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0HKMKSAt)V0CMt orriouL journal or THE SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY fUBLIAHID IVKUT WBKK T J. f. BCSCHS, FOR TUB NATIONAL BXBtTTTVB COHMITTBB. Central Office, 25 Kant Fourth Street. New York Mty. Interesting oorreHpondenoe solicited from pro letarians In all parts of the world. Letters re quiring answers should contain ruturn pontage SUBSCRIPTION RATES : One Year (postage free), $1 00 Six Months " - &0 PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. KOTICK TO Hl'HSCKI HKKH. The date after your name upon the address label at t ached to your paper Is the dale of expiration Of sunwrlpUon. Tim inehOO means that your subscription expires with the end of March, 18!l Send your subscription nioney early, and notify us of any fault In delivery or error on onr part. SOCIALIST I. A II OK PAIITV, National Kxbittivb Comjmttbk, W. Hintzk, Secretary, i!5 Kust Fourth street, N. Y. BiiAim or Si i'kbvihion, A. Nkuendank, Secre tary, 'Mi ltnco street, Philadelphia, l'a. Laiiok Nr.ws Co., 1'ArtTT J"H Pkintkiit, 2.' Kant fourth street. New York. WORKMEN AND POLITICS. In opposing lno t!W York Central Labor Union's vote to engage in a politi eal campaign, the Union lYintcr any: "We are of the opinion that thin ac tion iH unwise in the extreme, It is an impossible to control the political pref erences of workingmen an it in their re ligious or social preferences. As well tell a man what church he shall attend aH what ticket he hall vote. An an il lustration of the utter futility of (1113 -thing like the unity of labor on political lines, let us refer to an incident of the last campaign. In the Twenty fifth Ward of Brooklyn, where there was an assx-iation of over three hundred men pledged to the support of the principles of the United LaW Party, but thirteen straight ballots were cast for its candi dates." If it is the idea of the Central Labor Union to control the political preferences of workmen, then indeed they will fail. But, judging from the past history of the Central Labor Union in this respect it would seem that while the rank and file of the onion men honestly desired to make their power felt as citizens in an independent political movement op jKsed to both the old parties, they al lowed themselves to be led by the "lead ers" in political matters, just as they are apt to do in their own union atTairs. The politicians of both old parties al ways succeeded in finding willing tools among the leaders, and these, appealing to the former party leaning of their unwitting dupes, have thus far suc ceeded in keeping the workmen within the ranks of the old parties. Various were the modes of accom pli-hing their traitorous work. A ''democratic" whip would assiduously circulate t fie report that the "republi can" manager were paying for the pro poel diversion, and a "republican" whip would awire his victims that "democratic" boodle was being used on the other side. Possibly there was some truth in what was charged in cer tain instances; whether there was or not, the results proved to be very satis factory to the whips and their political bosses. A common means of frighten ing the guileless unionist was to jaiint to some active and zealous worker and whisper the word, "Socialist," This would be sufficient for those who are under the dominion of "Mother Church,'' which very respectable old lady had most emphatically tabooed that species of politics. And when it is considered that a large percentage of the men in the unions are faithful sub jects of the hierarchy, and honestly be lieve in its power over their welfare here and hereafter, one need not be surprised that to designate an agitator as a Socialist proved an effective means of spoiling his testimony. Another large contingent (perhaps the largest) in the ranks of the unions is composed of Germans and other Euro pean nationalities who, though not amenable to any appreciable extent to the dictates of any religious institution, still have prejudices and opinions of their own, The Union ft-inter no doubt sees in them also some qualities which would discourage the political roper-in. But in view of the Union I Winter's words already quoted, how, in the name of common sense can it hold the inion expressed in the following: "The only way for labor to gain any thing substantial is by preserving a strict neutrality in political tnatters, A balance ol nower is by tar a more eiiec- tual weapon than a weak and puny organization that will only lie the laughing stock of the politicians, Uibor iroperly organized anil educated as 10 t.s needs can hold that balance of power, and its demands win tie re spected by either of the existing par ties, one or the other of which will rule the destinies of this country for some time to come. A practical balance of power includes a use of that power; and how can labor" be supposed to gain anything substantial from the political parties if the workingmen do not make them selves felt in the elections? And how can they be a power if they are divided against themselves, voting against each other's candidates In the two old politi cal parties? But our union contempo rary even