Workmen's advocate., August 31, 1889, Image 2

About Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891

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WOHKMSN'S AnVOCiVTB.
0HKMKSAt)V0CMt
orriouL journal or
THE SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY
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SOCIALIST I. A II OK PAIITV,
National Kxbittivb Comjmttbk, W. Hintzk,
Secretary, i!5 Kust Fourth street, N. Y.
BiiAim or Si i'kbvihion, A. Nkuendank, Secre
tary, 'Mi ltnco street, Philadelphia, l'a.
Laiiok Nr.ws Co., 1'ArtTT J"H Pkintkiit,
2.' Kant fourth street. New York.
WORKMEN AND POLITICS.
In opposing lno t!W York Central
Labor Union's vote to engage in a politi
eal campaign, the Union lYintcr any:
"We are of the opinion that thin ac
tion iH unwise in the extreme, It is an
impossible to control the political pref
erences of workingmen an it in their re
ligious or social preferences. As well
tell a man what church he shall attend
aH what ticket he hall vote. An an il
lustration of the utter futility of (1113 -thing
like the unity of labor on political
lines, let us refer to an incident of the
last campaign. In the Twenty fifth
Ward of Brooklyn, where there was an
assx-iation of over three hundred men
pledged to the support of the principles
of the United LaW Party, but thirteen
straight ballots were cast for its candi
dates." If it is the idea of the Central Labor
Union to control the political preferences
of workmen, then indeed they will fail.
But, judging from the past history of
the Central Labor Union in this respect
it would seem that while the rank and
file of the onion men honestly desired
to make their power felt as citizens in
an independent political movement op
jKsed to both the old parties, they al
lowed themselves to be led by the "lead
ers" in political matters, just as they are
apt to do in their own union atTairs.
The politicians of both old parties al
ways succeeded in finding willing tools
among the leaders, and these, appealing
to the former party leaning of their
unwitting dupes, have thus far suc
ceeded in keeping the workmen within
the ranks of the old parties.
Various were the modes of accom
pli-hing their traitorous work. A
''democratic" whip would assiduously
circulate t fie report that the "republi
can" manager were paying for the pro
poel diversion, and a "republican"
whip would awire his victims that
"democratic" boodle was being used
on the other side. Possibly there was
some truth in what was charged in cer
tain instances; whether there was or
not, the results proved to be very satis
factory to the whips and their political
bosses. A common means of frighten
ing the guileless unionist was to jaiint to
some active and zealous worker and
whisper the word, "Socialist," This
would be sufficient for those who are
under the dominion of "Mother
Church,'' which very respectable old
lady had most emphatically tabooed
that species of politics. And when it is
considered that a large percentage of
the men in the unions are faithful sub
jects of the hierarchy, and honestly be
lieve in its power over their welfare
here and hereafter, one need not be
surprised that to designate an agitator
as a Socialist proved an effective means
of spoiling his testimony.
Another large contingent (perhaps the
largest) in the ranks of the unions is
composed of Germans and other Euro
pean nationalities who, though not
amenable to any appreciable extent to
the dictates of any religious institution,
still have prejudices and opinions of
their own, The Union ft-inter no doubt
sees in them also some qualities which
would discourage the political roper-in.
But in view of the Union I Winter's
words already quoted, how, in the
name of common sense can it hold the
inion expressed in the following:
"The only way for labor to gain any
thing substantial is by preserving a
strict neutrality in political tnatters, A
balance ol nower is by tar a more eiiec-
tual weapon than a weak and puny
organization that will only lie the
laughing stock of the politicians, Uibor
iroperly organized anil educated as 10
t.s needs can hold that balance of
power, and its demands win tie re
spected by either of the existing par
ties, one or the other of which will rule
the destinies of this country for some
time to come.
A practical balance of power includes
a use of that power; and how can
labor" be supposed to gain anything
substantial from the political parties if
the workingmen do not make them
selves felt in the elections? And how
can they be a power if they are divided
against themselves, voting against each
other's candidates In the two old politi
cal parties? But our union contempo
rary even goes further and recommends
a "strict neutrality in political matters."
To be strictly neutral, a voter must
take sides with neither party neither
vote for nor against any of their candi
dates. Then where does the "balance
of power" come in? Such is the be
wildering logic of the Union 1'rinter.
