Workmen's advocate., August 27, 1887, Image 2

About Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891

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ADVOCATE,
WOWSADVOCATfc
1 J(H iinai. or
THE SOCIALISTIC LABOR PARTY
ri'W.lHilK!) KVKIIY WKKK.
I'uhllratloii Olriee, 7HI thapnl Mreet.
Interesting eorresioiide.tiee milMtml from iro
tetarittiis In all parU uf the world. Letters re
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Address all eimmwnVatloiis to
Workmen' Advnrale,
r. O. Ilrawer IO;, New Haven, Conn.
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CLARK'S CACKLE.
While in the eyes of many prac
tical men arguments may went su
pcrlluous against the eonteinil,ille
tactics ami inane utterances of the
self-constituted mouth-pieces of it
new-fledged "party," vu must b t i 1 1
observe Unit Hjiirit of fairness and
patience Unit hIkhiIiI ever character
ize men of advanced vicWH on social
ami political economy, for it in not
to be expected that those who have
espoused the online of labor on senti
rnental grounds alone could imme
diately develop any 'great ability in
advocating the cause or defending
it.
At the Syracuse Convention, IVof.
W. T. Clark, a tihinitig light among
the (Ieorgoil.es, tried to ridicule our
program by (pioting thin paragraph:
"That the land, the inslrimicntH of
production (machines, factories, etc.),
the products of lalior, lur
tlic common property of the whole peo
ple." Alluding especially to the words,
"the product of labor," he illnstra
ted his ignorance by parroting Mm
stale "arguments" of the notoriously
ignorant in about the following
words:
"I decline to stand on such a platform
as this, that all things Ih'Ioii to every -hody.
This coat on my hack is not a
e,ood one, and the diamonds I have are
small hut I do not unlit to diviih them
with anylMxly, I want my own."
That there followed an outburst
of sympathetic laughter from that
part of the audience who were as be
fogged as the professor, is a matter
of course.
If Prof. Clark had but glanced
over (ironlund'H latest pamphlet
which had been gratuitously distrib
uted among the delegates, he would
have fou n i therein :i chapter treat
ing on that much cherished thing of
individualism which the Socialists
are charged with intent to destroy;
and he would have found also, that
instead of destroying individual
rights, it is only under Socialism
that those rights are guaranteed.
Socialism is not a mere fiction or
expression of discontent of the starv
ing masses, but a science starting
from principles born of the present
industrial system, which obviously
is based on co-operation, or to be
more correct, on the association of
the producing powers. Prof. Clark,
however learned he may be, cannot
leny the fact that our present pro
duction is carried on co-operatively
as far its division of lalior is con
cerned. The curse of the system is
that not the workers, but the own
ers of the means of production reap
the fruits of labor.
As long as men like Clark.
McGlynn and (ieorge do not prove
the industrial basis of Socialism to
be wrong, they have no right to mys
tify the people by plucking out of
our platform Home planks and com
menting on them at pleasure.
It is but a logical consequence
that according to the fundamental
rules of our present production, a
perfect system of co-operation should
be secured, in order to save society
from collapse; and it is furthermore
a logical consequence that the pro
ducts of labor also, before they can
be distributed among the workers,
will have to become common prop
erty. Socialists and Socialism are cer
tainly not responsible for Prof.
Clark's failure to graHp the intent
and meaning of a plain statement;
nor an; they responsible for a Reein
ing plethora of sawdust in the brain
cavity of that ircntlcmau'sKkull.
Suppose then! are a thousand ei
gannakcrs working in a factory car
ried on cooperatively, that is, with
out a proprietary boss. loes the
professor think that the rollers have
a right to claim the cigars they fin
ish as their own? lo they not be
long to all who have taken . part in
making them ?
How much better it would have
been if Prof. Clark had studied this
question lie fore he made a public
fool or himself ! I f lie had privately
informed himself he might have be
come a good Socialist, or at least, he
might have been still an honest
student. Now, unless he is an ex
ceptionally brave man with more
wisdom than his utterances betoken,
a false pride and a moral cowardice
will prevent him from acknowledg
ing his fault or pleading ignorance.
Professors and other public men
should take warning by the unfortu
nate garrulity of Prof. Clark, and
keep their eyes open and their
mouths shut, until they have mas
tered their subject.
THE KIND OF FOLK.