goes further and recommends a "strict neutrality in political matters." To be strictly neutral, a voter must take sides with neither party neither vote for nor against any of their candi dates. Then where does the "balance of power" come in? Such is the be wildering logic of the Union 1'rinter. Now, in opposition to such a contra dictory position, which amounts to no position at all, the Socialist Party has adopted the honorable tactics of inde pendent political action, nominating candidates for office upon its own plat form. If the Socialist Platform does not contain in its execution the mater ial necessary for the emancipation of labor, then it is time that the workers found some other platform that, carried out, would free them from the bondage of the bosses. As for the Socialists, they believe that the nationalization of the industries, cap ital and land, under a truly democratic, co-operative form of industrial and polit ical organization, would be the most ef fective way, the only means of establish ing justice in society. And the means to this end? What else can they be than independent political organization, the exercise of the legal right of every citizen to vote for the principles be holds dear ? WASTEFUL OFFICERS. The United States (lovernment has decided to spend a few millions of dol lars for the purchase of several armored warships, some of them to cost as much as a million and a quarter of dollars. The expenditure of such amouuts of I nioney on warships is disgusting in view of the great need for practical ac tion for the benefit of the thousands of citizens who are walking the streets and roads looking for work. And tho plea that this gives men work is fully nulli fied in the contemplation of the profits which the long list of employers who speculate in the labor engaged in trans forming the raw material into engines of destruction. And when they are completed, what has the laborer got out of bis toil? Merely wages. And what has the nation? Why, a lot of useless war ships which may never be used, and if used will only destroy human life and wealth which it required perhaps years of human effort to produce. Is it not about time that something of a different character be attempted? There are the government lands of the Far West only awaiting the magic touch of labor to yield rich returns. Here are thousands and hundreds of thousands of willing hands which only need the opportunity to set them working. Why not open up these lands and furnish transporta tion aud wages to give the unemployed a start? Is it more important that we should 'employ a few hundred work men at useless work, and eventually furnish sinecure lierths for another few hundred naval officers at largo salaries and sailors at small wages ? This money in the treasury represents the labor of thousands, and as long as it is potential it should be used for the benefit of the people; and if there is any plan which can be put into practice now it is the one which we have indicated and which Lucien Sanial proposes in his paper, entitled "Land and Machin ery," published by the New York Labor News Company. Not only would the opening of the Public Domain give work and wages to agriculturists, but all the trades re quired to supply the new population with the necessities and conveniences of civilized life would 1 called into activ ity. The true function of the State that of protecting its members would thus be exercised. Instead of such a beneficent use of the public treasury, however, our statesmen (?) must, forsooth, buy toys for the amusement of a coterie of naval gentlemen, who, in these "piping times of peace," have nothing to kill but time. On the pretense of "protecting our shores" in the event of a most im probable invasion, our wasteful officers insist upon building a navy, while a large proportion of our citizens are open to the attack of a greater enemy than ever threatened us with shot and shell Poverty I Poverty with plenty within reach ! Was there ever a more wasteful and short-sighted policy pursued under the guise of statesmanship? Every organ ization of citizens, he they manual or mental laborers, or even men of the mercantile class, should debate this question, and we have no doubt that a powerful influence would be brought to bear upon the thoughtless squanderers of the people's wealth in time to pre vent further raids upon the treasury which have no further object tliStn the enrichment of a few contractors, and the support of a horde of lobbyists, and the amusement of a class of official idlers. TRADE UNIONISM. The Washington Craftsman, as good an authority, we believe, in trade union matters as there is in the country, prints the following summary of the objects of trade unionism: "1. To elevate thu position and main tain and protect the interest of the craft m general. "2. To establish and uphold a fair and equitable rate of wages and fair working hours, and to regulate all trade matters appertaining to the welfare of members. "11. To influence tho apprenticeship system in the direction of intelligence, competency and skill, in the interest alike of employers and employes. 