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WORKMEN'S Q ADVOCATE.'
itth ilea, ito. 36 cw and Sew JJaum, jfcitutclay;, i cptcmbct 7, 1889 3 (Seats WANT T0Ki0W. SOCIALISM CAN SATISFY ALL REASONABLE DESIRE. Anxious for Ills Doctor The Supply Will lie Equal to the Demand. Woman's Equality-A "Jef fersonianV Mistake. Democ racy. WANTS HOMOEOPATHY. To the Workmen's Advocate: 1 am a believer in homueopathy, and never employ a physician of any other school. To-day I can always get the man I want if I pay him for his services. Under the socialistic regime, however, where the will of the minority is crushed under the superior weight of the other side, there might be no homue opathist in the employ of the State, and I would thus be liable to die for the lack of medical help, merely because I had the misfottune to think differently from the majority. What is the Socialists' remedy to this? a. o. D. It is mistake to think that socialism would force on the minority the tastes of the majority, so as to compel the whole population to wear black derbies merely because the majority has a predilection for that kind of headgear. Statistical data, which is the chief guide of socialistic production, would show how many of each kind of hats were demanded. In like manner, if the citi zens who in medicine share the opinion of the writer constitute say one-third of the commonwealth, the number of physicians will be proportionately divided between alopathy and homeo pathy. FOR WOMEN'S EQUALITY. To the Workmen's Advocate. Why does not the platform of the S. L. P. definitely state: "We demand the industrial, social and political equality of women with men ?" It will be very easy to nationalize in dustry for use and not for profit, and leave women in the same economically dependent state in which they are now. Indeed, nothing can be more easily done; for industry will gradually be na tionalized as a political expedient. It is the only way possible to our self-preservation; but to have our husbands and brothers economically free will not be enough for woman's full development under the new system, any more than it is now. Was there not ac one time such a plank in the platform? If so, when was it left out, and why? Fraternally, cokinne s. bkowx. Chicago, Aug. 25, 1889. Had such a proposition been made in a convention in which the writer had a voice and vote, both would have been iu favor of the idea. Perhaps if our corre spondent had been a delegate to such convention, she would have proposed it. However, there is sufficient in the So cialist platform to insure in its execu tion the "industrial, social and political equality of women with men." The simple idea of common ownership which our platform contains should be a suffi cient guarantee of equal interests, equal power; and the demand for universal suffrage regardless of sex would seem to make it possible for women to obtain industrial, social and political equality whenever the socialist regime may hold sway. To put the precise words into our platform, is after all not so much a matter of supplying an omission, as of expressing the wish for the consumma tion of certain results which would fol low from the operation of the Socialist system outlined in our platform. The paragraph quoted was a resolu tion adopted at the Socialist Congress held at Newark, N. J DeeemW, 1878. It has never been repealed; but it has not been usual to reprint the cumulative resolutions adopted from congress to congress. Women have the same rights as men in the (Socialist Party. A "jeffersonian's" MISTAKE. To tlie Workmen's Advocate : The total national wealth of the United States held as private proerty is, according to the last census, $41,000, 000; the population, 60,000,000. Now, does not this mean that if the socialistic plan were carried out $633. 33 J would be the share of each citizen in the ag gregate national property? Do you mean to say that this would be enough to bring about the millennium depicted in "Looking Backward?" I am a strug gling factory hand, with a large family to depend on me. Yet as between a sys tem of uniform poverty and an order of social inequality, under which merit is sure of its reward, I am in for a gov ernment that governs least and the sur vival of the fittest first, last and all the time. I hope you will not neglect my straightforward letter, and oblige, yours truly, A JEFFEHSONIAN DEMOCRAT. The annual national income of this country is produced by 20, 000,000 work ingmen. Add to this army the million of tramps, idlers and thieves of every name and description, and thd-tiational produce will be doubled. Then abolish the useless labor and waste of time in volved in the present system of insur ance, advertising, and the thousand and one similar enterprises which under the co-operative system would be out of place, and turn the hosts of agents, drummers, "runners," collectors, prin ters, bill posters, painters, "sand wiches," and all the other toilers di rectly or indirectly connected with these businesses into useful, productive workmen; next include into the list of producers the tens of thousands of salesman, bookkeepers, foremen, etc., whose services in these branches will be rendered unnecessary upon the amalga mation of the petty stores and shops; in short, put a stop to the tremendous waste of labor which is inevitable under the competitive arrangement, where production, instead of being regulated by the extent of consumption, is regu lated solely by the blind and conflicting