Now, in opposition to such a contra
dictory position, which amounts to no
position at all, the Socialist Party has
adopted the honorable tactics of inde
pendent political action, nominating
candidates for office upon its own plat
form. If the Socialist Platform does
not contain in its execution the mater
ial necessary for the emancipation of
labor, then it is time that the workers
found some other platform that, carried
out, would free them from the bondage
of the bosses.
As for the Socialists, they believe that
the nationalization of the industries, cap
ital and land, under a truly democratic,
co-operative form of industrial and polit
ical organization, would be the most ef
fective way, the only means of establish
ing justice in society. And the means
to this end? What else can they be
than independent political organization,
the exercise of the legal right of every
citizen to vote for the principles be
holds dear ?
WASTEFUL OFFICERS.
The United States (lovernment has
decided to spend a few millions of dol
lars for the purchase of several armored
warships, some of them to cost as much
as a million and a quarter of dollars.
The expenditure of such amouuts of I
nioney on warships is disgusting in
view of the great need for practical ac
tion for the benefit of the thousands of
citizens who are walking the streets and
roads looking for work. And tho plea
that this gives men work is fully nulli
fied in the contemplation of the profits
which the long list of employers who
speculate in the labor engaged in trans
forming the raw material into engines
of destruction. And when they are
completed, what has the laborer got out
of bis toil? Merely wages. And what
has the nation? Why, a lot of useless
war ships which may never be used, and
if used will only destroy human life and
wealth which it required perhaps years
of human effort to produce. Is it not
about time that something of a different
character be attempted? There are the
government lands of the Far West only
awaiting the magic touch of labor to
yield rich returns. Here are thousands
and hundreds of thousands of willing
hands which only need the opportunity
to set them working. Why not open
up these lands and furnish transporta
tion aud wages to give the unemployed
a start? Is it more important that we
should 'employ a few hundred work
men at useless work, and eventually
furnish sinecure lierths for another few
hundred naval officers at largo salaries
and sailors at small wages ? This money
in the treasury represents the labor of
thousands, and as long as it is potential
it should be used for the benefit of the
people; and if there is any plan which
can be put into practice now it is the
one which we have indicated and
which Lucien Sanial proposes in
his paper, entitled "Land and Machin
ery," published by the New York Labor
News Company.
Not only would the opening of the
Public Domain give work and wages to
agriculturists, but all the trades re
quired to supply the new population
with the necessities and conveniences of
civilized life would 1 called into activ
ity. The true function of the State
that of protecting its members would
thus be exercised.
Instead of such a beneficent use of
the public treasury, however, our
statesmen (?) must, forsooth, buy toys
for the amusement of a coterie of naval
gentlemen, who, in these "piping times
of peace," have nothing to kill but
time. On the pretense of "protecting
our shores" in the event of a most im
probable invasion, our wasteful officers
insist upon building a navy, while a
large proportion of our citizens are open
to the attack of a greater enemy than
ever threatened us with shot and shell
Poverty I Poverty with plenty within
reach !
Was there ever a more wasteful and
short-sighted policy pursued under the
guise of statesmanship? Every organ
ization of citizens, he they manual or
mental laborers, or even men of the
mercantile class, should debate this
question, and we have no doubt that a
powerful influence would be brought to
bear upon the thoughtless squanderers
of the people's wealth in time to pre
vent further raids upon the treasury
which have no further object tliStn the
enrichment of a few contractors, and
the support of a horde of lobbyists, and
the amusement of a class of official
idlers.
TRADE UNIONISM.
The Washington Craftsman, as good
an authority, we believe, in trade union
matters as there is in the country, prints
the following summary of the objects of
trade unionism:
"1. To elevate thu position and main
tain and protect the interest of the craft
m general.
"2. To establish and uphold a fair
and equitable rate of wages and fair
working hours, and to regulate all trade
matters appertaining to the welfare of
members.
"11. To influence tho apprenticeship
system in the direction of intelligence,
competency and skill, in the interest
alike of employers and employes.
'I. To endeavor to replace strikes
and their attendant bitterness and pe-
cnniary loss iv arbitration ana concilia
tion in the settlement of all disputes
concerning the wages and conditions of
employment.
"3. To relieve the deserving needy
and sick, aud provide for the decent
burial ot deceased members.
