplex press to enable them to meet the demands of our increas ing circulation. The firm is well equipped to do all kinds of print in*. The notorious Thomas E. Wat eon of Georgia, whose anti-Cath olic bias got him in trouble some time ago, is again in the toils. On May 15, he was indicted in the Federal Court for an article published in his paper at Thoma son, Ga., containing attacks on the Catholic Church. It is charged that the article was "obscene, lewd and lascivious." The last time Tom escaped punishment on a technicality. Will he be wily enough to evade punishment this timet Pentecost Sunday is not inaptly regarded as the natal day of the Church. It commemorates the de scent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles in the form of tongues of fire and their setting fbrth on the active work of propagating the Gospel. They were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and they began to speak in divers tongues, the wonderful works of God." Since that day the Holy Ghost has had the Church under His special protection and it is in virtue of His indwelling presence that she is kept free from error in matters of faith and morals. Do not fail to read the adver tisements in the Pro-Cathedral Edition which accompanies this regular issue. They contain much valuable information for prospec tive buyers. None but reputable business firms are advertised and our readers may feel certain of receiving every courtesy from them. They are worthy of your patronage and their generous treatment of The Catholic Bulle tin merits a similar courtesy from all its readers. Do not fail to mention The Catholic Bulletin when writing to them or dealing with them. It will help the paper, it will encourage the advertiser, audit will benefit the purchaser. The notorious ex-Mayor Nathan of Rome, the official representa tive of the Italian Government at the Panama Exposition in San Francisco, arrived in the United States this week. He was wel comed by his brother Masons, a delegation of whom, headed by George Freifeld, Grand Master of New York State went down the bay on May 25 to greet him. Did some one say that the American Masons are not in sympathy with the anti-Catholic tactics of their brethren in Europe? It is now up to Catholic visitors to the Pana ma Exposition in 1915, to keep away from the Italian exhibit and thus shqw their displeasure at this wanton insult to their religion on the part of Italy. Despite the predictions made by certain Unionists that the final message of the Home Rule Bill by the House of Commons would be followed by outbursts in Ulster, no disturbances have occurred thus far. "Belfast is as quiet as a well-ordered sewing meeting," says a Unionist newspaper. Many Unionists declare that it is only the calm which presages the fierce storm, and that, failing the de feat of the Government at a gen eral election, civil war looms ahead as a certainty. But—we shall see. No need to be unduly alarmed. So far, the worst has been nothing more serious than a severe attack of Ulster bluff and blaster. IRELAND TRIUMPHANT. Monday, May 25, was a day of triumph and jubilation for the Irish race the world over. When the news that the Home Rule Bill had passed its third reading in the British House of Commons was flashed to all parts of the world, a thrill of exultation pulsed through the hearts of Ireland's sons in every quarter of the globe. The goal towards which the Emer ald Isle had struggled for more than a century was at last reach ed. The aspirations which had dominated her political activity for the past forty years had ma terialized. The hope of ultimate success which had cheered her leaders during the dark night of misery through which she has passed had at length been realized. The sun of Ireland's nation ality, so long obscured by the dark clouds of oppression and persecu tion, is now flooding the hills and vales of the old land with its radiant light, thus ushering in a new era in the history of the Niobe of nations. It is the day of Ire land's triumph. The sons of the Gael, at home and abroad, hold jubilee. Not without reason do the peo ple of Irish birth and of Irish de scent exult today. They alone ful ly realize what the passage of the Home Rule Bill means to Ireland. It marks the end of the bondage, worse than slavery, by which she was held in subjection to England. This national degradation was brought about by the union be tween the two nations consum mated at the beginning of the last century, a union which is admitted by all unprejudiced historians to have been the work of bribery, de ception, lying, intrigue and the open and shameful purchase of votes, a union which strangled all the national aspirations of the Irish people and was the cause of all the misery which has fallen to their lot during the past one hun dred and fourteen years. This union was too iniquitous to last forever. No sooner was it accom plished than the Irish people rose in revolt against the bondage to which it subjected them and ef forts were made to bring about its repeal. Not until the days of the immortal Daniel O'Connell did this agitation produce results. But although the religious disabilities under which the people of Ireland labored, as a result of the union, were in large measure removed, still the question at issue remain ed—the union was a fact. Since the establishment of the first Irish