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Workmen's advocate. (New Haven, Conn.) 1883-1891, September 07, 1889, Image 1

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WORKMEN'S Q ADVOCATE.'
itth ilea, ito. 36 cw and Sew JJaum, jfcitutclay;, i cptcmbct 7, 1889
3 (Seats
WANT T0Ki0W.
SOCIALISM CAN SATISFY ALL
REASONABLE DESIRE.
Anxious for Ills Doctor The Supply
Will lie Equal to the Demand.
Woman's Equality-A "Jef
fersonianV Mistake.
Democ racy.
WANTS HOMOEOPATHY.
To the Workmen's Advocate:
1 am a believer in homueopathy, and
never employ a physician of any other
school. To-day I can always get the
man I want if I pay him for his services.
Under the socialistic regime, however,
where the will of the minority is
crushed under the superior weight of
the other side, there might be no homue
opathist in the employ of the State, and
I would thus be liable to die for the lack
of medical help, merely because I had
the misfottune to think differently from
the majority. What is the Socialists'
remedy to this? a. o. D.
It is mistake to think that socialism
would force on the minority the tastes
of the majority, so as to compel the
whole population to wear black derbies
merely because the majority has a
predilection for that kind of headgear.
Statistical data, which is the chief guide
of socialistic production, would show
how many of each kind of hats were
demanded. In like manner, if the citi
zens who in medicine share the opinion
of the writer constitute say one-third of
the commonwealth, the number of
physicians will be proportionately
divided between alopathy and homeo
pathy. FOR WOMEN'S EQUALITY.
To the Workmen's Advocate.
Why does not the platform of the S.
L. P. definitely state: "We demand the
industrial, social and political equality
of women with men ?"
It will be very easy to nationalize in
dustry for use and not for profit, and
leave women in the same economically
dependent state in which they are now.
Indeed, nothing can be more easily
done; for industry will gradually be na
tionalized as a political expedient. It is
the only way possible to our self-preservation;
but to have our husbands and
brothers economically free will not be
enough for woman's full development
under the new system, any more than it
is now. Was there not ac one time such
a plank in the platform? If so, when
was it left out, and why?
Fraternally, cokinne s. bkowx.
Chicago, Aug. 25, 1889.
Had such a proposition been made in
a convention in which the writer had a
voice and vote, both would have been iu
favor of the idea. Perhaps if our corre
spondent had been a delegate to such
convention, she would have proposed it.
However, there is sufficient in the So
cialist platform to insure in its execu
tion the "industrial, social and political
equality of women with men." The
simple idea of common ownership which
our platform contains should be a suffi
cient guarantee of equal interests, equal
power; and the demand for universal
suffrage regardless of sex would seem to
make it possible for women to obtain
industrial, social and political equality
whenever the socialist regime may hold
sway. To put the precise words into
our platform, is after all not so much a
matter of supplying an omission, as of
expressing the wish for the consumma
tion of certain results which would fol
low from the operation of the Socialist
system outlined in our platform.
The paragraph quoted was a resolu
tion adopted at the Socialist Congress
held at Newark, N. J DeeemW, 1878.
It has never been repealed; but it has
not been usual to reprint the cumulative
resolutions adopted from congress to
congress. Women have the same rights
as men in the (Socialist Party.
A "jeffersonian's" MISTAKE.
To tlie Workmen's Advocate :
The total national wealth of the
United States held as private proerty
is, according to the last census, $41,000,
000; the population, 60,000,000. Now,
does not this mean that if the socialistic
plan were carried out $633. 33 J would
be the share of each citizen in the ag
gregate national property? Do you
mean to say that this would be enough
to bring about the millennium depicted
in "Looking Backward?" I am a strug
gling factory hand, with a large family
to depend on me. Yet as between a sys
tem of uniform poverty and an order of
social inequality, under which merit is
sure of its reward, I am in for a gov
ernment that governs least and the sur
vival of the fittest first, last and all the
time. I hope you will not neglect my
straightforward letter, and oblige, yours
truly, A JEFFEHSONIAN DEMOCRAT.