The definition of an "equitable" rate
of wages and "fair" working hours
is unfortunately left to be decided, per
haps, by such arbitration as may be had
under the present system between une
qual parties to an arbitration. The peo
ple must improve conditions first, using
such legal means as they have at hand,
and the citizens' means of acting in
matters politic is the ballot. Let the
Ieople act in their own interests, and
such trades unionism as the Craftsman
defines will become obsolete. Mean
while trades unions will continue their
good work of agitation and keeping to.
gether such of the workmen as may
see in that method a way of im
proving their condition. Socialists, ou
the other hand, will continue to agi
tate for gaining political power, for
until that is gained by and for the peo
ple, they cannot materially and perma
nently enjoy the fruits of their labor
untaxed by a capitalistic minority
clothed with the accidental power of
wealth.
NOTES.
The Chicago Socialists have again
come to the fore. They will nominate
an honest Socialist ticket and enter the
local political campaign this fall. Ex
cellent! Let their good example be fol
lowed by every Section.
The Washington Craftsman publishes
the following startling piece of infor
mation:
'The New York Socialist organization is
considering a proposition to disband the
political organization and form groups of
agitation and propaganda to teach the
principles of socialism to American
workingmen. They have almost de
cided, it is said, to discontinue the pub
lication ot their official organs, the
Socialist and the Workmen's Advocate.
In the event of the adoption of tho first
proposition, the latter action would be
most unwise. There cannot be found a
more potent element in disseminating
their doctrine than the press, and upon
the new line of action it should accom
plish what has heretofore been looked
for in vain."
Whew! WThat a retreat that would
be! The Socialist Party of the United
States, who own both the Workmen's
Advocate and Der Sozialist, decided
only last winter for independent politi
cal action by about a six-sevenths ma
jority. Wonder where the Craftsman
got its information! Perhaps it has a
special wire connection with Borne anar
chistic "group" in New York, for
"group of propaganda" is a pet expres
sion of certain anarchists. But that
sort of propaganda don't take among
Americans. They want something
more substantial, and their way of
propagating their views is political.
WHAT OTHERS SAY.
JNNOCENT INFANCY.
C
It is mere bosh talk about trade unions
ceasing to exist to give way to the
brotherhood of man, or that they ever
will outlive their usefulness. Trades
unions will continue to remain an import
ant factor in the regulation of production
and consumption under any conditions.
To talk about ceasing to exist, while
they are still in their infancy, shows a
lack of knowledge of the history of
trades unions. Cigarniakertf Official
Journal
GENERATING SOCIALISM.
The organization of trusts and the
growth of monopolies are assisting very
materially in the building up of social
istic ideas in this country. Without
knowing it, or even suspecting it, we
are gradually drifting toward doctrines
which a few years ago we despised, and
which we profess to despise now. The
cry for government ownership of rail
roads and telegraphs Is a socialistic one.
When the government controls our
railroads and our telegraphs the step will
be a short one toward government con
trol of other industries. This is to be
the solution of the strained relations be
tween monopoly and the people. All
the signs of the times point to the na
tionalization of everything monojxilistio
in its na'.ure as the ultimatum towards
which we are rapidly approaching.
Chicago Timr.
THEY WIDEN THE NET.
The folds of the net spread by English
capitalism grows w ider and wider till in
it is enveloped a territory wider even
than the empire of which we boast the
sun never sets thereon. In every corner
of the globe, in every country of the
world, the workers are being exploited
for the benefit of the idle shareholders
in some one or other of the joint stock
companies, whose directors, like the
spider in his web, are closeted in some
dark city office, where the cunning web
to catch flies from whom juicy divi
dends may be sucked is spun. But
the lesson of internationalism taught by
the capitalist class is not being lost upon
the workers. That co-operation in pro
duction, which all the world over is
being organized more and more com
pletely for the benefit of the thieving
classes, will be bettered by those who,
though they are plundered to day, will
to-morrow extend co-operation in dis
tribution, while at the same time rid
themselves of the idlers who not in vain
have spread their net, .since they will b
strangled in it themselves. London
Justice.
BOGUS DELEGATES.
It is impossible to do jusjice to the
large amount of evidence which reaches
us as to the fraudulent character of the
"credentials" of uianj people nho at
tended the Fossibilist Congress at Paris.
But as a sample which may guide Brit
ish trade unionists to a right conclusion
as to the relative value of the two
congresses, we take the Swiss represen
tation at each. With the Possibilists,
"Switzerland" was represented by M.