'I. To endeavor to replace strikes and their attendant bitterness and pe- cnniary loss iv arbitration ana concilia tion in the settlement of all disputes concerning the wages and conditions of employment. "3. To relieve the deserving needy and sick, aud provide for the decent burial ot deceased members. The definition of an "equitable" rate of wages and "fair" working hours is unfortunately left to be decided, per haps, by such arbitration as may be had under the present system between une qual parties to an arbitration. The peo ple must improve conditions first, using such legal means as they have at hand, and the citizens' means of acting in matters politic is the ballot. Let the Ieople act in their own interests, and such trades unionism as the Craftsman defines will become obsolete. Mean while trades unions will continue their good work of agitation and keeping to. gether such of the workmen as may see in that method a way of im proving their condition. Socialists, ou the other hand, will continue to agi tate for gaining political power, for until that is gained by and for the peo ple, they cannot materially and perma nently enjoy the fruits of their labor untaxed by a capitalistic minority clothed with the accidental power of wealth. NOTES. The Chicago Socialists have again come to the fore. They will nominate an honest Socialist ticket and enter the local political campaign this fall. Ex cellent! Let their good example be fol lowed by every Section. The Washington Craftsman publishes the following startling piece of infor mation: 'The New York Socialist organization is considering a proposition to disband the political organization and form groups of agitation and propaganda to teach the principles of socialism to American workingmen. They have almost de cided, it is said, to discontinue the pub lication ot their official organs, the Socialist and the Workmen's Advocate. In the event of the adoption of tho first proposition, the latter action would be most unwise. There cannot be found a more potent element in disseminating their doctrine than the press, and upon the new line of action it should accom plish what has heretofore been looked for in vain." Whew! WThat a retreat that would be! The Socialist Party of the United States, who own both the Workmen's Advocate and Der Sozialist, decided only last winter for independent politi cal action by about a six-sevenths ma jority. Wonder where the Craftsman got its information! Perhaps it has a special wire connection with Borne anar chistic "group" in New York, for "group of propaganda" is a pet expres sion of certain anarchists. But that sort of propaganda don't take among Americans. They want something more substantial, and their way of propagating their views is political. WHAT OTHERS SAY. JNNOCENT INFANCY. C It is mere bosh talk about trade unions ceasing to exist to give way to the brotherhood of man, or that they ever will outlive their usefulness. Trades unions will continue to remain an import ant factor in the regulation of production and consumption under any conditions. To talk about ceasing to exist, while they are still in their infancy, shows a lack of knowledge of the history of trades unions. Cigarniakertf Official Journal GENERATING SOCIALISM. The organization of trusts and the growth of monopolies are assisting very materially in the building up of social istic ideas in this country. Without knowing it, or even suspecting it, we are gradually drifting toward doctrines which a few years ago we despised, and which we profess to despise now. The cry for government ownership of rail roads and telegraphs Is a socialistic one. When the government controls our railroads and our telegraphs the step will be a short one toward government con trol of other industries. This is to be the solution of the strained relations be tween monopoly and the people. All the signs of the times point to the na tionalization of everything monojxilistio in its na'.ure as the ultimatum towards which we are rapidly approaching. Chicago Timr. THEY WIDEN THE NET. The folds of the net spread by English capitalism grows w ider and wider till in it is enveloped a territory wider even than the empire of which we boast the sun never sets thereon. In every corner of the globe, in every country of the world, the workers are being exploited for the benefit of the idle shareholders in some one or other of the joint stock companies, whose directors, like the spider in his web, are closeted in some dark city office, where the cunning web to catch flies from whom juicy divi dends may be sucked is spun. But the lesson of internationalism taught by the capitalist class is not being lost upon the workers. That co-operation in pro duction, which all the world over is being organized more and more com pletely for the benefit of the thieving classes, will be bettered by those who, though they are plundered to day, will to-morrow extend co-operation in dis tribution, while at the same time rid themselves of the idlers who not in vain have spread their net, .since they will b strangled in it themselves. London Justice. BOGUS DELEGATES. It is impossible to do jusjice to the large amount of evidence which reaches us as to the fraudulent