Home Rule party forty years ago under the leadership of Isaac Butt, the aspirations of the Irish people for self-government have ever cheered their leaders on to greater efforts for its attain ment. When Gladstone became a convert to Home Rule in 1885, a new impetus was given to the movement and now, despite these years of alternate high hopes and bitter disappointments, the goal of Irish self-government has at last been successfully attained under the leadership of Ireland's second "uncrowned king," John E. Red mond, the leader of the National ist party. It is no wonder, then, that Ireland rejoices because of the new national life which throbs jj-* within her veins. She has taken her place in the niche, so long un occupied, among the nations of the world. In this struggle she had the encouragement and sup port of a number of English, Scotch and Welsh members of Parliament who have voted for Home Rule. In fact it is largely due to the co-operation of the Eng lish and Scottish democracy that her leaders were enabled to achieve success. They helped to rectify the injury done to Ireland at the time of the union, and to blot out the memory of the terri ble suffering which she endured for centuries at the hands of Eng land. For this they deserve com mendation and due credit will not be withheld by Irishmen and the friends of Ireland throughout the world. Their conduct stands out in striking contrast to the bigoted opposition of the aristocracy whose power of veto for many years thwarted the wishes of the British House of Commons. Even though the Home Rule Bill does not afford the fullest measure of self-government which Ireland desires, nevertheless, it is joyfully accepted, more as a pledge and guarantee of greater concessions in the future, than as a complete solution of the ques tion at issue. As such the Irish people regard it and rejoice not alone for what it gives to them in the way of national autonomy, but also for the promise which it holds in store of that final emancipation from England's rule for which they still hope. HOME RULE FOR IRELAND. The Home Rule Bill for Ireland passed the third reading in the British House of Commons on Monday, May 25, by a vote of 351 to 274, a majority of 78. It had previously passed through all the stages in two separate sessions of the English Parliament and it au tomatically becomes law no mat ter what its fate at the hands of the Lords to whom it will be soon referred. The Home Rule Bill gives Ire land a limited measure of self government in local affairs. Its enactment marks the culmination of a struggle for Irish national rights which has challenged the attention and compelled the ad miration of the whole world. The credit for this successful outcome of a century-old conflict is due to the prudent wisdom and enlighten ed statesmanship of two men, Mr. Asquith, the English Premier, and Mr. John Redmond, the leader of the Irish Nationalists. Now that success perches on the banner of Irish nationalism, it may not be uninteresting to advert to the causes to which this final victory must be attributed. What lies at the root of the efforts which Ireland has made to achieve inde pendence? What kept alive the aspirations after freedom which thrilled the hearts of the Irish for so many generations The im mortal, imperishable spirit of na tionality of the Irish race, and their undying instinct to govern themselves—these are the funda mental principles which underlie all their efforts. The spirit of nationality, ©lice enkindled in the hearts of a people, never dies. Witness the long-continued struggles of Greece, Belgium, Lombardy, Hun gary, Bulgaria and other nations for the God-given right of inde pendence. Ireland is no excep tion to this universal law of na ture. The fire of her national as pirations has not only never been extinguished, but has never been allowed to grow cold. Cardinal Newman, in a letter written in 1881, says: "I knew, when in Ire land, one of the leaders of the Smith O'Brien movement in 1848 his boast was, that from Henry II's time, the people have never condoned the English occupation They had, by a succession of ris ings, from that time till now, pro tested against it." He adds: "I have long thought that the Irish would gain Home Rule in some shape." Ireland never accepted union with England as a perman ent fact but protested continual ly against the usurpation of «.u thority which deprived her of a place among the nations of the earth. Again, it has ever been the un dying instinct of the Irish race to govern themselves and to manage their own affairs. It was so from the beginning. In olden times the clans met on the hillside to enact laws for the common good, to leg islate for their own interests. How strongly ingrained this idea of self-government was is shown in the Brehon Laws which gave to Ireland, even in pre-Christian days, a well-merited pre-eminence among the nations of the world. Under the domination of England all this was changed. The right to make their laws was taken away from the Irish people but the na tional spirit, crushed by oppres sion and might, was not broken or destroyed. For centuries it successfully defied the sword of the conqueror and. purified and invigorated by Catholicism, it nev er ceased to protest against the unjust aggression of England. The Irish never submitted tamely to the galling yoke of a foreign