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THE EQUALITY OF MAN (Contributed expressly for the Labor Bulletin by C. A. Irwin.) ■‘‘All men are created equal.' such were the ringing words which Thomas Jefferson placed at the forefront of the Declaration of Independence. But human society has never accorded the working class a position of equality socially, politically nor legally. American law is the outgrowth of English common law. Under the old common law the laborer was a slave; by a slow process of evolu tion he attained bis present position of limited and conditional freedom, but the shudow- of the old curse is still upon mm. uw always lugs behind public senti ment. and public sentiment clearly places mONBY above MEN. We legislate care fully for the protection of business .mu projMjrty. and our courts are zealous In their behalf, but we are woefully Incon siderate of mere human beings. We are far from reullzlng Lincoln's glorious dream of u government “Of the jn.-ople, by the people and for the people.'' Oura is rather a government of business in terests by business Interests and for business interests. Before the working classes can hope to be dealt with justly, they must arouse public sentiment to a realization of the fundamental demo cratic Idea that men are worth more than money; that human rights are more sacred than property rights; that men are to be Judged and treated by their characters and not by their possessions or station In life. There Is Just as much Integrity and virtue, and more candor und courage in the cottages of the poor * than in the palaces of the rich, notwith standing the popular notion that respect ability nnd social position are synony mous terms. In a recent edition of n Denver morn ing paper It was stated that the Night Riders of Kentucky Include some of tbe most respectable men in that state—ana in the same puragraph the same wr'ic added that "they deserved to be hanged, j The boldness of this sentiment is iimaz-i ' tag. an«i vet this very sentiment per i meates the social and political Id.-ns of this country and Is responsible for the fact that we legislate so carefully lor, the protection of property, and *•» in differently for the protection of life, and limb. We bow down and worship busi ness success with little thought of the means employed, but there is « mighty chill atmosphere surrounding h m who Is not getting on In the world A little Willie ngo I stood in the cl a pel ball of the Chicago Unlversltv :»n.l «w that magnificent painting of John ». Rockefeller hanging conspicuously above the altar. As I stood and gazed I medi tated upon that wonderful career and ‘n the features upon the canvas I read the story of a life; I saw the boy clerking in a country grocery store; I saw him save and scheme and manage adding uooars to dollars until he became the mas ter spirit of the Standard Oil company; I saw him ruthlessly crush out competi tion and by the- genius of organization A. F. OF L. CALL For Convention to Be Held in Toronto, November 8. To All Affiliated Unions, Greeting: You are hereby advised that, tn pursu ance to the Const ItutIon of the American Federation of Labor the Twenty-ninth Annual Convention of the Atuerlcaon Federation of Labor will bo held at Toronto, Canada, beginning 10 o’cIock. Monday morning. November 8, 1909, and will continue In session from day to day until the business of the convention has been completed. Representation. Representation In the convention will be on the following binds: From Na tional or International unions, for less that 4.000 members, one delegate; 4,000 or more, two delegates; 8.000 or more. | three delegates; 16,000 or more, four a delegates; 32.000 or more, five delegates; a (>4,uoo or more, six delegates; 128,000 or & more .seven delegates .and ho on; and from central bodies and Htato federa tions, and from local trade unions not having n national or International union, and from federal labor unions, one dele gate. Organizations to be entitled to repre sentation must have obtained a certifi cate of affiliation (cbnrter) at least ono month prior to the convention; nnd no V person will bo recognized oh a dologate lawho is not a member in good standing ' &>f the organisation he Is elected to rep resent. Only bona fido wage workers, who are not members of. or eligible to member ship In other trade unions, are eligible ns delegates from federnl labor unions. Delegates must ho selected nt least two weeks previous to tho convention, nnd their names forwarded to tho sec ret nrv of tho American Federation of UNITED Labor Bulletin Boost the Label VOI_. IV. create and dominate th** Standard Oil trust, which absorbs and controls the oil production of the continent; I saw the pathw-ay of his life strewn with wrecks of wretched men and ruined fortunes, crushed and thrown aside because they were In his way. all to swell that already swollen fortnne wrung from the just re wards of honest toll and compared with which the fabled wealth of Croesus seems poor and tame; I saw- him subsid ize the press und bribe goth political parties In the Interests of business; 1 saw him spend millions to create and endow' a great university to further poi son public opinion with the idea that the Golden Text of the true gospel is "put money in thy purse.” And then I turn ed my thoughts to the oil and coal fields of Ohio and Pennsylvania, where men toil and sweat to keep body and soul to gether. I saw the weary laborer trudge slowly homeward from his work to iuu uninviting shack he calls his home; I saw him resting upon his little porch sheltered troui the evening sun with climbing vines and flowering bushes — his children playing about him. his wife half reading, half relating the daily news, and I thought to myself—I would rather be that humble man with fhe tendrils of love softly twining about ray heart, and with my soul erect, proudlv conscious that I had never rotibed