expectations of greedy speculators and there is no telling how many times the sum of $683, 33 J will be increased. But all this shrinks into insignificance before the growth of the national wealth which would be stimulated by the increase in the productivity of labor when concentrated, well organized, and, what is more, well directed. Who knows how much human energy is thrown away through the mismanage ment of an incompetent "captain of in dustry" with a "heavy backing?" Who can tell how many inventive geniuses wither away in poverty, or are directed into channels of vice and crime? Wno knows but the author of the above letter is naturally more able and fit to manage the factory in which be is a mere "hand" than its present owner? His letter would seem to indicate this. Re warded merit, indeed! And this from an able and hard-working citizen who has to struggle his life long to keep the pot boiling on the dilapidated hearth of a crowded tenement cell! Millions of intelligent, struggling factory hands alongside of idle, "peanut-headed" fac tory owners is by no means the realiza tion of the principle of the survival of the fittest, nor, indeed, has it anything to do with the democracy of Jefferson. If our straightforward friend thinks that Thomas Jefferson would be a mem ber of Tammany Hall if he lived to see the beauties of that institution, he is grievously mistaken. c. CHICAGO. "Proletarians of all Countries Unite!" This was the inscription hanging across the stage of Twelftk Street Turner Hall at our Lassalle commemorial festival of last Saturday evening. At either side of the gallery there were transparencies bearing the inscriptions: "The Work men are the Foundation upon which the Church of the Future shall be Built." On both sides of the stage were the crimson flags of the Furniture Workers' and the Metal Workers' Unions, while a large portrait of Ferdinand Lassalle formed the center-piece on the plat form. At half-past eight o'clock there were about one thousand persons in the hall. The speeches of T. J. Morgan, and Wm. Willig, full of practical suggestions for independent Socialist politics, both end ed with an appeal to the workmen to follow the footsteps of Lassalle, who showed the only way in which the peo ple of civilized countries could gain freedom. The comrades of the American Sec tion were all present, and were greatly pleased with the success of the affair. Comrade Lucien Sanial, who bo ably conducted the Workmen's Advocate during the editor's absence, is recover ing from a successful surgical operation on one of his eyes. Our readers will have the pleasure of perusing contribu tions from him as soon as he can resume work. SAN FRANCISCO. Our Comrades See the Benefit of a Common Sense Agltatlou. Editpr Workmen's Advocate:, The enclosed editorial clipping from the Chronicle see "Trusts and Syndi cates" in "What Others Say" speaks for itself. The reading of this ably written article set me to thinking how it was that this very paper a few short years ago lost no opportunity to heap ridicule and abuse upon socialists and socialism. The principles that we ad vocated then are the same that we advo cate now; the pecuniary interests of the paper are also thejsame. The puerile observation that "the Capitalistic Press is at last getting its eyes open" is obvi ously shallow and vapid. There is some definite reason for this change, and, Comrade Editor, I submit the reason is found in the following fact: During the time that this abuse was heaped upon us, we were engaged in wild-eyed crusadesadvocating the re formation of the human race by the inauguration of bloody war and revolu tion. Appealing to class prejudice and hate, we sought to arouse the worst side of human nature. Truly we merited the contempt of all honest minded men; fortunately we only succeeded in making ourselves ridiculous, though the best men among us lost their lives by it. Had we lieen exrcssly hired to destroy the reform movement we could not have played more completely into our opponents' hands. The principles we then advo cated with fuming folly are now advo cated from a standpoint of reason and common sense, upon a basis broad enough to embrace all mankind. Re form measures when properly presented always have and always will command the respectful attention of the world. For this reason we find our alleged en emies extending the hand of fellowship, albeit somewhat coutiously as vet; for there remains a reasonable doubt in the minds of many as to whether we have fully recovered our mental equilibrium as yet. wm. m. willey. The Workmen's Advocate has never countenanced "wild-eyed" agitation, and its influence should be toward common sense propaganda. Ed.. HOW LABOR IS PROTECTED. The story once again repeated. The despised workingman once more-fooled. The rascality of the politician once more illustrated. One more lesson for the par tisan dupe. The Treasury Department of the Government is proclaimed to have discovered a serious defect in the law to prevent the importation of convict labor. It seems that ths original draft provided a punishment for those who imported the laborers, but made no disposition of the laborers themselves. Of course not, for it was intended that the law should go no further than was necessary to ap pease the clamor that called for its en actment; and even then its meagre pro visions were set aside by those whose duty it was to see the law enforced, as was done by Secretary Fairchild in the Northfield (Conn.) cutlery