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m gtctu -Haven, (Connecticut, J&ituvrtati, j'cbvunvn 12. 1887 ADVOCATE. 1 r 11 at is acrimh; THE RELATION OF LAW THE PEOPLE TO A 1'ha tci' on Sorial I'coiioiny lt a Radical Writer of Ante-Hcllum Ihiys Advocal inr Ucsist- ain't' 1t I'mjiisI V.wa lj r'nicc. Wo print, to-day, an extract from the anonymous work from which we last week quoted views on the land question; trom tunc to time we shall present extracts on various social topics. Especial attention is invited to the propositions following, as they form the, basis of the author's argu ment for land-national i.ation, which will be completed in our next edi tion under the title ' Crime and Property." "The ii rat and most obvious re tirement in a country, is some de gree of security for lift', lil-erlji and jiroirrl '. This gives birth to crimi nal law, the great end of which is to prevent crimes. Now, here we have the whole evidence of history, that law began at the wrong end. "Law ought to emanate from ethics, and the very lirst and most important question to determine is, "what is a crime'' and "what is not a crime?" Instead of aseertainiiuj, what was a crime, and then pro ceeded to enact laws for its punish ment, they made a synthesis be fore making an analysis, and made that synthesis the basis of political enactments, and committed murder, robbery and every other crime un der the shelter of their legislation. So far as the seienee of politics was concerned, they were in much the same position as those who made astronomy without observation; that is, they were wholly and totally basing on arbitrary assumption. Hut wrong proceedings in politics are far more serious than wrong proceedings in other departments, inasmuch as man and man's welfare are concerned; and the laws of former times, and to a large extent of the present time, being based on superstition, necessarily produced and continue to produce, effects the most detrimental to society. Kven admitting the major proposition of the law, that crime ought to be punished, the minor (this act and that act are crimes) was purely ar bitrary; it was determined on no principle of stability, was variable, contradictory, often absurd, and very generally unjust. "Thus, at one period, it was a crime for a man to be free, as it still is in Pussia, and in the Southern States of America this was writ ten in 1 8 ." 1 Li. J. At another period, it was a crime to have a slave. "At one period, it was a crime to go to church; at another, to refrain from going to church. "At one period, it was a crime to shoot a deer; at another, no crime. At one period, it was a crime to be a witch; at another period it was ad mitted that there were no witches. ''Sow, all this diversity, is ex actly similar to the diversity that prevailed in the h tsieal si , m-es be- tore Bacon s time. I lie major principles of investigation were not in dispute; but Paeon, with a grasp of magnificent genius, laid hold of the miliars of the sciences, and told men that they must first ascertain I hem before they could arrive at knowledge. "And so it is in lair, the exponent of men's proposition "what is a crime?'' requires to be determined upon exactly the same principles as we determine "what is a square?" or. "what is the orbit of the earth?" Without this determination, made on principles which are not arbi trary, but scientific, law is despot ism; tiicf no mftii in the icnrhl iituroUji hut ml In iilti ij it, except as scripture may enjoin him to obey even unjust laws si. If legisla tures will make actions legally crim inal which are not actually criminal --II Hlflllhlinil is hull llll li o'll I In hi. On the contrary n-eomes mil' of Hi r hithes! iiiir of hiuh hi re sist snrh tan's U use eeerij (furl hi jirucitri' hn'r aulilion ; it ml, if In' ritium ilu so In reason, lln'ii h so hlj fortr, "The welfare of humanity de mands this at the hand of every man; and the Intse it ml shtn'si lnc Irinr of inm-resislnnee is I'd, not for men who study truth in (iod's uni verse, but for hireling sycophants, who care not what man may suffer, so that their vile carcasses arc clothed and fed. The power of the ruler to determine w hat is a crime?" is the origin and sole basis of the political degradation of the continent of Kurope. Abstract this determination from the power of the rulers let it be made on the principle of imleienienl investiga tion, and let the rulers be the e.eeen turs of the laws and we have the first great practical reform that en velopes the germ of all others, and that -cannot fail ultimately to entail the best blessings of liberty and se curity. All the revolutions of the continent, from the day of the Jen ili1 Unit me, down to the year 1S49, have originated in nothing else than the false determination of crime by the htr, and the power of the ruler, not merely to ceveiile laws, but to make, tiller, ninl uriiinale them. 