Paulard, a Parisian Possibilist, who
claimed to speak for a society and a little
paper of Carouge, a village near Gene
va, and by Messrs. Bertoza and Molinari,
two Italians who affected to have been
sent by "a group of Italian students in
Zurich." At the Marxist Congress were
delegates of (1) the Swiss Griitli Yerein
12,000 members); (2) the Bwiss Federa
tion of Trades Unions (5,000 members);
(3) the Swiss Social Democratic Party (1,-
500 strong), and (4) the Federation of Ger
man Socialists In Switlerland (500 mem
bers). One wants to be a Theosophist
to, have any doubts as to which of these
two delegations was as unsubstantial as
"the Seventh Emanation of the Great
Spirit." London Labor Elector.
A LABOR EDITORS' CONFERENCE.
What great benefit would accrue from
a conference of labor editors? It seems
to us that it would be impossible to for
mulate any general plan of agitation
upon which the labor press could agree.
Does anyone suppose that Henry George's
Standard would advocate socialism?
Would the Workmen's Advocate agi
tate for the success of trades unionism
and the single tax on land ? Would the
Journal of United Labor work for the
success of trades unionism ? Would the
Hartford I x miner advocate individual
ism, as opposed to socialism? We think
not. The time is not ripe for a general
movement upon any single basis. As
labor agitation is now conducted a
number of able champions pushing each
particular theory or principle the
worker becomes more and more ac
quainted with the purpose and effect of
the doctrines advanced, and the time
when the toilers of the nation shall de
cide upon any one means of emancipa
tion, if it ever come, will be hastened
more by this method than by any other.
But if it be believed that such a confer
ence would be beneficial, by all means
let it be held. Crafsman.
HORACE GREELEY'S
Condemnation of Our Existing Social
Order and Social Injustice.
The base of our social edifice is not
justice but power the right of the
strongest to use his strength, not to up
raise, but to depress, his brother, if he
can seemingly profit thereby. Let a
conflagration or an earthquake add
f.ome thousands to the number of those
who must hire houses, and what Chris
tian landlord hesitates to increase his
rents, although he well knows that
neither the outlay nor the ability of the
tenants is increased an atom?
Let bread become scarce, and what
Christian merchant, what allluent far
mer, hesitates to advance the price of
grain, though the wail of the famished
is ringing m his earsr uo we not know
that the morality, and even the human
ity, of so doing has, after a fashion,
been demonstrated, and forms one of
the corner-stones of the temple of mod
ern political economy ? And the prem
ises being granted, the conclusion is ir
resistible. The objection applies not to
the stone but to the temple. Grant
that the earth has been wisely and
justly allotted to, or permitted to be
come the property of, the few to the ex
clusion of the many, and that every
person has a right to use his strength,
his skill, or his wit expressly and prima
rily for individual gain or advantage,
all we can see and feel follows, of
course. The wrong lies at the very
foundation of our social order, or there
is no wrong at all.
When a young man, having devoted
the better portion of his minority to the
acquirement of some useful trade or
handicraft, finds himself of an age and
an adept in his vocation, yet unable to
obtain employment in his calling and
unfitted to earn a livliliood out of it
denied even an acre of bare earth on
which to earn it there is an instance of
social defect or injustice.
When a poor laborer, delving in
weariness from day to day, finds a
promising family growing up around
him whom he cannot lodge decently,
clothe comfortably, nor educate thor
oughly, but is compelled to dismiss his
sons to the temptations and corruptions
of the street while he is off through the
day earning their scanty subsistence
there is another whom 'society treats
unjustly.
When a jioor youth, who has devoted
every hour of his time, every farthing
of his means, to the acquirement of
what is called a liberal education, finds
himself afloat on the great sea without
a haven before him no call for him in
any professional capacity, no influential
friend to make a position no fitness.
but rather decided unfitness, for useful
ness in any mechanical vocation, and
has the simple choice afforded him to
beg, starve, or turn his acquirements to
some gainful but infamous ue there is
another victim of social injustice.
When a poor man. after drudging
steadily at dav labor through the
warmer season, finds himself at winter
tnrown out of emplovmenl, with a fam
ily that must be fed, a rent that must be
paid, and yet no means afforded him of
doing either, no reliable barrier against
starvation but the poor-house there is
another whom society is wronging and
tempting to wrong.