case. The Fiftieth Congress, however, pre tended to remedy the defect by a pro vision for the return of the laborers at the expense of the steamship company bringing them over ;but this isjnow found to be inoperative on account of the fail ure of the court to designate jurisdiction in the matter. Although the Treasury Department seems competent to pass on the virtue of the law, it does not seem competent to decide that common sense would construe that the court that tried the case would be competent to see that its mandates were fulfilled. And as it was a matter especially involving the Erinciple of "protection to American ibor," it woula seem the most natural thing in the world for the Treasury officials of this administration to so con strue it. Was it not on this cry alone, manufactured and emphasized by them selves, that the administration was elected ? Oh, yes; but it was only in tended as a cry to catch the gudgeons, and from once they were caught the end was fulfilled, the cry was hushed laid aside to be taken up again when gudgeons were again wanted. How do those "friends of labor" who still look for legislation through the mediumship of the politicians instead of doing it themselves like the experience? And what do they think of the testi mony of one foremost among themselves as to the potency of that method? The declaration of Mr. Powderly is referred to: "The labor laws on the statute books of Pennsylvania are not worth the paper on which they are printed." And they never will until placed there by men with the proper disposition to see them epforced. Ilartford Examiner. Democracies which fail to preserve equality of conditions and in which two hostile classes, the rich -and the poor, find themselves face to face, are doomed to anarchy and subsequent despotism. Lave lye in "Primitive Property. JOHN BURNS Dell dps Socialism From the Prison ers' Dock at Old Builey Court. The man whom the European dis patches designate as the leader of the great London strike, John Burns, is not a tyro in the labor movement, but has had some practical experience. In Jan uary, 1 SS0, he was tried for "Riot, un lawful assembly," etc., just subsequent to the Trafalgar Square police attack. In his speech to the jury he made an excellent defense of his action as well as of Socialism, for which he really was being persecuted. During that speech he made the following remarks: "Now what is this Socialism, of which so much is heard and feared ? Socialism is a theory of society which advocates a more just, orderly and harmonious ar rangement of the social relations of mankind than that which now prevails; substituting the principle of association for that of competition in every brantth of production and distribution. Social ism proposes to abolish the system of wage slavery, and establish instead gov ernmental municipal co-operation, se curing to every honest worker the full value of his labor, partly in personal remuneration and partly in social and public benefits, such as education and recreation, sustenance and care in old age, not as a charity, but as a debt that society owes to every useful citizen. Socialism proposes that labor shall be a noble, elevating duty, not an unhealthy, slavish drudgery. Socialism proposes to stop the wastes of society by having none of its members uselessly employed or idle, turning the army of non-producers into a brotherhood of useful workers. It proposes more workers and less work for each. Socialism proposes that machinery shall do the world's work, and that the whole people shall own such machinery and reap the bene fits individually and collectively, not as at present, when machinery is used by its owners to degrade the human ma chines who work them and throw them selves out of work. Socialism proposes that the principles embodied in munici palities, owning for the people, the tramways, gas and water-works, and the State owning the post-office, tele graphs, parcels post, savings and deposit banns, insurance departments, etc., 1 should be extended to all monopolies that in the hand of individuals are a curse, but owned collectively a blessing. The "State," whose duty it is to carry on this development, is a unity of citi zens co-operating, and by such co-operation increasing a thousand times the strength of all individuals comprised in it, and giving them a power that would not be at their disposal as -individuals when competing against each other. Its political expression would be a con vention of labor delegates elected by one universal adult suffrage. Its growth can not be denied. It is being accepted as a religion by the workers, and its accept ance by all is only a mere matter of time and education. In fact, Liberal, Tory and Radical are only successful in their appeals to the people in so far as their programs are socialistic in fact and tendency. And the suppression of Socialist meetings by arbitrary power but intensifies the desire for the doc trines thereby aimed at slowly, insidi ously, but none the less surely." At that time Burns was a member of the Social-Democratic Federation, by whom he was nominated for the London County Council, and his election fol lowed. He is now a member of that municipal body. HUNGRY CHILDREN. The return presented to the London School Board by its School Management Committee is simply heart-breaking. Day by day nearly 44,000 little children attend our Board Schools "in want of food." Voluntary agencies provide about 900 cheap breakfasts and about 13,000 cheap