The annual national income of this
country is produced by 20, 000,000 work
ingmen. Add to this army the million
of tramps, idlers and thieves of every
name and description, and thd-tiational
produce will be doubled. Then abolish
the useless labor and waste of time in
volved in the present system of insur
ance, advertising, and the thousand and
one similar enterprises which under the
co-operative system would be out of
place, and turn the hosts of agents,
drummers, "runners," collectors, prin
ters, bill posters, painters, "sand
wiches," and all the other toilers di
rectly or indirectly connected with
these businesses into useful, productive
workmen; next include into the list of
producers the tens of thousands of
salesman, bookkeepers, foremen, etc.,
whose services in these branches will be
rendered unnecessary upon the amalga
mation of the petty stores and shops; in
short, put a stop to the tremendous
waste of labor which is inevitable under
the competitive arrangement, where
production, instead of being regulated
by the extent of consumption, is regu
lated solely by the blind and conflicting
expectations of greedy speculators and
there is no telling how many times the
sum of $683, 33 J will be increased.
But all this shrinks into insignificance
before the growth of the national
wealth which would be stimulated by
the increase in the productivity of labor
when concentrated, well organized, and,
what is more, well directed. Who
knows how much human energy is
thrown away through the mismanage
ment of an incompetent "captain of in
dustry" with a "heavy backing?" Who
can tell how many inventive geniuses
wither away in poverty, or are directed
into channels of vice and crime? Wno
knows but the author of the above letter
is naturally more able and fit to manage
the factory in which be is a mere
"hand" than its present owner? His
letter would seem to indicate this. Re
warded merit, indeed! And this from
an able and hard-working citizen who
has to struggle his life long to keep the
pot boiling on the dilapidated hearth of
a crowded tenement cell! Millions of
intelligent, struggling factory hands
alongside of idle, "peanut-headed" fac
tory owners is by no means the realiza
tion of the principle of the survival of
the fittest, nor, indeed, has it anything
to do with the democracy of Jefferson.
If our straightforward friend thinks
that Thomas Jefferson would be a mem
ber of Tammany Hall if he lived to see
the beauties of that institution, he is
grievously mistaken. c.
CHICAGO.
"Proletarians of all Countries Unite!"
This was the inscription hanging across
the stage of Twelftk Street Turner Hall
at our Lassalle commemorial festival of
last Saturday evening. At either side
of the gallery there were transparencies
bearing the inscriptions: "The Work
men are the Foundation upon which the
Church of the Future shall be Built."
On both sides of the stage were the
crimson flags of the Furniture Workers'
and the Metal Workers' Unions, while a
large portrait of Ferdinand Lassalle
formed the center-piece on the plat
form. At half-past eight o'clock there were
about one thousand persons in the hall.
The speeches of T. J. Morgan, and Wm.
Willig, full of practical suggestions for
independent Socialist politics, both end
ed with an appeal to the workmen to
follow the footsteps of Lassalle, who
showed the only way in which the peo
ple of civilized countries could gain
freedom.
The comrades of the American Sec
tion were all present, and were greatly
pleased with the success of the affair.
Comrade Lucien Sanial, who bo ably
conducted the Workmen's Advocate
during the editor's absence, is recover
ing from a successful surgical operation
on one of his eyes. Our readers will
have the pleasure of perusing contribu
tions from him as soon as he can resume
work.
SAN FRANCISCO.
Our Comrades See the Benefit of a
Common Sense Agltatlou.
