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ADVOCATE, DrOpKMtKSADVOCATt an omnAL joi-rxal or THE SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY ftbushxd iviht win T J. T. Bt-M'HK, FOR THE KATlONAl IXICTTTVB COMMITTEE. Central Office, tB F.ast Fourth Street. New York C'ilv. Interesting correspondence solicited from pro letarians Id all parts of the world. Letter re quiring answers should contain rc'urn postage Subscription Rates: One Year (postage free), - - fl 00 8u Months " - 50 PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. NOTICE TO Sl'HSCKIIIKKH.-Tlie (lute after your name upon the address lahel at tathfd to your paper Is the date, of expiration of subscription, Thus mcliHH muans tliat your subscription expires with the end of March, 188S. Send your subscription money early, and notify us of any fault In delivery or error on onr part. StICIA LIST 1. A It OK IMItTV. National K.emti rmmnit:, V. Hintze, Secretary, .' F.aM Fourth Mreet, N. Y. Board it St'i-envtsioN, A. Nkoknuank, Hecre tary, Wlii Huce street, Philadelphia, pa, Labor Nr wh Co., 1'Ain t .Ion I'm ntkiit, -S Kast Fourth street. New Yorn. Junk 18S9. UNION AND DISUNION. While the people are disunited there is, of course, little chance of their emancipation from the degrading condi tions of tlie prevailing industrial .slavery. AVhether the capitalist class purposely and consciously, or merely instinctively favors the social and political arrange ments which keep the people apart and isolated from each other as much aH possible, may for the present remain a matter for conjecture. Jt la certain, however, that while in the cities the wage workers may he crowded in tene ment houses by night and in factories by day, they are as "independent" and isolated in regard to an understanding of their social position and the possibil ities open to them as if they were living in the sparse settlements of the fron tier, relying upon their individual ef forts for a livelihood, They work in co-operation and live divided; the com petition between them for the privilege of working in the factory or in the mine makes them feel that every other man's interest is opposed to theirs, and under the competitive system ns it now prevails this is really the eae. Capitalism requires the laborers to he united in order to carry out the plans of the capitalists who are engaged iu manufactures, and the workers unite for the nonce. Their incentive to this union Isquitedifferent from that of their employer, lie has a certain object in view, and by the tower of his position, that of a central director, he eon so utilize the labor of his employees that the best possible results for him are achieved. The laborers' incentive to "get together" under the command of an employer is the fear of poverty, of hunger. The laborer, in the modern industrial States, iu order to be able to get access to bread, must have some value to exchange for it, and the only avenue open to him is the selling of his labor to whoever will buy. Now, as the unemployed laborers outnumber by far the demand for their labor, they compete for the privilege of working in other words, they make bids for bread, while the laborer w ho is willing to pay the highest price most efficiently serve capital gets the loaf; and those who fail, instead of recogniz ing their common interest, only wait for another chance to compete against each other for a chance to work they remain disunited, and their personal in terests remain antagonistic. This habit of ersonal antagonism un fortunately clings to the workers in their character as citizens, and when the old party politicians raise the cry of 'pro tection" and "free trade'' the workers range themselves in opposition to each other, Again they are disunited, and Capital scores another victory. Now, let us seti vvhat the workers that is, the people would gain by unit ing upon the propositloni! of the Social ist l'arty. In the tirst place, if they agreed to the general proposition that "those who perform all labor should enjoy the product of their toil," they would begin to ask themselves whether they do not now- enjoy the product of their toil, and if not, why not. The product of their toil belongs to their employers under present arrangements. Out of that product they receive just sufficient to keep them alive wages, Hut that is only a small portion of the product. Knowing this they might then unite upon this proposition: That it is because the. employing class own the means of production that they also own the product of the laborers whom they hire to manipulate the tools and raw materials owned by them selves, the capitalists. Further thought upon the subject would bring an intelligent people.' to ask themselves the question: "Would not the people own the product of their toil if they owned the capital which they have in the past created, but which is now in the hands of the employing class?" And would not this question suggest an obvious answer? But further investigation would show that the own ership of the means of production would have to be puhlic ownership, not private, if the people would keep con trol of them, for since co-operation in labor has already proved to be the most advantageous to the few owners of cap ital, it must be equally advantageous to the public when capital is puhlic prop erty; therefore, with co-operative labor and common ownership of capital, the people would secure the best possible results from their labor. The laborers united under capitalist control to-day produce more than enough to support themselves in luxury, and the laborers, divided against themselves as citizens, permit Capital to take the bulk of the wealth produced while the laborers plod along in contemptible slavery, glad to accept the wages which capitalism and competition decree. When the people have united upon the truth of the above, then it should be comparatively easy for them to unite upon thii socialistic proposition: The substitution (hy law) ot public ownership for private ownership of land, instruments of labor, capital. Co operative labor and production, and a guarantee to