Workmen's advocate., February 12, 1887, Image 2

About Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891

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W O It K. r K N ' S AUVOoat js .
ttOHWSAtVOCATE,
(IKKK'IAI. JOt'UNAl. OK
THE SOCIALISTIC LABOR PARTY
OK NOHTII AMKHICA.
I'l hl lHIlKU BV TIIK
NATIONAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE,
KVKIIY WKKK.
Publication Ollice, "HI (hapr! Slioi t.
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NTBBKIl AT Tilt IIKTOrUlt AT NKW 1IAVKN, ('ON
mertni'T. a bbconk ci ash mattkh
Nkw ILvvkn, I'j.nu la u y l.', lssT,
FRIGHTENED.
" The -New Haven Unjisler seems
to ho uneasy in regard to the
changes taking place in the minds
of the people regarding property in
land, and, like the rest of the capi
talist class driven to the wall by
sound argument, invokes the aid of
the rille. This is what the Urtjis
tcr's editorial writer says :
"U is ittl well enough for Henry
(Ieorge to go about the city lecturing, or
stay at home writing hooks upon the
glorious plan of alolishing property in
land, lie may even go nir with
his scheme as to nlitain legislative ap
proval of it. Hut how is he to gain the
Kulmiission of the army of land holders
the country over? Will not the man who
inherited his properly and the matt who
purchased it out of the savings of his
own thrift stand shoulder to shoulder,
armed with a Winchester rille V"
t
When Henry (ieorge and the army
of Labor get so far as to secure legis
lative, approval of the proposition to
nationalize the land, it may lie taken
for granted that legislatures will
luivo tioon elected by the people who
are in favor of this act of justice,
and if then there are those who
think it wise to "stand shoulder to
shoulder tinned with a rille" to op
pose the State ami national govern
ments, they will have to take the
eonsoo, nonces.
lint the military editor of the
Hegislvr should remember that
Henry (ieorge doesn't propose to
stuff his gripsack full of farms and
cattle ranches and take them away
with him. The "army of land
holders will probably not "stand
shoulder to shoulder armed with a
ritle,'' but like good citizens walk
up to the (ax-collector's ollice and
Hettle, jitst as they do now. l'.esides,
it 18 just possible that people wont
find it necessary or profitable to
"hold land" individually. I'rodue
tion on a large scale being most
economical, and the government af
fording opportunities for the people
to co-operate in producing the nec
essaries of life, it is hardly probable
that farmers will be found willing to
toil from sunrise to sunset for the
"mere satisfaction of "holding laud."
A good little homestead with a few
acres for pleasure gardening will
probably be all that the most ambi
tious will care to hold. The pro
ducing farms will no doubt be
economically conducted under such
govermental auspices as the people
may decide.
Jut Henry (ieorge does not con
template all this, even, lie simply
iroKses to prevent speculation in
land values by taxing land to its full
value; and we cannot sec how, un
der the circumstances, the "ritle"
would come into play with any good
results to the rillcmen commanded
by editorial colonels. Nor will it
Le likely that the farmers will
object to paying their taxes to the
tax collector direct, instead of as at
present paying an indirect and most
burdensome tax to the manufacturer,
' ' It
the merchant, tin; money lender and
mortgage monger. Tin; land-holder
under Mr. ( ieorge 's plan would be
much more secure in his tenure of
land than t'.ie over-worked and interest-burdened
fanner is to day.
So, what's the use of indulging in
such inrendiary talk ahout fanners
"arini'd with rillcs?" The changes
proposed will undoubtedly he ear-
I'ied out A ' miijr, and then -
why, then the editor of the Unjisler
will not he tin' last to tell thein that
he always was in favor of true de
mocracy, lie will accept the inevita
ble irraeefull v.
A "QUEER ' FELLOW.
In an editorial entitled "We Arc
a Queer People," Wiiilt 's I'iftrc ami
I'nirie, of which dos. M. Wade an
nounces himself " Kd i tor and l'.us-
i n ess Manager" in capitals, the fol
lowing statements are made :
''The coal handlers who started the
present st t ike, no doubt, had a good ease
in the beginning, which the coal kings
should have listened to. Kuteven if they
were unreasonable, patience and moral
pressure would have been more t'll'ecl ive
and much less expensive I hail a si rike,
u liicli will cost millions, and may fail in
the end."