Editpr Workmen's Advocate:,
The enclosed editorial clipping from
the Chronicle see "Trusts and Syndi
cates" in "What Others Say" speaks
for itself. The reading of this ably
written article set me to thinking how
it was that this very paper a few short
years ago lost no opportunity to heap
ridicule and abuse upon socialists and
socialism. The principles that we ad
vocated then are the same that we advo
cate now; the pecuniary interests of
the paper are also thejsame. The puerile
observation that "the Capitalistic Press
is at last getting its eyes open" is obvi
ously shallow and vapid. There is some
definite reason for this change, and,
Comrade Editor, I submit the reason is
found in the following fact:
During the time that this abuse was
heaped upon us, we were engaged in
wild-eyed crusadesadvocating the re
formation of the human race by the
inauguration of bloody war and revolu
tion. Appealing to class prejudice and
hate, we sought to arouse the worst side
of human nature.
Truly we merited the contempt of all
honest minded men; fortunately we
only succeeded in making ourselves
ridiculous, though the best men among
us lost their lives by it. Had we lieen
exrcssly hired to destroy the reform
movement we could not have played
more completely into our opponents'
hands. The principles we then advo
cated with fuming folly are now advo
cated from a standpoint of reason and
common sense, upon a basis broad
enough to embrace all mankind. Re
form measures when properly presented
always have and always will command
the respectful attention of the world.
For this reason we find our alleged en
emies extending the hand of fellowship,
albeit somewhat coutiously as vet; for
there remains a reasonable doubt in the
minds of many as to whether we have
fully recovered our mental equilibrium
as yet. wm. m. willey.
The Workmen's Advocate has never
countenanced "wild-eyed" agitation, and
its influence should be toward common
sense propaganda. Ed..
HOW LABOR IS PROTECTED.
The story once again repeated. The
despised workingman once more-fooled.
The rascality of the politician once more
illustrated. One more lesson for the par
tisan dupe. The Treasury Department
of the Government is proclaimed to have
discovered a serious defect in the law to
prevent the importation of convict labor.
It seems that ths original draft provided
a punishment for those who imported
the laborers, but made no disposition of
the laborers themselves. Of course not,
for it was intended that the law should
go no further than was necessary to ap
pease the clamor that called for its en
actment; and even then its meagre pro
visions were set aside by those whose
duty it was to see the law enforced, as
was done by Secretary Fairchild in the
Northfield (Conn.) cutlery case.
The Fiftieth Congress, however, pre
tended to remedy the defect by a pro
vision for the return of the laborers at
the expense of the steamship company
bringing them over ;but this isjnow found
to be inoperative on account of the fail
ure of the court to designate jurisdiction
in the matter. Although the Treasury
Department seems competent to pass on
the virtue of the law, it does not seem
competent to decide that common sense
would construe that the court that tried
the case would be competent to see that
its mandates were fulfilled. And as it
was a matter especially involving the
Erinciple of "protection to American
ibor," it woula seem the most natural
thing in the world for the Treasury
officials of this administration to so con
strue it. Was it not on this cry alone,
manufactured and emphasized by them
selves, that the administration was
elected ? Oh, yes; but it was only in
tended as a cry to catch the gudgeons,
and from once they were caught the
end was fulfilled, the cry was hushed
laid aside to be taken up again when
gudgeons were again wanted.
How do those "friends of labor" who
still look for legislation through the
mediumship of the politicians instead of
doing it themselves like the experience?
And what do they think of the testi
mony of one foremost among themselves
as to the potency of that method? The
declaration of Mr. Powderly is referred
to: "The labor laws on the statute
books of Pennsylvania are not worth
the paper on which they are printed."
And they never will until placed there
by men with the proper disposition to
see them epforced. Ilartford Examiner.
Democracies which fail to preserve
equality of conditions and in which two
hostile classes, the rich -and the poor,
find themselves face to face, are doomed
to anarchy and subsequent despotism.
Lave lye in "Primitive Property.
JOHN BURNS
Dell dps Socialism From the Prison
ers' Dock at Old Builey Court.
The man whom the European dis
patches designate as the leader of the
great London strike, John Burns, is not
a tyro in the labor movement, but has
had some practical experience. In Jan
uary, 1 SS0, he was tried for "Riot, un
lawful assembly," etc., just subsequent
to the Trafalgar Square police attack.