character of the "credentials" of uianj people nho at tended the Fossibilist Congress at Paris. But as a sample which may guide Brit ish trade unionists to a right conclusion as to the relative value of the two congresses, we take the Swiss represen tation at each. With the Possibilists, "Switzerland" was represented by M. Paulard, a Parisian Possibilist, who claimed to speak for a society and a little paper of Carouge, a village near Gene va, and by Messrs. Bertoza and Molinari, two Italians who affected to have been sent by "a group of Italian students in Zurich." At the Marxist Congress were delegates of (1) the Swiss Griitli Yerein 12,000 members); (2) the Bwiss Federa tion of Trades Unions (5,000 members); (3) the Swiss Social Democratic Party (1,- 500 strong), and (4) the Federation of Ger man Socialists In Switlerland (500 mem bers). One wants to be a Theosophist to, have any doubts as to which of these two delegations was as unsubstantial as "the Seventh Emanation of the Great Spirit." London Labor Elector. A LABOR EDITORS' CONFERENCE. What great benefit would accrue from a conference of labor editors? It seems to us that it would be impossible to for mulate any general plan of agitation upon which the labor press could agree. Does anyone suppose that Henry George's Standard would advocate socialism? Would the Workmen's Advocate agi tate for the success of trades unionism and the single tax on land ? Would the Journal of United Labor work for the success of trades unionism ? Would the Hartford I x miner advocate individual ism, as opposed to socialism? We think not. The time is not ripe for a general movement upon any single basis. As labor agitation is now conducted a number of able champions pushing each particular theory or principle the worker becomes more and more ac quainted with the purpose and effect of the doctrines advanced, and the time when the toilers of the nation shall de cide upon any one means of emancipa tion, if it ever come, will be hastened more by this method than by any other. But if it be believed that such a confer ence would be beneficial, by all means let it be held. Crafsman. HORACE GREELEY'S Condemnation of Our Existing Social Order and Social Injustice. The base of our social edifice is not justice but power the right of the strongest to use his strength, not to up raise, but to depress, his brother, if he can seemingly profit thereby. Let a conflagration or an earthquake add f.ome thousands to the number of those who must hire houses, and what Chris tian landlord hesitates to increase his rents, although he well knows that neither the outlay nor the ability of the tenants is increased an atom? Let bread become scarce, and what Christian merchant, what allluent far mer, hesitates to advance the price of grain, though the wail of the famished is ringing m his earsr uo we not know that the morality, and even the human ity, of so doing has, after a fashion, been demonstrated, and forms one of the corner-stones of the temple of mod ern political economy ? And the prem ises being granted, the conclusion is ir resistible. The objection applies not to the stone but to the temple. Grant that the earth has been wisely and justly allotted to, or permitted to be come the property of, the few to the ex clusion of the many, and that every person has a right to use his strength, his skill, or his wit expressly and prima rily for individual gain or advantage, all we can see and feel follows, of course. The wrong lies at the very foundation of our social order, or there is no wrong at all. When a young man, having devoted the better portion of his minority to the acquirement of some useful trade or handicraft, finds himself of an age and an adept in his vocation, yet unable to obtain employment in his calling and unfitted to earn a livliliood out of it denied even an acre of bare earth on which to earn it there is an instance of social defect or injustice. When a poor laborer, delving in weariness from day to day, finds a promising family growing up around him whom he cannot lodge decently, clothe comfortably, nor educate thor oughly, but is compelled to dismiss his sons to the temptations and corruptions of the street while he is off through the day earning their scanty subsistence there is another whom 'society treats unjustly. When a jioor youth, who has devoted every hour of his time, every farthing of his means, to the acquirement of what is called a liberal education, finds himself afloat on the great sea without a haven before him no call for him in any professional capacity, no influential friend to make a position no fitness. but rather decided unfitness, for useful ness in any mechanical vocation, and has the simple choice afforded him to beg, starve, or turn his acquirements to some gainful but infamous ue there is another victim of social injustice. When a poor man. after drudging steadily at dav labor through the warmer season, finds himself at winter tnrown out of emplovmenl, with a fam ily that must be fed, a rent that must be paid, and yet no means afforded him of doing either, no reliable barrier against starvation but the poor-house there is another whom society is