"While labor is fairly dealt with, such
doctrines as those urged by Henry ( ieorge
and Mr. Mcdlynn will lake root slowly,"
"Patience and moral pressure" is
all the bosses ask. With these two
'''virtues" workinginon can always
earn the smiles end low wages of
their employers. Wo never hear the
bosses crying out against "moral
pressure" they like it better than
strikes. The reason why they pre
fer "moral pressure" is that it does
not interfer.) with their profits. Put
Mr. .Jos. M. Wade don't tell the
workingmen how to press morally.
As. .Id., the doctrines of Henry
(Ieorge taking root slowly "while
Labor is fairly dealt with,"' we are
of the opinion, and intelligent work
ingmen are beginning to see it, too,
that .Labor will not be fairly dealt
with until such doctrines and others
more radical prevail.
.Jos. M. Wade is no doubt more
of a "business manager" than
iitsiness manager than an
his paper looks propcrous
editor
and he evidently caters to his pa
trons, the bosses.
We hope that the Textile workers
will organize ' thoroughly and have
an honest journal of their own
that will help to educate these
poorly-paid workers out of the
drudgery of wage-slavery.
Ilv the way, who is the Robert
Howard that is announced as associ
ate editor of Wade's paper ? ('anil
he the Secretary of the spinners'
union .
Robert.
Oncer company to be in.
"accident."
The latest railway "accident" up
in Vermont brings to mind a -conversation
with a railroader which
convinced us that many a mishap
could be prevented by proper pre
cautious. Something wrong caused
the parting of thetrain at Woodstock
Pridgo near White Uiver Junction
last week. The railroader assured
us that the railroad companies cm
ployed too few men to propcriv at
tend to the many details that goto
make railroading safe as well as
swift. The reason why the railroad
companies employ a minimum num
ber of men is not difficult to mime:
Hivi.lcnds! Profit!
Last car the Wokk m i: "s Ann-
UK published secral articles bv
Will. H. Soii'.hwotth. ('. K. . of San
Francisco, in v, hich were made plain
the fact that enormous profits were
derived from the railroads. And
we must not only count as profits
the amounts paid out as dividends:
for the salaries of sinecure olheials
arc notoriously out of proportion to
the wages paid the mechanics and
laborers upon whose work depends
so much the comfort and safety of
the traveling public. Mr. South
worth's statements neer have been
refuted. For the benelit of inves
tigators we refer to the advertise
ment of "Overland for One Hollar,''
in another column .
The society of civil engineers of
the I'nited States have reported the
average cost of freight on American
railroads at six-hundredths of a
cent per ton per mile; yet the rail
way corporations do not hesitate to
charge an average of more than a
cent.
As to passenger trallic, the cost of
transportation need be but little
more than that of freight; and the
railway reports show that three
fourths of the profits come from
freight. I'se the profits for making
the roads safe by better inspection
of road-beds and gear, and we should
not have to read of Kiich terrible
scenes as those recorded. Notonlv
do the people pay in money (labor)
for the bungling of the corporations,
but in blood. It is time that the
(picstion of government ownership
and control be settled right. Hired
attorneys and special pleaders may
praise our railway system and the
competitive plan; but the fact re
mains that inadequate protection to
and extortionate profits from the
people are the results of the present
svstern.
Must we wait for the Labor Party
to grow strong enough to right these
things, or is there suUicient
humanity and justice in the
old parties to make the change ?
The old partiesniave'had ample op
portunity) prove their desire and
power in this matter, ami have sig
nally failed bPshow cause why they
should exist. Let the Labor Party
take the helm, and following its
platform eliminate the competitive
profit system from the department
of public transportation. Then, and
then only may we expect a scientific,
safe and cheap system of rail
roads. CAPITALISTIC NEWS.
In view of the actual facts regard
ing the great strike in New York
and vicinity last Saturday the fol
lowing heading in the New York
I'.ecninij W (rat) seemed rather
ridiculous :
an t i ria: ni'.tT.vi'
Tint I.(n;iikk SruiMais iutn Kvmtvwiiua..