The action of some of the imme
diate employes and henchmen of
Henry (ieorge X Co. that's the
linn's name at the Convention at
Syracuse ten days ago, was not very
Haltering to the company's choice of
employes. For the soli! purpose, ap
parently, of having their statements
printed in the capitalist newspapers,
these hired defamcrs endeavored to
cast obloquy upon the Socialists, per
sonally. One William MeCabe, a
printer in the employ of Henry
(Ieorge i Co.. who, at the regular
election of delegates in the Four
teenth Assembly District, was elected
to stay at home, as he only got one
or two votes ontof every twenty cast,
stood up in the convention in Syra
cuse (having no right there) and ac
cused the Socialists of that district
of theft. He was very properly
branded a liar on the spot.
Another of (ieorge's henchmen, a
certain Aiitcnrieth, declared that
the Socialists in his district were
guilty of stealing thirty cents, ac
cording to the faithful report in the
capitalist press.
Another, a ''Professor" Clark, as
sumed that the Socialists had their
jealous eyes upon his thread bare coat,
and wanted him to divide it with
them.
Through all these cowardly, lying
slurs, the high-minded leaders,
(ieorge, MeUlynn, made never a
protest, but sat there, smiling ap
proval. "Wer Pech anreil'l liesudclt sieh,"
and the Socialists who went to that
convention probably believe they
have snlTered the natur.l result of
associating with persons who were
known to them as unclean, politic
ally. Looking at the events of the past
few weeks ill connection with the
firm of Henry (ieorge it Co., we
have reluctantly come to the con
clusion that they are suffering from
a disease which the doctors mitjht,
after a correct dingnosis, denominate
(inior mi n nil.
That's the kind of folk they un
doubtedly are.
NOTES.
Some enthusiastic fellow at the
great meeting in Cooper Union last
Monday night illustrated the New
Yorker's penchant for hero-worship
by calling for three cheers for one
of the speakers who had just come
forward. The cheers were given
with a will. It seems that the
(iothamitc must have an idol to wor
ship. Were it not for the great number
of dupes involved, the "pure (ieorge
movement" would be simply a broad
joke. It certainly is not a labor
movement, and it must have been
a bitter pill to (ieorge and his lawyer
and clergyman friends to have to re
tain the word "Labor" in the name
of the "party." But it. was only
done to catch gudgeons.
Wong Ching Foo, a Chinese con
tributor to the Xorlli American l!c
cirie is more honest in the expression
of his opinions than many other
writers in that magazine. He sees
what they all must see, but he tells
what he knows, and he hits the nail
on the head when he says of the
people of New York, "the poor have
votes, but they always elect those
who betray them for lucre to corpor
ite and capitalistic interests." They
always elect "democratic" or "re
publican" politicians. The "heath
en" must have a very exalted idea of
our "civilized'' people.
The New York Sun of last Sun
day printed the platform of the So
cialistic Labor Party and said that
it was what the Syracuse convention
objected to. Now, the platform of
the Socialists was not an issue at the
convention. The Socialists had
never presented it for adoption o"r
consideration, even. There was but
one issue, and that was to get rid of
the men who were apt to criticize
the commercialism of (ieorge and
the venality of some of his satellites.
So they, with a majority of infatu
ates, excommunicated the anti
boi idlers.
WHAT OTHERS SAY.
li(HM) 1-OU TIIK LA HOI! MOYT.MKNT.
To-day the State Convention of
the New York United Labor Party
takes place, and there will probably
be a stormy time between the Social
ists and the (ieorgeites; but we do
not doubt for a moment that the
machine politicians will gain their
point
This will not injure the Labor
movement. On' the contrary, the
sootier these battles occur and the
more acute their culmination, the
better. It is impossible to prevent
the ingress of unclean (dements into
the party, and the separation of the
machine politicians from the consci
entious and progressive elements will
only bo accomplished after heavy
battles which perhaps in the begin
ning may apparently seem to make
the machine politicians victorious.
Ultimately, however, this cleaning
process will prove favorable to I' re
gress. It is interesting to read what the
doiirnat says concerning the battle
with the Socialists:
"A bitter liejit will he fought between
the (Ieorgeites and the .Socialists. Asa
matter of fact this contest will Ik' the
most important event of the convention,
and its result will determine the strength
of the pan v ton great extent. Logically
the Socialists lielong to the movement
Mini have a right to seats in the conven
tion. The movement alleged to lie in
the interest of the workers as a class, is
aimed against th existing order, against
the wuf-systcm, against the land laws,
etc. Therefore the Socialist Iwlong
logically to tin) movement. Hut Henry
(ieorge, for reasons lst known to him
self, disputes this. He has begun a war
en the Socialists and influenced the gen
eral committee to bar them out. This
will weaken the Labor Party, ami indi
cates that the movement has no further
object than the glorilication of llenry
ieorge."