'But, intimately connected with the theory of rrime, is the theory of natural froiertti. The law assumed crime ttrln'rart't, and proceeded to mnish it. It assumed property a r hilrarihi and proceeded to roeet it. The king who had the power to make or unmake crimes, had the power to dispose of the land that be longed to the State. lie sold or gifted it, and thus, in the long run the whole of the lands of England, with some trifling exceptions, have been alienated from the nation, and the burden of taxation, has been placed upon the people. "Superstition that is, unbounded credence was at the bottom of the king's right in both cases ; and the present inhabitants of the British islands are bound to observe the laws made in former times, concern ing crimes and property, just in so far as those laws are now equitable, or would now be re-enacted wen1 there no laws on those subjects. The present possessor of a portion of land derives not one iota of ires en! riijhl, from the former gift of a defunct monarch; and his right, to be now valid, must be such, that, were all his titles destroyed, the nation would proceed to place him in possession of the lands, because he, as an individual man. had an eiiiiiille claim to them. Just as, if all the laws and statutes of England were destroyed, the na tion would proceed, as usual, to the arrest and punishment of the mur derer or robber those crimes be ing punished, not because, there are laws for their punishnment, but be cause it is jit si that they should be punished. The jitsfiee of the punishment does in no case derire I mm lite late, but the whole force and validity of the law ierirrs from the jnstirr of Urn iiit iiislimrnl '. And where the punish ment is mil jnsl, 'lull iitiiisiiiienl is a rrime, whatsoever the law may be, or whatever it may declare. PROVIDENCE. R. I. The American Section, S. L. 1'., of Providence, hen! an interesting and well-attended meeting last Sun day afternoon, at which nine new members were received. Comrade Edward Lupton was elected Organ izer, liegular meetings will be held the first and third Sunday after noons in each month at Socialist Labor Hall, corner Bell and Kiswald streets. m n;i:i;s!'siu:Ts. Several interesting articles came to late for publication, among which was the 1 1 ol voke, Mass., letter. IT WILL NOT PASS. V 1'nqMKition to Capitalism to De stroy Itself ly Law. The following interesting docu ment, all the way from Washington Territory, has been submitted for publication previoiis'to its introduc tion iu Congress. j, Imagine the mil lionaire Senators wrestling with it ! .n Act In irrrriif sjieriitalitiit in Ctntl Lnml of the I'liileil Slates. He it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Enitcd States of America, in Con gress assembled : Srelion 1. That hereafter the coal lands of the I'nited States shall only be disposed of to companies or corporations composed of actual wanworking miners, incorporated in pursuance of, and under an Act, entitled "An Act to legalize the in corporation of National Trade-Unions.'" Seeinn '.'. That any corporation or company so incorporated, and holding such coal-lands, shall not dispose of, alienate or transfer any of such coal-lands to any corpora tion, person or company, except to a corporation or company organized and existing as provided for in Sec tion 1 of this Act. And if any cor poration or company holding such coal-lands under this Act shall cease to operate lnines, or become insol vent, or go out of existence, or dis solve, then such company or corpor ation shall relinquish its rights of and to any coal-lands by it held, to the United States; or, if no relin quishment thereof be made by such corporation or company, the said coal-lands shall revert back to the United States. Section II. Any corporation or company, organized, as herein "pro vided, shall be entitled to receive twenty acres of coal-land from the United States for each member of the corporation or company apply ing, and shall pay for such coal-land 1. ,!. per acre, provided that no such company or corporation shall hold more than :,(H)0 acres of coal-land. Seel inn 4. Any person, corpor ation or company, violating any of this Act, shall be subject to a line not exceeding five thousand dollars, or to imprisonment not exceeding six months, or both. Seeion .. Any person, company or corporation, not composed and incorporated as stated in Section 1 of this Act, which may by deed, sab;, lease, or otherwise obtain pos session of any coal-land, after the