Their phiees tilled hv new men, ele.
The readers of the W arc mostly
capitalists who no doubt needed a
little bracing up. I hit it. does seem
rather cruel and productive of dis
trust in the W to tell such bald
lies. Fortunately the workmen of
New York have an honest out
spoken taper of their own (''
I, rittlcr), so that they can tell as near
as possible what the situation is
without going to headquarters to
find out whether the latest news
printed is false or not.
Instead of "beaten everywhere"
the strikers were checkmating the
boycotted companies at almost every
point. Pott the W could not re
sist the temptation of printing a lie
to express its contemptible wish.
Now, it is more than probable
that the strikers will not gain much
bv their strike in the wav of in
creased wages; it is certain that
many of them will have lost, or at
least failed to receive, through the
strike, one or two weeks' wages.
Peat they have gained something
I 1 l , 1 V 11 til 111 'I I'l I V'lUltl li HI ItOll.ll .
and cents- the feeling of manhood,
a revolt against injustice. And we
trust that they will have learned
that it requires a strike of another
nature to compier their oppressors.
And when this strike takes place,
the capitalistic news-mongers will
have another story to tell, if thev are
.i,.,i ;n i... .,.-,,,( ...i ;,. .i..m , i
not executed as spies against the j
duly e instituted authorities. The
strike we refer to is the strike at the
ballot-liox with organization sntfi
cicnt to carry out the will of the
people if the "lioodle" men show
anv desire to thwart them bv unlaw
ful means.
For this reason the Labor Party
is organizing, and by its growth and
strength will be gauged the measure
of success which the strikers that
the W wishes defeated have at
tained. The fact that the men struck is
in itself a good sign. If they do not
succeed in bringing the bosses to
terms by this means, they will seek
more effective ones. A taste of lib
erty even at the cost of suffering is
worth more to the workers than
"steady work," wages, ami slavish
submission.
The great strike wi
been in vain.
not have
NOTES.
The attention of our readers is
called to the article in another col
umn, entitled, "The Mission of La
bor ( h'ganizations," an extract from
('has. II. W. Cook's pamphlet, "The
True Solution of the Labor (Ques
tion," which may be found at the
ollice of the Woi:i WKN's A DVorATK,
or at the ollice of the National Lxec
utive Committee, IP.' First avenue.
New York City. Price, .'( cents.
The passage through both houses
of Congress of the Interstate Com
merce Hill, is regarded by most anti
monopolists as a step in the right
direction. Among those who urged
President Cleveland to oppose it
were a number of railroad barons
monopolists; also, the members of
the Knights of Labor Legislative
Committee at Washington, of which
Ralph licauiuont is chairman. John
Swintou and Henry (ieorge favored
it, and the former says that the K.
of L. committee took a serious re
sponsibility in interfering as they
did.
A committee of the Massachu
setts legislature examined the sys
tem of sewerage adopted at Pullman
the "model town" near Chicago,
where all the town's sewage is con
veyed away to a large farm and used
for fertilizing. The Massachusetts
committee is understood to favor the
adoption of such a system for cities
and towns in the "Old Hay State.
Mew Haven would be especially ben
efitted bv such a system; the Ilam
den plains could be made fertile and
the inhabitants of this city could
have an increasing supply of vegeta
bles close at hand. Hut such a
great scheme requires government
aid and ownership in order that the
people should get the full benefit.
WHAT OTHERS SAY.
Many members of the Knights of
Labor are members of the legisla
tures of the dilTeront States, but ex
cept in very rare cases they take no
independent stand. -- Ohio 'it!la
Hihhu-I.
As republics are said to be un
grateful to their beni' factors, so is
society to their "saviors." One by
one those patriotic men of New
York who could bury the hatchet of
hate and contention that only grew
sharper with years, and clasp hands
on a common platform of fratcrnitv.
all to save society from the outland
ish doctrine of the land for the
people, are now sentenced ofT to the
wearing of a felon's garb with the
hated word "boodle" imprinted on
their brows; and not a sigh of sym
pathy or regret is heard from the
highest to the most lowly member
of that society which they so hero
ically fought to Kave. Ah. but did
not society alwavs crucify its saviors?