dinners daily, and by the same means 7,943 free breakfasts and 26,585 free dinners are supplied. Never theless, twenty-four thousand seven hundred and thirty-nine children, in a city where every house is within the sound of church bells, "do not obtain enough food." Think of it, well-to-do Christian parents! Nearly twenty-five thousand children, in the Board Schools alone, in a state of chronic starvation. And against this terrible fact politicians dare to weigh academic arguments alout "pauperizing" the little children, whom the privileged classes have robbed of their birthright, by seeing that at least they get da y by day their daily bread. London Democrat. THE EDITOR'8 OMNISCIENCE. Poet (invading the sanctum) Your compositor made an awful mistake in my poem. Instead of "I kissed her un der the rose," he set it up "under the nose." Editor I don't see the mistake. Poet You don't? Editor No; you kissed her under the nose when you kissed her under the rose, didn't you ? Think it over, my friend. iV. 1. Sun. SOME SOUND REASONS. The Objects of the Socialists, and Why All Should Join. BY I'HILII' RAI'l'oi'OHT. Wrtttim on request of tin New York Ameri can Suction, mul liitt'inltl for imlilleiitlun as a leaflet (orKoneral iitfltiitlou We live in the present, and hope and work for the future. Therefore, the labor movement is two-fold: One of its objects is the bettering of the condi tion of the working classes, or at least the prevention of its becoming worse in the. present; the other is to create better conditions for the producers in the fu ture. The first involves the elevation or at least the maintenance of the stand ard of living. The second involves the entire change of our economic condi tions as our social system. It is mainly the trades unions which aim at the first. It is the socialists who aim at the second. The maintenance, or, if possible, the elevation, of the standard of living is surely a laudable object and of the ut most importance. Aside from the nat ural desire of man to live as well and comfortably as possible, experience shows that the lower a man's place is on the ladder of Bocial standing, the fewer are his desires, the more content is he to do with little, and the less is he apt to join the ranks of those who struggle for the betterment of the conditions of the working classes. But surely as much good as there is in the elevation of the standard of living, as much as an increase of wages or a shortening of the work-day is desirable, yet there is in the struggle for that a recognition jof the present relation be tween employer and employe. This re lation is neither changed by better wages nor by shorter hours. Just as heretofore, labor force is sold for the highest price which can be obtained on the market, and just as heretofore all that the workman produces over and above his wages is pocketed by the capi talist. To prevent this, to abolish the rela tionship of employer and employe, to abolish a social system under which the majority of men have to give the larger part of the product of their labor for the permission to work, and to create social conditions under which the toiler is allowed to enjoy the entire fruit of his labor is the aim and object of so cialism. Considering that the true cause of the abject condition of the laboring classes, the possibility of robbing them of the larger part of the fruit of their labor, is to be found in the fact that the laborer has nothing but his bare arms and his skill, that is, mere labor force, while the means of labor, that is, machinery, tools, raw material, etc., in short, capital, is in the hands of a comparatively small number of capitalists. Considering that the ultimate cause of the evils of our economic condition is the separation of labor force from the means of labor, the object of socialism is to create a social system under which both will be united in the same hands, in the hands of the entire people, so that the sale of human labor force, the working for wuges, will cease entirely, It is quite obvious that this cannot be done at once, and if it cannot be done at once now, it cannot be done at once at any future period. It is necessary to pre pare for such a change. It is necessary that the ieople get rid of many false notions atout what is right and what is wrong. We must cease to believe that dead matter, capital, has greater rights than man, endowed with feeling and reason. We must free ourselves of the Imlief that it is moral that the mere lKssession of wealth grants privileges which are an injury to him who does not enjoy such possession. It takes time to convince people of the wrong they suffer by our economic system. All of this must be the work of education and agitation; but we must do something more than educate and agitate. We must do something practicable. We must make use of the ballot. A change of the economic system in volves a change of the entire ground work of our laws and statutes. While it is true that a change of the latter must be preceded by a change of senti ment, yet the change of sentiment will not of itself result, in a change of laws. First, the change of sentiment must find expression. It must find expres sion not merely through newspapers and literature, because this shows al ways only the views of a few. There must be the combined expression of many, of a multitude. The expression of the change of views and sentiment must be of a character which leaves no doubt that the change has taken place in the minds of many and