ray fellow-man. than to be that pampered minion of gold and greed—that purse proud. pious fraud whose sotil has shrunk and shriveled to the image of a coin, whom men call John D. Rockefeller. There is a sentiment In this couutry which would defy Such men as Rocke feller. It Is that sentiment which legis lates against the common mass and in favor of the privileged class. We won der that in the industrial progress of this nation safety of life nnd limb have received so little attention We wonder ‘also that so much energy is devoted to !»he punishment cf crime and so little to I its prevention. We praise those who ’kindly feen the Titulary. ckiiStf tu« naked. ■ minister to the suffering and shelter the j I homeless, but if we would strike at the | «oot t'1 ♦he matter we would endeavor toj • remove the causes which produce these j 1 ard conditions This can only be done j by keeping ever in mind that the prime j factor In civilisation is MAN. and that the true aim of civilization is not the .accumulation of wealth nor the aecom ! plishment of great commercial onter r'ves. be* It is the greatest comfort and I happiness to the greatest number of mankind. The true social Ideal Is not material i progress nor civic splendor, but human happiness. This can only result from j legislation when legislators remember i he equality of man. Surely all men were created equal and are alike entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of happi ness. We shall attempt hereafter to apply these general observations to the dis cussion of some of the laws which dis criminate against the working classes. Ijibor Immediately afte** their election. ♦Delegates are not entitled to seats In the convention unless the tax of their organisations has been paid in full to September 30. 1909. It Is. of course, entirely unnecessary here to enumerate the imminent import ant subjects with which our forthcoming convention will concern itself, but the reminder is not at all amiss that every report must be made to broaden the field and means for the organization of the yet unorganized workers, to strive more effectually than ever to bring about a better day in the lives and homes of the tollers, to defend and maintain by every honorable means in our power the right to organize for our common defense and advancement .and to assert at any risk the freedom of speech ami of the press. The convention will also decide upon a closer affiliation with the organized trade union movement of Europe. Those and other great questions of equal import ance will, of necessity, occupy tho at tention of the Toronto convention. Therefore the Importance of our or ganizations and our movement, the duty of the hour and for the future, demand that every organization entitled to repre sentation shall send Its full quota of delegates to the Toronto convention, No vember 8. 1909. Do not allow favoritism to influence you in selecting your delegates. Be fully represented. Bo represented by your ablest, best, most experienced and faithful meniborr. Credentials. Credentials In duplicate are forwarded to all affiliated unions. The original cre dential must be given to tho delegate elect and tho duplicate forwarded to the American Federation of Labor office, 801-809 O street, N. W„ Washington. D. C. DENVER. GO LOR Alio, OCTOBER 8. 1909 The committee on credentials will meet at the headquarters of the Ameri can Federation of J*abor six days prev ious to the opening of the convennon. and will report Immediately upon the opening thereof at Toronto; hence sec retaries will observe the necessity of < mailing the duplicate credentials of their respective delegates at the earliest possi- < ble moment to Washington. D. C. Grievances. Under the law no grievance can br* considered by the convention that hrfs been by a previous convention, except JfBn 'he recommendation of the j executive council, nor will any grievance be consid* red where the parties t'.turero j have not previously held conference and < attempted to adjust the same them-; selves. Railroad Rates. The various passenger associations have been requested to grant a special rate. Full particulars relative to rail- 1 road rates will be mailed to each dele gate as soon as his credential is received at American Federation of I-abor head- j quarters. Hotel Rates. There are twenty-five hotels listed with the committee, rates ranging from fifty cents per day Euroj>ean. and I 1 .50 12.50 American and European, while fourteen are listed as strictly America** plan at rates ranging from 11.25 to $6. Reservations in any of the hotels can he made by addressing the chairman of the convention committee. D. A. Carey. 95 Markham street. Toronto. Ontario. Canada. Headquarters of the executive council will be at the Prince George hotel. Delegates should notify Chairman A. Carey of the time of their arrival at Toronto, and over which road they will 1 travel. If there be any further information re garding the convention, or the arrange-j ments for the convenience of the dele gates. it will be communicated in a later! * circular, or through the American Fed . ’ eratlonist. ■f ♦ THE PROBLEM THAT CONFRONTS US. ♦ The problem that confronts the trade ‘ 1 1 union movement of our country is, shall the toiler be tied to the wheel and be 1 reckoned as a mere commercial com modity. or shall he and she be given his and her proper place in our dvillza- 1 tion. in ratio to his and her activity and 1 productivity for the welfare of the hu man family? To take from a man that which he produces without commensurate return i Is robbery. The worker claims his pro i j duct, or its equivalent In compensation, according to the nature or exchangeable ness of said product. In short he does j I not like to be robbed. He does not claim as his a finished product in the prepara tion of which several Interests partici pated but he demands his proportionate share* of its value. He stands a