In his speech to the jury he made an
excellent defense of his action as well
as of Socialism, for which he really was
being persecuted. During that speech
he made the following remarks:
"Now what is this Socialism, of which
so much is heard and feared ? Socialism
is a theory of society which advocates a
more just, orderly and harmonious ar
rangement of the social relations of
mankind than that which now prevails;
substituting the principle of association
for that of competition in every brantth
of production and distribution. Social
ism proposes to abolish the system of
wage slavery, and establish instead gov
ernmental municipal co-operation, se
curing to every honest worker the full
value of his labor, partly in personal
remuneration and partly in social and
public benefits, such as education and
recreation, sustenance and care in old
age, not as a charity, but as a debt that
society owes to every useful citizen.
Socialism proposes that labor shall be a
noble, elevating duty, not an unhealthy,
slavish drudgery. Socialism proposes
to stop the wastes of society by having
none of its members uselessly employed
or idle, turning the army of non-producers
into a brotherhood of useful
workers. It proposes more workers and
less work for each. Socialism proposes
that machinery shall do the world's
work, and that the whole people shall
own such machinery and reap the bene
fits individually and collectively, not as
at present, when machinery is used by
its owners to degrade the human ma
chines who work them and throw them
selves out of work. Socialism proposes
that the principles embodied in munici
palities, owning for the people, the
tramways, gas and water-works, and
the State owning the post-office, tele
graphs, parcels post, savings and deposit
banns, insurance departments, etc.,
1 should be extended to all monopolies
that in the hand of individuals are a
curse, but owned collectively a blessing.
The "State," whose duty it is to carry
on this development, is a unity of citi
zens co-operating, and by such co-operation
increasing a thousand times the
strength of all individuals comprised in
it, and giving them a power that would
not be at their disposal as -individuals
when competing against each other.
Its political expression would be a con
vention of labor delegates elected by one
universal adult suffrage. Its growth can
not be denied. It is being accepted as a
religion by the workers, and its accept
ance by all is only a mere matter of
time and education. In fact, Liberal,
Tory and Radical are only successful in
their appeals to the people in so far as
their programs are socialistic in fact
and tendency. And the suppression of
Socialist meetings by arbitrary power
but intensifies the desire for the doc
trines thereby aimed at slowly, insidi
ously, but none the less surely."
At that time Burns was a member of
the Social-Democratic Federation, by
whom he was nominated for the London
County Council, and his election fol
lowed. He is now a member of that
municipal body.
HUNGRY CHILDREN.
The return presented to the London
School Board by its School Management
Committee is simply heart-breaking.
Day by day nearly 44,000 little children
attend our Board Schools "in want of
food." Voluntary agencies provide
about 900 cheap breakfasts and about
13,000 cheap dinners daily, and by the
same means 7,943 free breakfasts and
26,585 free dinners are supplied. Never
theless, twenty-four thousand seven
hundred and thirty-nine children, in a
city where every house is within the
sound of church bells, "do not obtain
enough food." Think of it, well-to-do
Christian parents! Nearly twenty-five
thousand children, in the Board Schools
alone, in a state of chronic starvation.
And against this terrible fact politicians
dare to weigh academic arguments
alout "pauperizing" the little children,
whom the privileged classes have robbed
of their birthright, by seeing that at
least they get da y by day their daily
bread. London Democrat.
THE EDITOR'8 OMNISCIENCE.
Poet (invading the sanctum) Your
compositor made an awful mistake in
my poem. Instead of "I kissed her un
der the rose," he set it up "under the
nose."
Editor I don't see the mistake.
Poet You don't?
Editor No; you kissed her under the
nose when you kissed her under the
rose, didn't you ? Think it over, my
friend. iV. 1. Sun.
SOME SOUND REASONS.
The Objects of the Socialists, and
Why All Should Join.
BY I'HILII' RAI'l'oi'OHT.