I' i (I ml ti' f.
A WW OK .sr IT!.
The Knights of Labor in legis
latures are inorailv free to act inde-
pendcnt ofthepart.es which nomi-
nated them, if thev consider the can
didates or the inclinations of those
parties inimical to the objects of the more laKr organizations interfere with ()rs-nd it t
Knights of ltbor. The lVclarat ion 1 their interests. thrive
of Principles to which Knights are
pledged has for years been published
to the world, and parties making
such nominations can fairly be sup
posed to have waived all interests
that might, in the judgment of the
Knights, stand in the way ol tri
umph ol those principles, and ac
cepted the nominees as preferable
to the election o the candidates of
the opposing party. They only
nominate them to insure the defeat
of political opponents, and not
through love for workingmen.
Terre llmie Lire Issue.,
is it w ish :
Pomp and power, kings, kaisers,
presidents and governors, legislation
without ceasing, vast standing
armies, Pinkertou detectives, steam
and electricity in harness, huge na
tional del.'ts, burdensome taxes,
stately prisons, palaces and villas,
millionaires by scores, bribers and
bribe takers, luxury beyond a
dream, beautiful churches, saviors
of society, hurry-skurry, hurly
burly lying, cheating, scrambling
after wealth, and devil take the
hindmost the civilization of the
nineteenth century.
Misery and destitution, squalid
tenement houses, rum mills by the
thousands, thieves, tramps and pros
titutes, children perishing, despair
ing women, famine-haunted men,
ignorant preachers of chaos, tierce
competition, increasing immigra
tion, a struggling, writhing mass of
humanity, lighting desperately for
standing room in tin' slough of pov
erty, and the poor privilege of work
at starvation wages the barbarism
of the nineteenth century.
Hynatnite, the tool of civilization,
tin weapon of barbarism.
Room ! and a despot dies amidst
his guards. Strangle a few nihilists
and play that nothing is the matter.
Room ! and a great capital is
stricken with a panic. Hang up a
few Irishmen, and play again that
nothing is the matter.
Room ! And an awful shadow of
dread falls on a fair western city.
Sentence a few Socialists to death,
and once more play that nothing is
the matter.
Room ! And a stately steamship
lies halt wrecKed upon the sea.
Shall we keep on playing that
nothing is the matter?''' Sluiul
anl, (.V. )'.)
THE MISSION OF LABOR OR
GANIZATIONS. Krlritvf rum "The 7VC Solution of tin'
Liiliue (tiiestioii," li (', If, If, Coiil.;
"A fair day's wages for a fair day's
work" has generally been the highest
aim of labor organizations. The conse
ipience of their struggle for this object is
a most disastrous contest between capi
talists and laborers. The employer seeks
to obtain the greatest amount of work
for the smallest amount of pay, while
the employe struggles to get the largest
pay for the smallest amount of work.
This contest is inevitable under the pres
ent system of production.
Hut the gains, which thereby accrue to
the workingmen, are of the most trilling
character. The benefits of a successful
strike are only too frequently lost at the
lirst period of depression, ami a rise of
wages always necessitates an almost
ciptal increase in I he price of commodi
ties. Hence the workingmen tire obliged
to return their inerense of innex almost in
full in bu ing the very goods they pro
duce. b'ecognizing this, will they still regard
a "fair day's wages for a fair day's work"
as the ideal ol Oi gani.ed labor, and w ill
they le able to realize this ideal."
Time and experience w ill teach them
that they will become more and more
powerless to eonqiiercapitalists hy strikes
and boycotts. The army of unemployed
will constantly inerea-e through the per
fection of machinery; the division of
laUr will supplant the skill of the me
chanic to such a degree that the employ
ers will lie enabled to llll their shops and
factories, at any time, with unskilled
workingmen easily found among the
despairing army of unemployed.