wronging and tempting to wrong. Still more, when a poor widow, her earthly reliance and solace lately snatched away by death, finds herself driven by necessity into some miserable garret, there to keep the breath of life in her shivering children from the earnings of her needle at best hardly 25 cents a day, however long that day may be made from which the food, cloth ing, rent and fuel of that desolate fam ily are to be extracted there is not merely grievous suffering, but flagrant wrong, at which angels might weep tears of indignant commiseration. Worse still is the case of the young maiden doomed to poverty and deficient training in one of our great cities, thrown early on her own guidance and exertions, impelled to earn a livelihood by sewing, book-folding, or any of the principal avocations of women which at best affords a bare subsistence cursed with "the fatal gift of beauty," and with the necessity of constantly expos ing herself in the pursuit of her humble calling to contact with all that is cor rupt and licentious, and at length thrown out of employment by the par alyzing touch of winter, with black ne cessity drifting her to swift Despair, while Infamy eagerly proffers a life of dazzling luxury and ease in exchange for at best one of poverty and toil. That the exchange is oftener spurned with horror than accepted is honorable to human nature; but it is not always spurned, as the streets and alleys of our great cities mournfully attest. Ac cursed be the necessity which thus tramples down Virtue! Detested be the social injustice in which originated the necessity! And yet I have heard of such a mockery of heaven as a clergyman ris ing before a wealthy and fashionable congregation on a Thanksgiving day to express gratitude that, in this favored land, every one who chooses may earn a comfortable subsistence ! What could the man have meant? Where were his eyes ? He might as well have given thanks that no person ever dies here except by his own hand. I can testify from personal experience that there is not always work, even for the .skillful who diligently seek it, much ' less is there for the unskilled and simple. That, industry, energy, skill and probity will eventually lead to coinpetenee and re spect, may be affirmed without dispute, but to what purpose ? The vital ques tion remains: How shall the landless and virtually homeless evince these valuable capacities and thereby secure immediate employment and ultimate competence? How shall they live while they are awaiting the moving of the waters? "It is the first step that costs!" It is opportunity to exhibit the desirable qualities and command a just recompense that I plead for e-s the natu ral right of all men; and that this is not now secured is the condemnation of our existing social order. Extract from Lecture by Horace Greeley. THE GREAT LONDON STRIKE. Beyond the newspaper dispatches an nouncing the strike of 30,000 dock la borers, and the sympathetic strike in addition of 10,000 stevedores, over 35, 000 river workers of all kinds, engineers, firemen and other labor organizations, reaching the enormous number of over 100,000 men, we have no reliable pri vate information as yet. A special dis patch to one of the New York capitalist papers says that "except for the superb management and heroic work of John Burns, the well-known Socialist, there would have been an outbreak before now." The men are hungry and goaded to desperation, and as we go to press the latest news is that there may be a riot at any time, which will be met with the entire police and military force, on foot And mounted, at the command of the government. The demands of the dock laborers on which the strike hinges is that the men want the sweating (contract) system abolished, and six pence (twelve and one-half cents) per hour. PUBLICATION NOTICES. Nationalism. A literary straw that "shows which way the wind blows." By C. S. Griffin (pamphlet, 70 pp., price, 25 cents). Published by the author at 8 Nassau street, Boston, Mass. A neat little book printed on heavy antique paper, containing an American's con clusions and answers to the very practical questions continually put to reformers "What are you go ing to do about it?" The author pro poses certain lines of policy in the or ganization of labor and the distribution of its products, long familiar to socialist thinkers and readers of socialist litera ture. True, the author contemplates a President and his cabinet, the members of which are denominated the "head centers" of the various occupations which go to make up the routine duties of the industrial army; and he also per petrates some surprising evolutions in alleging facts, besides tracing the "great theory" of "universal brother hood" to "the clear teachings, peculipr life and brutal death of Christ," und appealing in similar ways to the senti ment of the "religious." Yet, while these deviations from philosophic lines of argument may detract from the excellence of the little book m the opin ion ot many readers, there is that about it which appeals to the sound business sense of American'people, namely, gome practical suggestions of details which, the author presents to his readers.