We don't know what moved the
Journal to tell the truth in this mat
ter, but we must confess that it is
the truth.-Imtianaiolis Tribune,
Aug. 17.
The "Labor Question," so called,
is for practical purposes best consid
ered under three heads:
1. Wages-including hours, shop-rules,
etc. This is fundamental inasmuch as
it is the ipiestion of bread and butter,
shelter and raiment, daily recurrent.
Hut
2. Man doth not live by bread alone.
Hence the need of education, radical
and comprehensive, honest and inces
sant in social economics. This in turn
leads lo
II. The wage and salary slaves' emanci
pation by the reorganization of the
prevailing industrial and social stains
upon the basis of sccuiiim to each and
all the wealth they produce.
For better or worse, these three
great movements must proceed along
parallel or rather converging lines,
though necessarily at varying rates
of progress individually as well as
relatively. But to facilitate and ex
pedite this progress, and to avoid all
needless friction among men of simi
lar purpose and a senseless dissipa
tion of forces that should be com
pactly and harmoniously handled to
achieve success, let. us agree to a
division of labor, a fraternal cleav
age into three distinct bodies; each
with its own distinct mission; and
till in hearty harmony.
I. Let the wage quest .ion be the special
concern of the crafts, as such, under
the general compact which is known
as the American federation of Labor.
'I. Let the matter of real industrial edu
cation become t he special cliarge of t he
Knights of Labor returned lot heir lirst
principles. And
Lei, Organized Labor embark perma
nently upon the sea of independent po
litical action whereon it has already
achieved such glorious victories. ,1
waukee livrieir.
WON T ',K DKIVKN.
The coopers of Cincinnati have
withdrawn from the Knights of La
bor. The thousand coopers of Cin
cinnati make beer kegs and whiskey
barrels. If Mr. Powderly should
forbid printers on those papers that
advertise for liquor houses from
working on such papers, said print
ers would probably withdraw. If he
should forbid any candy being sold
at K. of L. picnics, and should ad
vocate its prohibition, theeandymak-
ers would quite likely withdraw.
And if he should forbid musicians
of the K. of L. playing in variety
theaters where they sell beer, they
would do the same. It is not a wise
course to push this temperance quos
tion to such an extreme in the
Order. It is all very well to preach
it. Men can be argued into a thing
and convinced, but they don t like
to be driven into a thing, and they
won't be, either. Workman.
There seems to be an "eccentric
slipped" somewhere in New York.
The ostensible ground upon which
the Socialists art; excluded from the
United Labor party is that they an
members of the Socialistic Labor
party and cannot be admitted to the
United. But in the arguments of
the Standard, the "peculiar views,"
and not the party organization is the
stumbling block. It the Socialist
cannot be admitted without violating
the constitution of the United Lalior
party, and it is impossible to suflici-
ently amend that constitution, then
let them be excluded, but do it
bravely and above board. (Iticago
hm n i nr.
INDIVIDUALISM AND FREE
DOM.
From llinuhinil's Anr Hrochiirc, Snrinl
inn vs. Tn.r-Ht farm.
(ieorge is willing to have himself
called both an individualist and a
Socialist, just as he might "call him
self a centrifugal ist and a ecu tripe
talisL" I do wonder how these two
terms: individualism and socialism
"correlate" in his mind. 1 always
have comprehended them as two
terms that mutually cnhide each
other. An individualist is one who
places his interests above social in
terests, and a Socialist one who acts
reversely. An individualist pursues
t lie aim of life in ami it it ion with
his fellows by elbowing them aside;
the Socialist pursues i', or wishes to
pursue it in ro-oirrntioii and emula
tion with his fellows.
Individualism, (ieorge maintains,
is very strong in the American eo
ple; so strong that Socialism has not
the least chauce of being accepted
here. 1 think (ieorge is mistaken.