pow er. To be governed by others is THE CATHOLIC BULLETIN, MAY 30, 1914. something the Irish mind could never understand, and the Irish heart would never accept. These two characteristics of the Irish character kept alive in the national heart the aspirations after self-government which are now about to be realized. It is worthy of note that this national spirit of the Irish race has been misunderstood by the foremost statesmen of England. Gladstone did not become a convert to Home Rule for many years after the Home Rule party had befen form ed. Even at the present time, Mr. Balfour, who must be given credit for a sincere effort to make repar ation to Ireland for the injustice of the past, fails to understand the spirit of nationalism which animates them. In a recent ad dress he bewails the fact that his life has been a failure in view of the passage of Home Rule. "There was a time," he says, "not so very long ago, as my life is measured, when I cherished the dream that if law was restored in the Southern Province of Ireland, if every grievance was removed, if every inequality was smoothed away, if every encouragement was given to the legitimate industry, if every equality and more than equality were given to our Irish fellow-subjects, ancient memories would gradually soften, men would look forward as well as backward, and there would grow up what there ought to be between these two islands—a common hope, a common loyalty, confi dence in a common heritage—and that all this might be accomplish ed under one Parliament. "For that I have striven for that I have argued in this House and out of it for that I have work ed weary hours at legislative projects and striven to accommo date legislative details to the needs and necessities of the mo ment. And if the result of all is that, in order that civil war may be avoided, with all its uncalcula ble horrors, there is yet to be established in Dublin a separate Parliament to the injury, as I per sonally think, of the Irish people and not less, perhaps, to the British people then I may be an object of pity. I shall not regard such a Consummation as a triumph over my political en emies. On the contrary, it is the mark of the failure of a life's work,' it is the admission that the causes for which I have most striven and most earnestly sought to accom plish are fated to break down, and that the long labors spent in this House and out of it have not borne the fruit that I once hoped they might." Balfour undertook the impossi ble because the cruelties inflicted on the people of Ireland were so unparalleled in history that they could not be forgotten no matter how the people tried. They want ed at least a partial vindication such as the measure of self-govern ment provided by the Home Rule Bill, belated though it be, gives. And what about Ulster? The Home Rule Bill contains an amendment exempting from the jurisdiction of the Irish Parlia ment such counties of Ulster as may, by vote, manifest a wish to remain subject to English rule, this exemption to hold good for a period of six years and then to be voted on again. In spite of this concession, the Ulsterites are not satisfied with the Home Rule Bill. They are too English in blood and sympathy to enter into the spirit of Ireland's struggle for "freedom from an alien yoke. They are in the country, but not for it. They are the descendants of foreigners imported for the purpose of up rooting the Irish race. Their fore fathers dispossessed the rightful owners of the land and secured title by usurpation and oppression. They have never formed part of the real Ireland with few excep tions, they have never been in sym pathy with their fellow-country men. Instead of being glad that they are tolerated at all, they try to dominate the Irish people and ruin their prospects. They pro fess to fear the ascendancy of their Catholic neighbors and yet the Home Rule Bill specifically enjoins the Irish Parliament from interfering, either directly or in directly, with the religious belief of any citizen. If the Ulsterites will only accept the situation cre ated by Home Rule, which is hardly to be expected, and if they will join in an honest effort to make self-government a success from the beginning, they will see how magnificently generous the Irish Parliament can be towards all, irrespective of class or creed The Home Rule fund for isft.3 exceeds $110,000, the largest amount contributed in one year for purely political purposes since the inception of the movement The individual contributions were small, and were mainly from "the priests and people" of nearly all Irish* parishes, but there were more Protestant contributors than usual. The trustees have an nounced that as "there is every ground for confidence that the Home Rule bill will become a law within a few months, no appeal for money will be issued this year, unless in the event of some wholly unforeseen emergency." DESCRIBED BY ONE WHO SPENT TEN YEARS IN MEXICO—INTEL LIGENT, INDUSTRIOUS, TRUST WORTHY AND RELIGIOUS. If General Sherman's definition of War" is true—and no one denies that there is at least some truth in it—we may reasonably conclude that men will often be made to resemble demons amid the scenes of international con flict. Once an appeal to the sword has been made and a premium placed upon the slaughter of men, the sol diers who are sent to do the bloody work