passage of this Act, from the United States, or from a corporation of wage-working mines, shall be sub ject to the same fine or imprison ment, or both, as related in Section 4 of this Act; and any land so ob tained contrary to the intentions of this Act, revert back to the United States. Serf ion i. This Act to take effect immediately. SCORE ONE FOR "47." Alexander Troup Hronnlit to Term ami Ituilcr I'lates AltoU-diori. New Haven Typographical Union, No. 47, has succeeded at last in "persuading" Alexander Troup to keen nlatcs out of his naner, the Union. Other irregularities on that paper will no doubt be settled soon. Mr. Tronn is himself a member of the Typographical Union, and in days gone by was a very noisy union ist, though it is evident that his unionism was only skin-deep. Bosses seldom make good union men their interests are always in the fore. The latest on 'lit is that Troup lias taken revenge by discharging two men another proof of his unselfish na ture. SEVENTH WARD. The Seventh Ward Labor Party will meet at Central LiW Hall (Lamar Block, opposite Bunnell's. Crown street) to-morrow (Sunday) afternoon at 3 o'clock. STAR Ch MBER TACTICS. t- ii in it I of Cihmim'I tor the c llau'ii I'.ojcolteis in reply to Hie "State." The following interest iiix arjm mcnt, embodied in the "Defendants' Keply to the Brief for the State" contains the gist of the defence against the "odious engine of oppres sion," the "conspiracy law," which he proprietor of the boycotted .hnir mil ami Courier, through his lawyer, endeavored to have the State prosti tute itself to enforce against men who violated no law: In this cause thi' counsel for the State and the accused exchanged hriel's on the evening of .January '.'."itli. Sn far as the particular arguments contained in the brief for the State are concerned, we do not feel called upon to reply in print, and to reply in kind would necessitate a larger admixture of denunciatory matter than would lie appropriate to an inquiry of this sort. But some of tlie"inemiseH or grounds from which the arguments proceed arc so novel and curious for this ae as to he worthy of attention. It seems to he assumed throughout that if the accused combined to do any acts that would inconvenience the prose cutors, or reduce the income they other wise niiuht have received, the accused are guilty, whether in so doing they violated any law or not. In other words, the assumption seems to he that the de fendants are criminals although they have done no legal w rongthey an to he punished criminally because they are inconvenient persons. Hut the counsel for the State have not left us to inference in ascertaining the ground of their argument. On page 7 of their brief they say: 'It ts niil nceiwury tlisii (lie 'unlawful' in-t to In- iliiiie shiiiilil he sui'li us to lay (lie I'niHiclnlloil of mi nrflon for ilamaifi's, when ilniic." "In ri'liiiinal law. the offense In In Ihe eoinhi natlini. anil no overt net Is necessary to i'onsli tnlell." Undoubtedly the criminal oll'ense is in the combination or agreement , but men enter combinations with reference to .some object or end. Tim mere fact of combination is without any legal signifi cance whatever. It is (he act or acts agreed to be done, either as ends or means, that gives to the combination the element of criininaiity. Combination is the largest factor in modern life. Men combine in the pursuit of the most Ix nelieent. ends. Modern civilization has been defined as the combination of man kind to resist and overcome the forces of nature in the struggle for existence. Our learned friends may find criminality here; hut they should heed the admonition of Kurke, that you cannot draw an indict ment against a w hole people. It is, then, the act or acts agreed to be done that stamps the combination with its quality, whether criminal or other wise. Of course t he acts need not be done. If the agreement is unlimited in overt acts, there is no occasion to explore the realm of chaos in search of weapons with which to punish the offenders. In our brief we have contended that the true rule is, that the act or acts agreed to be done, cither as ends or means, should be such that if done they would constitute a crime, and that other wise a combination or agreement to do them is not a criminal conspiracy. To rehearse here the arguments and author ities bearing upon this point would he simply tedious, and we forbear. The position of the counsel for the State is this: The acts agreed lo be done need not he criminal, '. ., of such a nature that the person or persons doing them would become amenable to a crim inal sanction. They need not lie such that if directed toward a private ierson, and causing him