each citizen (worker) of a share in the product iu accordance with the service rendered by him to society. Having become united in sentiment thus far, the next step is to unite upon a plan of action to decide upon a method. When it is considered that the right to hold land ami capital as private prop ei ty is upheld and protected by the laws and militant powers of the present State, whose administration is sup ported by the votes of the people, is it not most consistent to desire the acqui sition of political power? Then let the workers unite upon that idea and the method is at hand political organiza tion. Such a political organization, with a platform embracing the common-sense propositions mentioned is found iu the Socialist Labor l'arty. The nominees of this Party are pledged to the princi ples of Socialism, and the votes of the people only are required to give them an opportunity to carry them into effect. This is the point upon which the workers must unite action. They have toiled side by side long enough for oth ers; now let them work together on election day for themselves and for hu manity: for the triumph of socialism means the greatest good for all. Let there le union w ith a purpose. Action speaks louder than.wcfrde. Independent political action is th So cialist idea. ( FORCE AND SOCIAL LAW. Every Sunday morning several hun dred citizens go to the Masonic- Temple of New York City to hear Hugh O. Pentecost speak upon current topics, and show their appreciation by ap plause and secular amens. Lat Sun day they heard the following tribute to Socialism: "Is Socialism a road to freedom? I think it is. It would abolish the land monopoly, the money monopoly, the tool monopoly. It would reduce our thousands of laws relating to the own ership and transfer of real estate into one law. It would reduce all our money legislation to zero, for it would lu actically do away with money as we have it. It would reduce all our per sonal property laws to a minimum. It would abolish most other laws and ut terly annihilate the whole race of law yers, and who will say that this would not be a great gain ? A world in which lawyers would be unnecessary would surely be a toller world than this. It would simplify government, and if we must have government the simpler it is, the purer and better will it be. It would prevent one man from cheating another out of his subsistence. It would give everyone an equal opportunity. It would abolish poverty. It would edu cate and enrich the whole world. It would organize society upon a basis of fraternity. It would force men to co operate, and thus teach them how much better it is to work together than against each other. It would make men free by preventing them from en slaving each other," "n In this Mr. Pentecost was right, in the main. Put if he believed he was right in saying what he did, how could he reconcile the above quotation with the following, which he uttered almost In the same breath: "Herein lies the only objection to Socialism It is based upon the majority rule, and physical force both of which are essentially immoral." Now, if majority rule and physical force give every one an equal o2iortu nity, which the speaker says Socialism will give, where is the ground for objec tion ? If it would abolish poverty and organize society on a basis of fraternity, where is the compulsion ? If it would make men free, how can he find room for complaint? When there is a difference of opinion among equals as to a proposed course of action, all agreeing that some action must be taken, which of necessity must affect all, how shall it be decided which course to take? The way it is done in all organizations is by a vote. Now, that vote may not imply the use of per sonal physical force against the minor ity, hut having in advance agreed to abide by the majority, this agreement being implied by participating in the vote, it would to equivalent to a breach of free contract, and an impotent ap peal to physical force, to refuse to abide by the concensus. Take Pentecost's own case, for in stance: Last fall he voted for Cleveland electors: had Cleveland been elected, Mr. Pentecost would have shared the re sponsibility of his administration. Since the other fellow was elected, however, our friend Pentecost has gracefully abided by the vote. If he was opposed to both the "republican" and "demo cratic" parties, it w as his duty to refuse to vote for either. Further on our versatile "economist" told his hearers that as totween the so cialists and the capitalists the former were the truer patriots; "but," said he, "I am not obliged to go with either, al though I think that the present ten dency of society is toward Socialism." No, Pentecost is not obliged to go with either. He may emigrate or com mit suicide, if he prefers. Put he will go with society if he remains a memtor of society, and if that is" his intention, he will go and is going with society to ward Socialism, according to his own expressed opinion. Under the condi tions named he is forced to do it. So cialist conditions preclude anti-socialist action and continued existence within the social organism. If Mr. Pentecost will continue his studies for a time commensurate with his capacity for assimilating truth, he will find that this is social law. His assertion that "SocialL-m is a road to freedom, but that the road to freedom is in an oppo site direction," is evidently one of those figures of speech which a long term of service of the supernatural, unknow able and nebulous has forced him to utter. When he gets rid of all the cobwebs ef sophistry he'll no doubt reason more reasonably, and not con tradict himself so much. We are not addicted to jewelry in general, but we Socialists have a great admiration for the jewel of consistency, nevertheless. NOTES. Late returns make it probable that a Party Congress will be held this year. Chicago seems to be the place. Little Switzerland has informed Ger many that she will do her own police duty, and has already invited "foreign" Socialists to emigrate. Swiss Socialists will, however, continue to agitate in the land of William