will, in the very nature of things, be led to commit acts which, in times of peace, would be atrocious crimes. In their tranquail homes they may be gentle, hospitable, upright but in battle, on the march through hostile territory, their business is butchery, and he becomes the best soldier often, who stifles most effectu ally all his humane instincts. We sit at our comfortable breakfast table and scan the news from the front We read a vivid account of some cold-blooded killing by a band of- soldiers, and our blood boils at the brutality of the deed. We forget, while we sip our coffee, that the re porter at the front who sent the story is there to get news and he would be a poor man for ,the place if the facts of his story lost anything of their harrowing character in the tell ing. We forget too, that there may be fifty circumstances unknown to us which justify the deed of the soldiers or mitigate its criminality. Moreover we forget that those soldiers are not sipping coffee at their breakfast tables each morning. They have been fight ing, foraging, killing, starving, freez ing for weeks and months. In a word, we forget General Sherman's defini tion. While our soldiers are occupying Mexican territory, and while the sol diers of our sister nation, hard ened and perhaps brutalized by four years of war, are cam paigning under circumstances that would try the metal of a Spartan or a soldier of primitive Rome and while our reporters are expected to make the biggest stories possible from the incidents taking place in Mexico, it may be well to reflect a little before condemning the acts perpetrated by Mexican soldiers. But even though we condemn indi vidual acts, would it not be a narrow or imprudent mind that would judge the character of a people from the actions of its campaigning soldiers, as these are reported in a sensation-seek ing press? And now while the present is big with potentialities of war or of peace between the United States and Mexico, a favorable view of the Mexican char acter on the part of our people will certainly tend to promote the chances of peaceful negotiations between the two* nations. Have our people placed a just estimate upon the Mexican character? Probably not. We have read too much about Mexico from the pens of travellers and tour ists. Men going down to that region for a holiday without understanding the traditions, the ideas, the needs, the aspirations, the civilization of the people could not sympathize with them could not write sympathetically of them. This class of writers has made the Mexican "greaser" a de spised term north of the Rio Grande and has led too many of us to under estimate a civilization, differing from our own indeed, but not necessarily inferior to it, and possessing character istics which our peqple might well be proud to claim. A writer who has lived a busy life in our sister republic for ten years has given his views of the Mexican character in a letter to the El Paso Morning Times. The letter is too long to quote in full but the following ex tracts deal directly with out subject— the Mexican character. Defends the Mexicans. Editor Morning Times: Dear Sir: Having but recently become, much 'against my will, by means of the con sular derrick, a homeless refugee after ten years of residence in Mexico, I suspect that I might speak of condi tions there with considerably more dependability than some with more limited experience who have had their say pretty fully and freely. Naturally the theme is too large for an ephemeral letter, and I will confine myself to one special phase, viz.: The disparagement of the Mexican character so commonly indulged in, which long ago was concentrated in the typical designation of them as "greasers," a term intended to be dis paraging and insulting. I have no brief for the defense of the general character of the Mexican people, but I want to give my testi mony and estimate as to their inher ent worth as citizens and members of the human race. In my opinion, and I hold to the opinion tenaciously, the Mexican is intelligent, much more so than many immigrants admitted without question into the United States. Naturally Industrtous. The Mexican is naturally industri ous. Some say he is not, but we must all remember that the normal stimulus to industry must be supplied, the ancient agricultural wage of 25 cents per day would be a very made* quate incentive after silver was de monetized and thence dropped from a purchasing value of $1.2929 in gold per ounce to less than 50 cents. To my own testimony on this point I may add that of Texans with whom I con versed ten years ago, who all assured me they did not know what they would have done for agricultural labor when the negroes abandoned it had it not been for the Mexicans who took their places. To this we may add the significant testimony of the numerous placards at intelligence of fices offering inducements to Mexicans to accept work on railroads and in dustrial enterprises. Again, the Mexican is naturally a faithful, loyal associate and helper he is trustworthy he esteems it a priceless honor to be confided in and ft/*- AT THE MEXICAN.CHARACTER his resistance to unfaithfulness is Strong. All men, however, irrespect ive of nationality, if distrusted and watched will frequently let the watch er have what he is looking for while if the same men are put upon their honor and not