Wrtttim on request of tin New York Ameri
can Suction, mul liitt'inltl for imlilleiitlun as a
leaflet (orKoneral iitfltiitlou
We live in the present, and hope and
work for the future. Therefore, the
labor movement is two-fold: One of its
objects is the bettering of the condi
tion of the working classes, or at least
the prevention of its becoming worse in
the. present; the other is to create better
conditions for the producers in the fu
ture. The first involves the elevation
or at least the maintenance of the stand
ard of living. The second involves the
entire change of our economic condi
tions as our social system. It is mainly
the trades unions which aim at the first.
It is the socialists who aim at the
second.
The maintenance, or, if possible, the
elevation, of the standard of living is
surely a laudable object and of the ut
most importance. Aside from the nat
ural desire of man to live as well and
comfortably as possible, experience
shows that the lower a man's place is on
the ladder of Bocial standing, the fewer
are his desires, the more content is he
to do with little, and the less is he apt
to join the ranks of those who struggle
for the betterment of the conditions of
the working classes.
But surely as much good as there is in
the elevation of the standard of living,
as much as an increase of wages or a
shortening of the work-day is desirable,
yet there is in the struggle for that a
recognition jof the present relation be
tween employer and employe. This re
lation is neither changed by better
wages nor by shorter hours. Just as
heretofore, labor force is sold for the
highest price which can be obtained on
the market, and just as heretofore all
that the workman produces over and
above his wages is pocketed by the capi
talist. To prevent this, to abolish the rela
tionship of employer and employe, to
abolish a social system under which the
majority of men have to give the larger
part of the product of their labor for
the permission to work, and to create
social conditions under which the toiler
is allowed to enjoy the entire fruit of
his labor is the aim and object of so
cialism. Considering that the true cause of the
abject condition of the laboring classes,
the possibility of robbing them of the
larger part of the fruit of their labor, is
to be found in the fact that the laborer
has nothing but his bare arms and
his skill, that is, mere labor force, while
the means of labor, that is, machinery,
tools, raw material, etc., in short, capital,
is in the hands of a comparatively small
number of capitalists. Considering that
the ultimate cause of the evils of our
economic condition is the separation
of labor force from the means of labor,
the object of socialism is to create a
social system under which both will be
united in the same hands, in the hands
of the entire people, so that the sale of
human labor force, the working for
wuges, will cease entirely, It is quite
obvious that this cannot be done at
once, and if it cannot be done at once
now, it cannot be done at once at any
future period. It is necessary to pre
pare for such a change. It is necessary
that the ieople get rid of many false
notions atout what is right and what is
wrong. We must cease to believe that
dead matter, capital, has greater rights
than man, endowed with feeling and
reason. We must free ourselves of the
Imlief that it is moral that the mere
lKssession of wealth grants privileges
which are an injury to him who does
not enjoy such possession. It takes time
to convince people of the wrong they
suffer by our economic system. All of
this must be the work of education and
agitation; but we must do something
more than educate and agitate. We
must do something practicable. We
must make use of the ballot.
A change of the economic system in
volves a change of the entire ground
work of our laws and statutes. While
it is true that a change of the latter
must be preceded by a change of senti
ment, yet the change of sentiment will
not of itself result, in a change of laws.
First, the change of sentiment must
find expression. It must find expres
sion not merely through newspapers
and literature, because this shows al
ways only the views of a few. There
must be the combined expression of
many, of a multitude. The expression
of the change of views and sentiment
must be of a character which leaves no
doubt that the change has taken place
in the minds of many and extended to
an entire class of the people.
There is only one way in which it is
possible to give" so stiong an expression,
and that is by voting by using the
ballot as a means of expression.
Second, if a change in the economic
system is to be effected by the way of
legislation, it is indisensably necessary
to elect law givers who will change the
laws in conformity with the change in
the minds of the people.