Tell. Germany intimates that if Switzerland was big ger she'd get a thrashing. Meanwhile the Socialists carry on their historic mission. Refined and civilized thugs are dis cussing the legality of sending a mortal hence by electricity. Counsel for one Kemmler, convicted of murder, have appealed to the Supreme Court of the State of New York against the execu tion of their client by electricity, claim ing that the law requiring it was un constitutional, and the State Constitu tion prohibited cruel and unusual pun ishment. It would seem that to sen tence a person to be killed in any manner was cruel punishment, even if not unusual. Away with capital pun ishment, and away with a system that breeds murderers. A pleasing thing about the new daily paper, the Evening Call, recently estab lished in Providence, H. I., is the fact that it bears at its head the legend, "Typographical Union No. 33, Publish ers and Proprietors." That's right; let the organized printers conduct their own paper, and be careful not to let it get into the hands of private individu als. Printers have had considerable experience of an unpleasant naturewith newspapers which they have sacrificed much to call into existence, and which fell into the hands of unscrupulous ad venturers, who simply used the union men as stepping stones to personal prominence and political influence. Whatever may to the need of local labor papers, Socialists always first re gard the effectiveness of their own party journals. They are to the Party what the post-office and public means of com munication are to the nation. Socialists understand this, and hence they have a faithful press in every country where they are organized nationally, save where Kaiserdom uses brute force against them; and even there their tapers circulate. Germany can't pre vent the Sozial-Demokrat from reaching its German constituents, even if it has to be printed in England. A faithful and unpurchasable press is a prime con sideration in these days, and the only way to have such is to own it. Statistics of labor disturbances show that so far this year there have been fewer strikes than for the correspond ing period:) in either of the four years preceding. This seems to indicate that more common sense is being used in the industrial world. It is evident that ar bitration has done something toward preventing strikes. Some industrial writers assert that the era of strikes will go out w ith this century. We may not progress so rapidly as that, but it is jflain that people are learning that strikes are not the best way of settling labor disputes, although circumstances sometimes make them absolutely neces sary. Ihttsburg Trades Journal' Of course, common sense has some thing to do with the decrease of strikes. The burned child exhibits that sort of commoti sense when it avoids a red hot stove. Strikes have been growing less and less succetful as capitalists have or ganized among themselves more and more and as the improvement in ma chinery made human labor less of a tine (pia non to run a factory. As to arbi tration having any great effect in pre venting strikes, that is very improb able. If the strikers had a good chance for success they would hardly arbi trate, and the b; ne with the employers. Arbitration of the kind that obtains be tween unequal opponents don't amount to much. Unless the workers capture the more powerful weapon of political tower, the decrease of strikes will sim ply mean the decrease of the power to resist oppression it will mean degradation. WHAT OTHERS SAY. A CONTRAST. America is a republic, Australia the province of a monarchy. In America the labor unions who attempt to make tiBe of the same right to publicly assem ble, as the bankers, merchants and man ufacturers, are subject to being dispersed with clubs, while in Australia no one interferes with a labor meeting or pa rade. In America we have not been able during the past hundred years to enact a decent election law, yet in Aus tralia they have a model election law, which has been In use many years. In America the agitation for an eight-hour work day makes little or no progress. In Australia most trade unions work only eight hours per day. Indiana Tri bune. AVERAGE INTELLIGENCE. As for socialism well, the political intelligence of the average farmer as representing a large class of citizens has hardly been cultivated up to the point of discussing and deciding upon that philosophy. And the average far merthe average citizen, you might say is a power in this country; his im mobility is prodigious; his capacity for sticking fast in the old ruts is truly won derful. And until he has been awak ened to the possibility of traveling by other and better roads, it is hardly worth while to excite oneself too much over the beauties or horrorB of social ism. For the rest and in all serious ness we say It we wish that our f riends, the reformers, who have broken out of the old rut, would not insist on travel ing, each by himself, in his own ve hicle, and iu a track of his own. It is all very fine, bright, wide-awake, inde pendent, fearless and progressive but the tracks don't seem to lead, by the shortest and easiest route, to any partic ularly desirable place, And Nature, you know, insists upon our taking the short est and easiest route and if we don't she turns us back, to try again and again, a million times if necessary, un til we find and take her road the only one and the best that leads to our desti nation. San Fran. Advertiser ("dem."). TRUSTS AND SOCIALISM. The question is frequently asked, "How far will the system of trusts have to extend before the public will actively oppose them?" Assuming that this method of securing exorbitant profits is a diseased condition of the industrial system, it must be conceded .that the disease is contagious. It is only five years ago that the first real trust associ ation was formed, and in the interval imitators of the Standard Oil trust have sprung up in all directions. If the change keeps on at this pace, the pres ent century will not be out before prac tically all of the great industries of this country will to under