watched, few there be who will not feel their resistance to unfaithfulness profoundly strengthen ed, growing, develpping to normal. Some say a Mexican will steal your eyes out if you give him a chance. Under the same circumstances that a Mexican steals, a negro steals, and so will and does the white man—with exceptions of adamantine virtue that prove the rule. Can Be Trusted. Now. with agricultural wages— when there are wages—down awary below the cost of the humblest living, what, in his misery, does the Mexican do? Well, he returns to the feral state, the state of nature, that of all animals, he stays his hunger by help ing himself to such food as may be in sight. Then, does the Mexican steal? Yes, he does. When the economic pres sure becomes a menace to his life or the lives of his family he returns to the feral state, and like Sherman's "bummers," lives off the country. That is, some do. Multitudes do not the lesson of spiritual morality, the resistance to sin in the carnate life is strong because of the injury to the soul which will be maimed- for the life eternal. So these suffer in silence, they shrink and fade away under pri vations which sap their health and strength, but remain steadfast to the religious principles which have satu rated their lives. I have trusted hundreds of Mexi cans in small accounts. Very few in deed have been careless buyers. Some have not paid some could not pay and continue to eat. In hundreds of cases the debtors would appear sooner or later and take from their bosom the petty slip of account, where they had guarded it with religious care for weeks or months, until in their narrow lives the small sum would be saved for payment. Thus do I know that the Mexican men and women are of good faith and honest heart and do not from choice make accounts they cannot pay. I have no difficulty putting my finger on the sore spot of the Mexico situa tion. Some say the Mexican would rather fight than eat. I say this is not so. He fights because he and his family are not permitted to eat. The Mexican would rather work than fight. When he has no work he and his are falling into "la miseria," and it becomes an honorable privilege to fight for his country in preference to taking to the road to steal. He is a better man for his honorable fighting. He would in deed be a despicable cuss if he did not fight, tooth and nail, for the amelioration of the wretched condition of economic misery in which he is plunged. The Sore Spot. I said I could place my finger on the Mexican sore spot, and here it Is: It is the survival of the feudal sys tem of land tenure, with a few civil ized proprietors and the vast mass of the people despised dependents vastly worse off than ever were the serfs of Russia. Under Russian serfdom th« serf was a fixture of the estate he could not leave it. On the other hand, the serf had a prior right to his year's supply of the produce of the soil. It was all warehoused and the lord of the manor could not sell a pound until the annual requirements for seed and for the yearly sustenance of every serf and his family. How is it in Mexico? Well, I have often seen the mediero's half wholly taken to settle the advances made him by the hacen dado, leaving nothing for the payment of the petty accounts with which I too had aided the mediero» to achieve their meager harvests. I have seen the medieros go off with a remnant of beans and corn so small as to be both pitiable and tragic. Now, when it is remembered that the Mexican agriculturist gets- very little work for wages and' that when he does, it is at 50 cents per day in currency or less, it may be better realized how close the gaunt wolf of penury—la miseria—keeps before the door of his adobe hoveL I heard one of the hacendados whose name is on the list of those whose properties have been confis cated congratulating himself that al though his wage were 50 cents per day in Mexican currency, the real cost was only three reales per day, owing to the profits of his commissary. In other sections the ruling wage is only two reales per day. Thus may we understand more fully the truth of the remark made by a Mexican mother: "El futuro de la mujer mexicana esta muy triste y muy oscuro." The Mexican loves la patria, how ever hard a mother she has been to him. However little his minute frac tion of ownership is, he is intensely jealous of being despoiled of his meager share or of the honor of his country being impaired. He may be come by force of circumstances a bandit, but he never wavers in his loyalty to his country, if he be a poor man, clad in cotton, jeans and gnar aches. Sincerely, GEORGE W. DITHRIDGE. DOMAIN OF TEMPERANCE. A GREAT SOLDIER'S WORD OF HONOR. The magnificent charge of Na poleon's Imperial Guards is remem bered by all who read of the famous Battle of Waterloo. The British were apparently beginning to retreat, Na poleon's eyes glistened with assurance of victory. He orders forward his battalions of Imperial Invincible Guards, thirty-five hundred strong, each man a veteran tried and proved on many a battlefield. Gigantic men on colossal steeds, the Cuirrassiers charged. Like a lightning' shock, they begin to bear all before them. Ah, but hidden from view is a treach erous ditch, sunken ground, a verit able grave. Pell mell the first lines stumble, and horse and rider roll over together. Diminished in number but undaunted