Individualism has undoubtedly been
strong in the past, but it was not so
inucii a cnaracterisiic oi me nauon,
, . , ii
as a cnaracterisiic oi me pcnou.
flio fact is that, as I have defined
the terms, individualism and social
ism cannot both exist in the same
person, or be dominant in the same
nation at the same time; they may,
ind in fact do, exist by turns.
There seems to lie a rhythm of the
human mind; at one tune it is char
acterized bv one sentiment, and m
the succeeding period by the other,
moving from one to the other, like
the pendulum of a clock. The past
which we have just emerged from
has been intensely individualistic in
all civilized nations, but just as sure
the socialist sentiment is now every
where moving to the front. And I
maintain, in opposition to (ieorge,
that the Anglo-Saxons are distin
guishing themselves by nurturing
that new sentiment. It can be con
clusively proved. Is it not a fact
that tntdes-unionism has during this
century taken its rise among them,
and that it is among the Knglish and
Americans that it has reached its
highest, development? What is the
essence of trades-unionism? That
the individual subordinates his in
terest to the interest of the organiza
tion, that every person merges him
self in the whole body, that private
judgment allows itself to be over
ruled by the collective judgment.
That is the reverse of individualism;
it is the essence of Socialism.
It is not at all a rare experience,
both in Kngland and here, of Social
ist agitators that after having ex
pounded Socialism to an audience,
they hear the exclamation: Well, if
that is Socialism, then we arc already
Socialists. There was nothing in
all these weak articles of (ieorge on
Socialism that surprised mo more
than reading this phrase, that it was
"an erotic liorn of F.iirowan. condi
tions, that cannot take root and flour
ish in American soil." WMiata vul
gar expression from such a great
philosopher as Henry (ieorge !
If, again, he would have only dis-
tiiiiiiisiid,cM'Ylci the analytic pow
ers of which he is so proud, he would
not, also, have fallen into blunder.
One may by surrounding circum
stances he made into a Socialist, but
not by the talk of another. The
socialist thought, sentiment, is one
that takes rise and is developed in
the mind itself, and all that another's
talk can do is to give conscious form
to this thought and sentiment.
"The great thing we should aim
to secure x freedom" there we agree
with Henry (ieorge. I, however,
suspect that what he means by
"Ireedom is merely "absence of re
straints," while Socialists mean
something far more substantial, '. c,
in addition: Independence, mean
for living the life worthy of a human
being. Putt as (ieorge seems most
concerned with absence of rest rain,
and still insists that this is incom
patible with Socialism, 1 shall in the
following take "freedom" in that
sense.
(ieorge, then, repeats the old
cliarge, so often launched, that we
want to make "the State everything
and the individual nothing.
And I maintain, that Socialism
wants to institute the most lerfect
selt-ioccrniiwiit.
(ieorge, certainly, must have
known of some co-operative estab
lishments. Will he maintain, that
he found less freedom there, for the
workers in whatever capacity, than
in a common shop or store, with its
employer and employed? Will he
maintain that more the 'establish
m cut" was everything and the indi
vidual nothing?
1 f not, then he is in honor bound to
admit that he has wronged the "Co
operative Commonwealth ;" for.trttly,
it is intended to tie a vast co-opera
tive establishment, nothing but a
small co-operative concern on a large
scale.
He has in the second article pret
ty correct Iv set 'orth the organr.a
tion of such a Co-operative Com
mon wealth, except that he speaks of
the various classes of producers
"being organized in organizations or
guilds in the nature of government
departments.' Now, lirst, it would
be more correct to say that they or
ganize themselves, than that they
"are being organized, "and secondly.
it is misleading to introduce the
word "govern ment" into our scheme
Whatever may be necessary in the
transition period, so nincii is sure
that we intend to do away with
government over persons,, in any
invidious sense, entirely, and, solely.
to have in its place "administration
of things." Why then persist Mn
saddling us with that word "govern
ment," denoting some foreign will
imposing itself on society?
Quite the contrary; we would have
below perfectly free citizens, inde
pendent of any all individuals, se
lecting from persons, known to
them, their foremen, and these again
selecting their directors, and soon
upwards; a pure democracy, in other
words, with appointments from be
low instead of troin above. I hat is
the only way to answer the puzzling
question: How shall we get compe
tent, wise, and skillful persons to
direct affairs? That kind of persons
are sure to gravitate toward the di
rection of affairs in a pure democracy
with such a selection of them. They,
then, will form in no sense a "gov
ernment," but be simply the agents
of Society, having the three func
tions of manager, statistician and ar
bitrator.