trust manage ment, those not thus controlled being too small and insignificant to make it worth anyone's while to arrange com binations in their behalf. Now, the merit of the past business method of unrestricted competition has been the continued improvements In processes of production which were t: "rcby afforded. Manufacturers and mer chants have had, metaphorically speak ing, to sleep with one eye open, in order to at once catch hold of and introduce new ideas, and thus prevent their competitors from getting the better of them. This has led to tremendous improvements in machin ery, to the introduction of finer grades and totter qualities of goods, and to more artistic methods; that is, it has been a struggle for existence, in which the fittest has survived. But the trust idea is to suppress competition, with all of the benefits which follow in its train, and if this is the case there is clearly no reason why the State should not mo nopolize business enterprises of all kinds. The answer in the past to State socialism has been that it would pre vent what everyone recognized to to desirable that is, competition; but if business is to be generally carried on under the trust system, then this unan swerable rejoinder to State socialism will no longer have any applicability. Boston Herald. A EUROPEAN WAR. Once more the war-cloud in Eastern Europe has assumed an immediately threatening aspect, and the internal condition of Russia may, as we have often Bald, force on the struggle. The change w hich has taken place in Ser via, the Czar's speech, the Shah of Per sia's visit, the uneasiness and trouble in Turkey and Armenia are all so many disturbing symptoms, and Social-Democrats are bound like other people to take account of them. For the Socialist Party throughout Europe cannot fail to be seriously influenced by any outbreak. There are some who think that war would benefit us, and that the peoples must 'gain w hichever side might win. We are not of that opinion. Far from it. Militarism is the worst enemy of Socialism, and whether Germany, Aus tria and Italy, or Russia and France the alliances are practically formed al readyprove the victors, progress will be hampered for a long time. Much ae we detest the present Government in the three countries named, and gladly as we vould see our Eastern Empire overturned, the view so often expressed in Justice remains unchanged. The victory of Russia, supported by France, would be worse for Europe than the success of Germany and her allies. For Great Britain as a democratic State the only possible alliance is France apart from Russia. London Justice. NOTHING GOOD DESTROYED. Extract from Gronluud's "Co-operative Commonwealth." Will this New Social Order be "a happy issue ?'' That is really a consideration of sec ondary importance, and will perhaps be answered differently, according to the standpoint one occupies. To our money bags, prominent politicians, prominent lawyers, who now lord it over us, to "independent," overbearing, domineer ing "Philistines," buoyed up at the top, it will probably not seem a very "happy issue," looking at it through spectacles colored by their class interests as they do. For the very gist of the Coming Revolution will consist in unseating them, in abrogating their vested rights, the "divine" right which they have been taught that they have to the fruits of the labor of other people. It will abol ish "freedom ' as they practice it, that is, the right to do what they please and to make others do as they (the "inde pendent") please. But to the great multitude it will be, we should say, a happy issue, for it will put an end to their subjection and put interdependence genuine freedom in iis place. And if we consider the welfare of the social organism there can be no doubt about the New System being a happy issue. Instead of the quackery, charlatanism, amateurship, which now bears sway in all activities of society, we shall have skill, competence and qualifiedness (if we may coin a word) at the head of affairs, and indeed from top to bottom. Why, the main reasons why the work ers will dismiss those who "rule" us now, is the very fact that they have proved themselves incapable of "gov erning," of administering affairs. The anarchy which now obtains, the dis content of the masses, our crises, our bankruptcies, are all so many proofs of their incapacity, imbecility and ignor ance. And most important of all, in stead of being a crowd, not able even to keep our streets clean, we shall have organization, instead of gregariousness we shall have association; instead of everybody pursuing his individual petty interests, absolutely indifferent and often hostile to the interests of Society, everybody will instinctively be con scious of himself as a being who, of course, considers the social welfare in his every act. We can be sure that the Coming Rev olution will not; destroy an atom of what is realJy good now. We can be sure that it does not mean destruction as much as upbuilding. We can to sure that should anybody thereafter seriously propose to go back to the present Social Order, he will be Iaughed at as a fool, lit for the lunatic asylum. But "ignore it altogether ."' Those who are now at the head of affairs af fectingto ignore! This is a dangerous policy. Those who will not see Iiecome in time those who cannot see. Think of "leaders' who wilfully 6hut their eyes and advise, "ignore it altogether:" of "statesmen" with the motto: "after us the deluge!' So, however, it has always been. "Force has been the midl ife at the birth of every New Order." But the responsibility be on our incapable "leaders!" Meanwhile the evolution of society marches forward in spite of all stumb ling blocks; one moment quietly in the brain of the thinker, the next moment unmercifully over corpses. But it does not want blood. On the contrary, it send warning in advance of every ca tastrophe. Woe to those who do not heed the warning! As yet, and first of all, it is a contest of ideas. We aim to put the Socialist idea into the minds of the people, knowing that if it be there action will, follow fast enough.