Still more, when a poor widow, her
earthly reliance and solace lately
snatched away by death, finds herself
driven by necessity into some miserable
garret, there to keep the breath of life
in her shivering children from the
earnings of her needle at best hardly 25
cents a day, however long that day may
be made from which the food, cloth
ing, rent and fuel of that desolate fam
ily are to be extracted there is not
merely grievous suffering, but flagrant
wrong, at which angels might weep
tears of indignant commiseration.
Worse still is the case of the young
maiden doomed to poverty and deficient
training in one of our great cities,
thrown early on her own guidance and
exertions, impelled to earn a livelihood
by sewing, book-folding, or any of the
principal avocations of women which at
best affords a bare subsistence cursed
with "the fatal gift of beauty," and
with the necessity of constantly expos
ing herself in the pursuit of her humble
calling to contact with all that is cor
rupt and licentious, and at length
thrown out of employment by the par
alyzing touch of winter, with black ne
cessity drifting her to swift Despair,
while Infamy eagerly proffers a life of
dazzling luxury and ease in exchange
for at best one of poverty and toil. That
the exchange is oftener spurned with
horror than accepted is honorable to
human nature; but it is not always
spurned, as the streets and alleys of our
great cities mournfully attest. Ac
cursed be the necessity which thus
tramples down Virtue! Detested be the
social injustice in which originated the
necessity!
And yet I have heard of such a
mockery of heaven as a clergyman ris
ing before a wealthy and fashionable
congregation on a Thanksgiving day to
express gratitude that, in this favored
land, every one who chooses may earn a
comfortable subsistence ! What could the
man have meant? Where were his
eyes ? He might as well have given
thanks that no person ever dies here
except by his own hand. I can testify
from personal experience that there is
not always work, even for the .skillful
who diligently seek it, much ' less is
there for the unskilled and simple. That,
industry, energy, skill and probity will
eventually lead to coinpetenee and re
spect, may be affirmed without dispute,
but to what purpose ? The vital ques
tion remains: How shall the landless
and virtually homeless evince these
valuable capacities and thereby secure
immediate employment and ultimate
competence? How shall they live
while they are awaiting the moving of
the waters? "It is the first step that
costs!" It is opportunity to exhibit the
desirable qualities and command a just
recompense that I plead for e-s the natu
ral right of all men; and that this is not
now secured is the condemnation of
our existing social order. Extract from
Lecture by Horace Greeley.
THE GREAT LONDON STRIKE.
Beyond the newspaper dispatches an
nouncing the strike of 30,000 dock la
borers, and the sympathetic strike in
addition of 10,000 stevedores, over 35,
000 river workers of all kinds, engineers,
firemen and other labor organizations,
reaching the enormous number of over
100,000 men, we have no reliable pri
vate information as yet. A special dis
patch to one of the New York capitalist
papers says that "except for the superb
management and heroic work of John
Burns, the well-known Socialist, there
would have been an outbreak before
now." The men are hungry and goaded
to desperation, and as we go to press
the latest news is that there may be a
riot at any time, which will be met with
the entire police and military force, on
foot And mounted, at the command of
the government. The demands of the
dock laborers on which the strike hinges
is that the men want the sweating
(contract) system abolished, and six
pence (twelve and one-half cents) per
hour.
PUBLICATION NOTICES.
Nationalism. A literary straw that
"shows which way the wind blows."
By C. S. Griffin (pamphlet, 70 pp., price,
25 cents). Published by the author at 8
Nassau street, Boston, Mass. A neat
little book printed on heavy antique
paper, containing an American's con
clusions and answers to the very
practical questions continually put
to reformers "What are you go
ing to do about it?" The author pro
poses certain lines of policy in the or
ganization of labor and the distribution
of its products, long familiar to socialist
thinkers and readers of socialist litera
ture. True, the author contemplates a
President and his cabinet, the members
of which are denominated the "head
centers" of the various occupations
which go to make up the routine duties
of the industrial army; and he also per
petrates some surprising evolutions in
alleging facts, besides tracing the
"great theory" of "universal brother
hood" to "the clear teachings, peculipr
life and brutal death of Christ," und
appealing in similar ways to the senti
ment of the "religious." Yet, while
these deviations from philosophic lines
of argument may detract from the
excellence of the little book m the opin
ion ot many readers, there is that about
it which appeals to the sound business
sense of American'people, namely, gome
practical suggestions of details which,
the author presents to his readers.