But what a blunder (ieorge again
commits when he states that I think
merely" of prodncinq departments;
and not pf those exchanging things.
I do, nevertheless, include transport
ation and exchange in production,
simply because the former add value
to the product as well as work on
raw material, (ieorge will therefore
please note, that the exchange and
transportation departments are or
ganized exactly as the others: the
salesmen and saleswomen in the large
bazaars and the men on the railroads
selecting their superiors as well.
When then a certain number ol
goods are finished in the factories,
they are distributed among the
bazaars for sale by the collectivity as
manager, as the raw materials are to
the factories for production.
I cannot for my life see why it
should be so dillleult "seriously to
imagine such a scheme in actual
operation in a country like the
United States," if we bring only a
little good will to the task but per
haps the good will is wanting. It.
certainly is, if (ieorge persists in
speaking of "extending the func
tions of government." Socialism
will not "extend the functions of
government." It will simply change,
the character of those who now do
our business, perform the services.
Any one can see by observing, that
we have a vast mass of directors
(employers or whatever else they,
may be called) now; these will be
changed into public functionaries;
that is all. So far from their num
ber being increased, is it not evident,
that with order and economy, a vast
number can advantageously be dis
pensed with?
Certainly one great gain will be
afflicted by this change of character.
The business of the Society will nev
er lie well performed as long as it is
looked upon rather from the stand
point of the producer than that of
the consumer, Society, in another
word. By becoming a public func
tionary he will lose the petty charac
ter he now has of a worker who per
forms his task in order to live or to
get rich, and will gain the dignity of
one who performs a social office.
When (ieorge speaks of Socialists
essaying to "cut a knot they do not
see how to unravel by making the
State the sole capitalist," I wish to
remark that if he knew what Social
ists had written in foreign languages,
he might have found them unravel
ling the knot, and if he will do me
the honor of reading my forthcoming
book, "Dan ton in the French devo
lution," he may find me trying to
do the same.
S. L. P.
II KKCTOKY OF AMKKICAN SUCTIONS.
Biihton, MAiw.-OrRanlztir, II. W. Drown, 7 Kirk
lanil street.
BuiiHiEPoitT, I'onn. Meeting nt Excelsior Ilnr
rnonUt Hall. OruHiilzer, H. Seller, WS Main
si reel.
Hi'Ppai.o, N. Y. Meetings, first anil third Sun
days in each Month, at 127 Wet Knelt; Htreet.
Oritiiiii.er.Oeo. M. Price, l:t? Pront avenue.
Oai.iiwki.i, Tkxas. Organizer, John MeClnskey.
Cincinnati. Oinn.-Organi.er, Charles Fritz, t
Oak Htreet.
Uaktiiii, Cdnm. Organizer, Joseph S, Green,
1 1J Maple street.
Kansas Citt. Meeting every Friday evening at
Toliener'.M llall, uor. ITiih utreet and (irand
nvemio. Seeretary, Dr. Lorrotta Hammond,
navWalnut street.
l.A Sai.lk, Ii.i Organizer, James Towel, Seere
tary Miners' Protei-tive Assoeiation.
Minnf.ai-oi.is, Minn. Organizer, A. L. Gardner.
3.0H9 -JOth street,, Smith.
Nkw Yoim. Meeting every first and third Mon
day, at Free. Soeial ist Library and Meeting
Hooni. MS Uighth street.
Nkw Havkh. Conn. Meeting at Trades Coiinell
Hall, organizer, J. F. Kusehe, p. o. Drawer
Pmi.AnEi.rniA. Pa. Organizer, J. ile Brnyn, 1ST.9
Camlae street.
Flemish Seetion meets First Sunday morning
In eaeh month at William Weisser's Hull,
ltii North 5th st. Seeretary, John Waiiters,
JtlOS North l.th si.
Provuikni r, It. .- Me,tlng every firt and
third Sunday, Socialist Hall, eor. Hell and
Ktswald streets. Organizer, James Jeffer
son. 37 Fillmore street.
SrRtNpii.r.. OHHi -Orgmnizer, A. Eiemdtnan,
S13 hast Main street.
Tonkkrs, N. Y Organizer, K n. WUIiams, S
Mam street.
Tha Directory of sixty German-American Sec
tions will be found la Dia Sotuufr.