The endea or of workingmen to com
bine for mutual protection will Im met
by the employers w ith the iron ( lad oath,
w hich compels those who seek employ
ment to w i'.hdraw from all labor organi
sations. I.-st thev forfeit the security
I M' th? nmst "hen they are en-
;aged. This infernal plan is l-eeoming
more and more popular among employ
ers. and will the more U resorted to the
The power of the Uiyeott decreases
with tliejneiea.siiig frequency of its ap
plication. Arbitration may tend to allay
the contest, but it can only benelit bosses.
The employer who realizes that circumstance-,
enable him to "he victorious in
the contest, will not submit to arbitra
tion in favor of the workingmen, The
striking laborers, who may he able to en
force their demands .and yet submit to
arbitration, can do so only to their dis
advantage, because arbitration niinply
means that they shall retract a part of
their demands.
All this proves that labor organizations
of the old school will become more and
more unable to fulfill their mission.
With this inability the number of their
members will also decrease.
A strikingproof of this fact is furnished
by Hnglaud's trades unions.
At the Trades Union Congress in Lon
don, in 1 ST t, over 1,000,000 members
were represented, while ten years later,
in IMS I. only AOO.OOO were represented.
This is a significant fact. It shows
that the workingmen of England are
losing confidence in their organizations,
and proves, beyond doubt, that English
trades unions, w Inch have been m exist
ence for centuries, have passed their
zenith of power, and ' entirely nnohle
In solee the Lnhor (Question, leilhin the
limit of their former oeliril: for the
labor problem is more perplexing in Eng
land to-day I ban it ever was before.
:.
In the United States several attempts
have been made to stamp organization
as conspiracy. In Ooceniber, 1MSI1, a bill
was passed in the Legislature of South
( larlina, which declared every negro, who
is a member of an organization, guilty of
conspiracy, because such organizations
may strike at the time of the cotton
harvest, and the harvest may thus be
spoiled. This law was to apply only to
the negroes, but why can it not also be
applied to all other wage-workers?
What shall we do in the face of such
facts? Shall we still regard trades
unionism as the end of the labor move
ment, or simply as a lirst step towards
industrial freedom?
We should simply look upon trades
unionism as a means to a greater end.
Trades-unionism can never make the
interests of capitalists and lalnirers identi
cal. Trades-unionism means the union
of labor in contradistinction to that of
employers. It means the continuance of
the wage system and an endless struggle
for the means of subsistence.
Hut what is our rescue?
II V must ehiimje one forties ami objects
We must no more beg for alms, but
strike for all that belongs to us !
We must no more wrangle w ith Imsses,
but proclaim out intention to abolish
them!
The capitalistic class must surrender
their claim to despoil the workers un
conditionally !
The question is not of how much we
s'jall be robbed, but whether we shall
permit ourselves to be robbed at all. We
can never concede that which is really
taken from us by force, however much
it may be veiled by law !
Such an object deserves the effort of
of the noblest, and such an aim will give
new life and new aspirations to labor
organizations.
To realize this aim ire must no Itimer
retort to sti il.rs alone, hut ire must strire
to gain eon t ml of the jlitiral jioirer, ami
com jii l one enemies hy lair to surrender
their unjust claim to the proilncU of onr
Inlior,
THACKERAY ON GENTLEMEN.
"A gentleman is a rarer thing than
some of us think for. Which of us can
point out many such in his circle-men
whose aims are generous, whose truth is
constant and elevated; who can look the
world honestly in the face, with an
equal manly sympathy for the great and
small? We all know a hundred whose
coats are well made, and a score who
have excellent manners; but of gentle
men, how many ? Lotus take a little
scrap of paper, and each make out his
list."
There is a natural and unavoidable
conflict between capital and labor and it
is foolish to deny it. This conflict will
continue until co-operative industry
makes lalmr its own employer. The pre
tense that hireling labor has identical in
terests with its employer is the clap-trap
of the smooth-bore politician, the oily
gammcn of the dish-rag puloiteer. It
makes us tired. H7.ie(f I'resi,
FLATTERY.
No flattery, my Uy ! An honest man
....... i: -. . ,
, It is a little sneaking art which knav
vuu i nr w mi l:
Use to cajole and soften fWU u
If thou hat flattery in thy nature, out
to a coart; for there 'twill
thrive.
OTWaY.