losses, the law would give him a civil action for damagesand yet two or more persons entering into such an agreement are conspirators, and may lie punished for a criminal con spiracy. In simpler phase, the proposition is this: Several may lie punished for a criminal conspiracy if tln-y merely agree to do an ai t which, if actually done by one, woiuu ie neiiiier a crime nor a civil injury. In its liaf'lest lorm the proposition is this: A man may be punished crimi nally, though he h;is violated no law. There was a time when u iiroiiosilion like this would not have given such a Miocktothe intelligence and coiisi ienct as it does now. The court of Star ( 'ham- ber would have approved it. Ifudson, an eminent practitioner in that court, in his Treatise, referred to in our brief, says, Section 1, it is "Hssiireilly no matter nf nei-e-,Mty to pnhlisli the rea-oii of the jinluinint ol Hie law. or 'apices or lietionev juris' to i he ii, nit it inle. who ale apt to luriii-h tlc7i,..elws with lnlls to ciniik their wiel.eiiiie"'. rather than to fain yn iler-tnieliiitr to farther Ihe irovei mneiit of the oniiuonwealtli: for Miit ir few nu n wotih! he ruinateil hv ilihom -t in, ans. if tneii know not how to cover their ilchonety ,un!t r sonic cover of law or jn-tice." The doctrine for which our friends contend still lingered in the courts, not withstanding: the abolition of the Star 'haiulHT. In the ciw of the King vs. Sir Charles Sidley, in the K. R, 15 Car. 11. 10G4, 1 Sid. (5:30, who was indicted at common law for several misdemeanors against tbe peace of the King, and which were to (he great scandal of Christianity, he was told that "although there was not now a Star Chamber, "still they would have him know thai this court is riistns iiiueinn ol' all the sub jects of the King." The curious will find a particularstatemont of the olfeipc, and the punishment meled out, in 1 Keble, (i'.'l). In the case of Jones vs. Randall, boll't iiSl, heard in the King's liencb before l.ord Mansfield in Inl, lie said : "There is no positive law : Whatever is contrary, mios imiirn i t ileroeiim, the principles of oar law prohibit, and the King's Court, .as the (ieneral Censor and biardian of the public manners is hound to restrain and punish." 11ns doctrine never was adopted here, and has been abandoned iu Kuglaiid, If in this or any other ease a remedy ought to exist w here there is none, the people through their reiirescntativesal the other end of I ho building will provide one. Our earned friends under the KUh point of tin ir Uriel' says as follows : "11 Is a criminal c. aisoir:n . for several to coinhlnc hy concerted net inn, ilireetlv. lo Injure anil opiirc-s anoi her. In liU Irailn or inisiiicss, tor no .insiinunic reason -'Voiihl a slalnlc L-ivc a nlalncr ilelinUion of t he offeiiMc y If it could not, it ought not to exist. Is it to be left to the shifting fancies of committee magistrates, to determine what acts will not "injure and oppress another, iu his trade or business." and are such magistrates to be left to deter mine from their own notions of what is convenient and inconvenient as to what is a "justifiable reason '!" If this he so, what need for any "law of the land?" The quotation from Bishop's Hirec lions and Forms, Sec. :li:s, given in the brief under this point, tits well into the claims of the State; hut it contains a statement of doctrine that any jurist of uiih age siiouiu oe asiiained to avow. To the statement of Mishoo we oppose that of Mr. Field, in his argument in the Supreme Court of the United States, in behalf of the defendant, in the case of the United States vs. Cruikshank, il'J U. S., r2, and given on page 2U) of the first volume of his speeees and argu ments : "It may not he out of place to ohserve llnil mi accusal Ion of conspiracy Is of nil accusal inns the most (lanj.'criuis to meet, ami the. easiest to make men licllcvc In an excited community. It ts the harshest Nisflui! of tyranny 'ever use'il un der the form of law: anil Its freiiuent use Is the stronttiisl Hvhlcni f nilsiriivcniiiicnt. From t he hloinly days when the coinpa.ssln of inmclii Inn t lie ileal h of u klnif was (he inlseralile lire tense, upon which tyrants look the lives mid confiscated Hut estates ol their victims, to the present hour, no surer proof of irootl or evil government can he found Ihan Ihe chapter on conspiracies. one lias lull to entn narc Ihe statutes of misgoverned Ireland lo learn what an odious engine of oppression Is the law of conspiracy." Up to the time of going to press no decision has been made by the Supreme Court. Neither have the organized workmen declared the boycott at an end. It hardly seems possible that people can be com pelled to buy the