extended to an entire class of the people. There is only one way in which it is possible to give" so stiong an expression, and that is by voting by using the ballot as a means of expression. Second, if a change in the economic system is to be effected by the way of legislation, it is indisensably necessary to elect law givers who will change the laws in conformity with the change in the minds of the people. It has been frequently urged that we are not strong enough to elect such men, and that all our efforts in this di rection must le futile. This idea has served to many as an excuse for not voting a socialist ticket, or for advising not to use the ballot. To these we say that what may not be possible now may be possible In the future after repeated efforts. We must never get tired of trying. It takes more strokes than one to fell a tree. Independent political action, however, may serve our purposes in an indirect way without the election of our candi dates. Parties in power may make con cessions in order to deter voters to cast their ballots in favor of the Socialists. To prove this, it is sutttri.'tit to refer to the Prohibitionists. See what they have achieved by their independent po litical action. The "democratic" and the "republican" party both vie with each other in the enactment of laws to please Prohibitionists. Both parties, by their efforts, try to convince the Prohibitionists that there is no need for their independent action, and Iiws are made which would never have been put into the constitutions or statute books but for the independent political action of the Prohibitionists. The old parties are constituted so that they can be forced to do nothing from within; all force must be applied from without. Every vote cast for a socialist ticket is a protest against the existing eco nomic system, and we cannot protest too often and too much. The existence of the Socialist Labor Party is a stand ing protest against the wickedness of our social system. Every vote cast in favor of this party gives strength to that protest and adds to its effective ness. You may be sure the time will come, nay, must come whSn this pro test will be heeded. The evils of our social system are growing from day to day. The time is not far off when they will become sim ply unbearable. They are nearly so already. It should be understood now as well as hereafter that the labor question is not merely a question ef wages and hours of work, but that it is a ques tion of a radical change of our social structure. It must be understood that the wage system is inconsistent with the degree of public liberty which we have, at least in theory, and is destined , to go. Economically speaking, the wage system is only another form of the slave f system, only that the force of circum- i stances has taken the place of the physi cal force of the slave-driver. There is no rational reason why soci ety should not le arranged upon a plan which enables every one to use his working force for himself, and only for himself. There is no rational reason upon earth why production should not be carried on co-operatively by State aid, or under State supervision, and why the distribution of the products shall not be a public business, a State func tion. Whatever the faults may be which can be found with such a system, it cannot be as bad as the present sys tem. There is not only no reason why such a co-operative system should not be in troduced; there is, on the contrary, every reason to lielieve that such a sys tem is the only system possible in the future. The use of labor-saving ma chinery makes co-operation absolutely necessary, and surely nobody would abolish machinery, even if he could. The workingmen m a factory co operate, but they co-oper.ite for the benefit of their employer. They could co-operate for their own benefit if they had the means. They would have them if the State, that is, organized society, would furnish them. And in order to make the change in the economic system com plete, competition between the produc ers must also be abolished, and the dis tribution of the products must take place also under the supervision of the social organism, that is, the State. This may seem difficult or impossible to many, but it is necessary, absolutely necessary, and society has never failed to accomplish what appeared to be nec essary. Such a social system will be the necessary outcome of the present system. We will grow into it; but the quicker we grow into it, the better for us and the better for our children. The sooner a social system, which creates economic classes, which enriches a few and impoverishes the masses, goes out of existence the better. Poverty and liberty cannot exist alongside of each other for any length of time. The poor can never be free. We must either give up our liberty or change our social structure. There is no other change possible than the one we socialists have in view, considering that a change can only take place in the natural course of development, and that the present is always the banis for the future. We socialists have recognized this. We socialists show you a better system of social organization; one that v. ill and must come at all events. What objection can you have to help us accel erate the speed of development ? You have nothing to lose and everything to gain by joining us. Science adds all the force of intellec tual sublimity to the mere asthetic in tuition of the uninstructed beholder. Iluxley in "Man's Place in Xature."