It has been frequently urged that
we are not strong enough to elect such
men, and that all our efforts in this di
rection must le futile. This idea has
served to many as an excuse for not
voting a socialist ticket, or for advising
not to use the ballot. To these we say
that what may not be possible now may
be possible In the future after repeated
efforts. We must never get tired of
trying. It takes more strokes than one
to fell a tree.
Independent political action, however,
may serve our purposes in an indirect
way without the election of our candi
dates. Parties in power may make con
cessions in order to deter voters to cast
their ballots in favor of the Socialists.
To prove this, it is sutttri.'tit to refer to
the Prohibitionists. See what they
have achieved by their independent po
litical action. The "democratic" and
the "republican" party both vie
with each other in the enactment of
laws to please Prohibitionists. Both
parties, by their efforts, try to convince
the Prohibitionists that there is no need
for their independent action, and Iiws
are made which would never have been
put into the constitutions or statute
books but for the independent political
action of the Prohibitionists. The old
parties are constituted so that they can
be forced to do nothing from within;
all force must be applied from without.
Every vote cast for a socialist ticket
is a protest against the existing eco
nomic system, and we cannot protest
too often and too much. The existence
of the Socialist Labor Party is a stand
ing protest against the wickedness of
our social system. Every vote cast in
favor of this party gives strength to
that protest and adds to its effective
ness. You may be sure the time will
come, nay, must come whSn this pro
test will be heeded.
The evils of our social system are
growing from day to day. The time is
not far off when they will become sim
ply unbearable. They are nearly so
already. It should be understood now as
well as hereafter that the labor question
is not merely a question ef wages and
hours of work, but that it is a ques
tion of a radical change of our social
structure. It must be understood that
the wage system is inconsistent with
the degree of public liberty which we
have, at least in theory, and is destined ,
to go. Economically speaking, the wage
system is only another form of the slave f
system, only that the force of circum- i
stances has taken the place of the physi
cal force of the slave-driver.
There is no rational reason why soci
ety should not le arranged upon a plan
which enables every one to use his
working force for himself, and only for
himself. There is no rational reason
upon earth why production should not
be carried on co-operatively by State
aid, or under State supervision, and why
the distribution of the products shall
not be a public business, a State func
tion. Whatever the faults may be
which can be found with such a system,
it cannot be as bad as the present sys
tem. There is not only no reason why such
a co-operative system should not be in
troduced; there is, on the contrary,
every reason to lielieve that such a sys
tem is the only system possible in the
future. The use of labor-saving ma
chinery makes co-operation absolutely
necessary, and surely nobody would
abolish machinery, even if he could.
The workingmen m a factory co operate,
but they co-oper.ite for the benefit of
their employer. They could co-operate
for their own benefit if they had the
means. They would have them if the
State, that is, organized society, would
furnish them. And in order to make
the change in the economic system com
plete, competition between the produc
ers must also be abolished, and the dis
tribution of the products must take
place also under the supervision of the
social organism, that is, the State.
This may seem difficult or impossible to
many, but it is necessary, absolutely
necessary, and society has never failed
to accomplish what appeared to be nec
essary. Such a social system will be
the necessary outcome of the present
system. We will grow into it; but the
quicker we grow into it, the better for
us and the better for our children. The
sooner a social system, which creates
economic classes, which enriches a few
and impoverishes the masses, goes out
of existence the better. Poverty and
liberty cannot exist alongside of each
other for any length of time. The poor
can never be free. We must either give
up our liberty or change our social
structure. There is no other change
possible than the one we socialists have
in view, considering that a change can
only take place in the natural course of
development, and that the present is
always the banis for the future.
We socialists have recognized this.
We socialists show you a better system
of social organization; one that v. ill
and must come at all events. What
objection can you have to help us accel
erate the speed of development ? You
have nothing to lose and everything to
gain by joining us.
Science adds all the force of intellec
tual sublimity to the mere asthetic in
tuition of the uninstructed beholder.
Iluxley in "Man's Place in Xature."

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