Jon mnl ami ('mir ier or to have dealings with those who advertise in it, and the Supreme Court will probably recognize this. STATE PRINTING OFFICE. The Matter Argued Hel'ere the Legis lative Caiiiinittee. hast Wednesday a delegate from the New Haven Typographical Union appeared before the commit tee on appropriations, to whom the bill for the establishment of the State Printing Officio was referred, and argued in favor of the bill. lie urged that the State could Have profits and dividends while paying good wages to the actual workers in a State Printing office. In answer to the suggestion that tbe interest on an appropriation of $100,000 would be considerable, he said that the State was now paying interest indirectly to the contractors. As to eompetion being a means of getting State work done cheaply, he said that there was less competition among the bidders than was usually assured, and pointed out the absurd ity of supposing that bidders would continue to cut each other's throats for the mere pleasure of doing the State work: they were sufficiently alive to their own interests to avoid such competition. Pepresentative Ilunie of Mew Haven is a member of the commit tee oti appropriations, and was pres ent at the hearing. Pepresentative King, who introduced the hill in the legislature was absent. The Hartford boss printers are all op josed to the bill of course. This shows how much competition re duces their profits. OUR. STORMY DAYS THE BATTLE FOR INDUSTRIAL FREEDOM RAGING. New Ytirk's (i rent Strike May he l'teiiiled Ooveriinient Owner ship Called lor The Lou don SocialOt'iioicrats, Defeated Itohhies. Notwithstanding all the talk in dulged in by the capitalistic sheets about the collapse of the great strike of 'longshoremen in New York and Jersey City, the men still hold out against the bosses as we go to press. While there can he no doubt of the suffering caused by this gigantic struggle of impoverished working men against the bloated exploiters, there is a grim determination on the part of the strikers to tight it out. Latterly we hear of rumors of arbi tration, but so far nothing has been accomplished. Many of the strikers have experienced the blessings of the arbitration salve, and are not over anxious to be plastered with it again. In Philadelphia the Heading coal handlers are awaiting orders to strike, and are ready to go out at a moment's notice Tho Heading rail road employs thousands of men, and does an immense business. A gen eral strike along the line would be severely felt in Philadelphia. Tho president of tho Reading road seems inclined to accede to tho demands of the men should any bo made. Tho Italians are being organized, and hundreds of them have loft work. This cut off the scab ' sup ply to some extent. In lkiston tho workingmen held a great mass meeting Wednesday night in old Kaneuil Hall. Master Work man Qui nn of 1). A. 49 and Victor Hrury were among the speakers. Mr. Qninn denounced as newspaper lies any stories that the strikers were weakening, and said they would extend the strike over the whole country if necessary. A reso lution calling for government owner ship of the coal mines was passed. While these scenes are being enacted on this side of the ocean, the English proletariat is bestirring itself and giving strong evidence of an increasing spirit of revolt against capitalistic tyranny. Last Tuesday eening the Social-Democratic Fed eration arranged for a mass demon stration, which the frightened gov ernment prohibited. Hundreds of mounted police were ordered out, and tried to disperse the meeting, but were defeated and outwitted by the able leaders. From the highly colored capitalistic cable reports one would suppose that the Social-Democrats were a howling mob. Noth ing is further from the truth, and our readers shall have a true report as soon as the mailH from London ar rive. In (icrmanythe Socialists arc busy preparing for election. Bismarck is doing all he can to prevent an honest vote, and tho meetings of workingmen are interfered with by armed police and soldiery. Never theless, the canvass progresses even under such difficulties, and we ex pect to heai encouraging news from the well-disciplined and courageous (ierman Socialists. THE GRAND SOIREE. Next Monday evening the great social event of the season will take place at the Second Itegiment Ar mory on Meadow street. 1'llC Knights of Labor of this city will hold their second annual concert and soiree then, and the memory of last year's affair will no doubt stimulate the desire to participate in the com ing event. Thomas orchestra of eigh teen pieces will "discourse sweet music" and Prof. Burns will prompt the dancers. The concert begins at 8:30 o'clock.