in heart, the other lines pass over the dead bodies of their comrades. They hurl themselves on the British squares. In vain Welling ton's men stand firm. Heroically, desperately Napoleon's veterans fight, but they are repulsed, and the British guards complete the defeat. Who led those brave soldiers of the Imperial Guard? Fondly they had hoped their master, Napoleon, would ride at their head. No, they had to pass before him, and it was Ney who commanded them as they rushed to duty, and also to doom. Conspicuous too, at, their head was another gallant general, hero of a hundred conflicts, dauntless, intrepid, the courageous, high-spirited Cambronne. To him are attributed the words, "La Garde meurt, et ne se rend pas." Whether really uttered or not, the words were true on that day, for when the noble French army was plainly defeated the Guards refused to yield, and almost to a man died where they fought. Gallantly Cambronne bore himself at the head of the Cuirassiers until, sur rounded and disarmed, he was per force made prisoner by General Hugh Halkett's men. The anniversary of Waterloo recalls this incident and Cambronne's name. Like so many of Napoleon's renowned captains, this notable leader had risen from the ranks. Soult, who when he died in 1851 was Grand Marshal of France, entered the army as a com mon soldier. Ney, who was so promi nent at Waterloo, commenced his mili tary career as a private Hussar. Similarly, at the age of twenty, Cam bronne was only a corporal, and his distinction in after years, his posi tion as general, even life itself he owed to his word of honor as a young man, and to the fact that he pledged himself to forego entirely and forever the pleasure of the wine cup. Though little more than a lad, the young corporal had learned, unfortu nately, as was usual in those times, to drink heavily, and, naturally bold and spirited, when under the influence of wine he became very excited. Brave and daring to a fault, wine proved an exceedingly bad master for him. One day when thus intoxicated an officer gave him an order, and, resenting either the order or the tone in which it was given, the young cor poral struck the officer fiercely. There was one punishment for such an of fenser-death—and the lad was con demned to be executed. The colonel of the regiment was greatly grieved. He knew the intel ligence, smartness and bravery of the young criminal, and spared no pains to obtain, if possible, a pardon. At first he met with no success, but at last he obtained the promise of par don upon one condition—the prisoner must never again be found intoxi cated. The colonel hastened to the military prison and summoned Cam bronne. "You are in trouble, corporal," he said. "True, colonel and I forfeit my life for my folly," returned the young fel low. "It may be so," replied the colonel, briefly. "May bel" responded Cambronne. "You are aware of the strictness of martial law, colonel. I expect no pardon. I have only to die." "But suppose I bring yon a pardon on one condition?" The corporal's eyes sparkled. "A condition? Let me hear it, colonel. I would do much to save life and honor." "You must never again become drunk." "Oh, colonel, that is impossible!" "Impossible, boy? You will be shot tomorrow otherwise. Think of that." "I do think of it," replied the young soldier. "See you, colonel, Cam bronne and the bottle love one an other so- well that once they get to gether it is all up with sobriety. No, no! dlare not promise never to get drunk." "But, unhappy boy, could yow not promise never to touch wine?" "Not a drop, colonel?" "Yes." "Ah, that is a weighty matter 00£ onel. Let me reflect. Never, never to touch- wine ail my life." For a moment or so the young cor poral thought. Then he looked up. "But, colonel if I promise, what guarantee will you have that I shall keep my promise?" "Your word of honor," said the colonel. "I know yon. I know yon will not fail me." The lad's eyes lighted. His fea tures brightened. The colonel's con fidence touched him. With his face resolutely set, he solemnly replied: "Then I promise—I, Cambronne swear never to take a drop of wine." The colonel warmly shook his hand and departed, and the next day Cor poral 'Cambronne resumed his place in the regiment. That was In the year 1795, and in the garrison town of Nantes. Years passed, and step by step the young soldier rose until, In due course, he became General Cam bronne, one of the foremost men In the French army, few more distin guished than he for fearlessness and sagacity in the hour of war and few more respected and beloved In times of peace. Twenty-five years after the episode just narrated he was dining in Paris with his old colonel. Many brothers in arms were present. In the midst of the proceedings the gen eral was ordering a glass of rare old wine by his former commanding offi-, cer. Immediately Cambronne drew himself to full height "My word of honor, colonel, have you forgotten that?" he cried excitedly. "Nantes—the prison—my vow?" he continued, striking the table with evi dent emotion. "Never, sir, from that day to this has a drop of wine passed my lips. I swore It, and I have kept my word, and shall keep' It, God help ing me, to the end:" As many times before, again the old' colonel thanked God he had been the means of preserving such a true*/ hearted man for France.—-Charles Bailey in Temperance.