poor chance in the twen tieth century of receiving his just share of a given product when he has to rely upon the whims, avarice, or honesty, as they may apply, of the capitalistic inter ests making up the balance of the own i ership of the Joint product: hence, the necessity for combination with others of ''is kind to re-enact, as it were, a con . struct!vo power, to bring back anti pre serve to him the individuality he per force had to surrender in his struggle 1 with modern commercialism. The theme o the corporation or trutt is profit—tho sacredness or advance ment of property rights versus any thing antagonistic thereto; that of the organized worker is bread—the uplift and betterment of mankind versus any thing incompatible therewith: thus the economies of the opposing interests can '•e summarized as property rights com ing before human rights on the one * and. nnd that humanity is of more tin- < portnnco than property on tho other hand, nnd there you are. Money—Man. i Man —Money. Organized labor stands i for man. It dares to protect his Inter- < ests. Trusts, so-called, stands for money. They dare to protect profits. Which will t win? It Is a great question. Pessimists ! would almost throw up their hands and i quit, but being optimistically Inclined, we i have no hesitation In asserting tho be- I lief that the power of money and the i worship of property rights will become I unpopular, nnd that the rights of man. l hit liberty and full earning power will * be gradually accorded him. until through i co-operation nnd equitable recognition of 1 all interests to a finished product, each 1 shall receive compensation In accord- l nnce with the Invention, skill or other s activity of the participants In the out- put. * JAMES DUNCAN. » First Vice-President. A. F. ofL. i Smoke La Explorldad Havana cigars, t UNIVERSITY STUDY OF LABOR. By C. H. Opdahl. Do our unlveq ties give organized labor a square d al? Is the teaching biased in favor the employers and capitalists? I do ot know what obliga tions some school! may feel toward 'he employing class, . mt. as a student. I wish to give a fra k statement concern ing the attitudes nf one university to ward union labor. can only speak for my own school, bjbt T can speak accur ately for It. I be leve it is typical, but t that I leave to tha reader. In describing th- course of labor j problems the catalogue of the university says; "This courfc** is devoted to labor I organizations, the r history, principles, methods and tend ncies. Representative ; cases are selected for special duty. The i work consists of - setttres, library work, j and weekly repots on labor topics.] Students in this j ourse are required to j make liberal use the so-called capital istic and the labor areas. There are kept j on file American ulus tries (for the em- • ployers), America Federationist (for! the unions), and ; >out thirty other typl j cal journals repit enting the side of labor or capital.” By this It can «» seen that the main object of the ci irse is to study the history, principled methods, and tenden cies of labor organizations, and the ef fort is made to ■ ave the student see them from the pBints of view of labor, caiptal. and the public. At the beginning of the course a few current Issue* ape brought before the student. Some of these are: Jurisdic tional disputes; m ring the output; in corporation of t uinrns: closed and open shop; pickqtingj boycotting; union labels; positioji ofthe strike-breaker; use of militia in-.strik 's: organized labor’s attitude towards sir titles: socialism: atti tude eranee. the church. 1 the courts. These issues art- some of the most im portant things that confront labor today, and they are cot antly kept in mind thronuhont t»»« «« co«wse. It. is the 1 object *o form, as far as possible, some , definite conclusions of our own concern ing these problems. The work is divided into three parts: lai lectures and outside reading: (b) ; text and case work: (e) labor press. The lectures are given by the instructors two days in the week and notes are taken The lectures include such things as the early history of labor organizations, their functions, policies, methods, and legality, woman and child labor, strikes, boycotts, picketing, union label, employ ers’ organizations, employers’ liability trade agreements, the economic justifica tion of labor unions. A few things re ceive special attention, such as the Le ‘ mieux act of Canada. The lectures seem sympathetic towards labor. The outside reading consists of four hours’ reading each week from works bearing on the subject-matter of the lectures. This reeding is done from such sources as "United States Industrial Commission Report,” "Bulletins of. De partment of Labor.’( reports of various bodies such as National Civic Federation. National Association of Manufacturers, and conventions of American Federation Federation of Labor. Books such as "Hunters Poverty,” "Webb. Trade Unions:’’ "Mitchell, Organized “Ely. Labor Movement:” “Warne. Coal Mine Workers;” Kelly. Some Ethical Gains Through legislation"Adams. Newer Ideals of Peace;’* “Adams and Sumner. Problems.” and many others Notes arc taken on these read ings and the main points preserved in a permanent note-book. The second part of the course is the case work. The "case book” (as a law yer would Spy. Is "Trade Unionism and Labor Problems’ by Prof. John R. Com mons. This gives an account of typical cases of labor troubles, conditions, and court decisions, arid endeavors, as far as possible, to show by concrete cases of possible, to show by concrete cases the results of different measures and poli cies. Thus we try to get at me facts. The third and jost Important part of the work la the reading of the capital and the labor press. By reading one or more papers each week and giving a re port In class on them, the student comes Into very close touch with the labor or ganizations and the employers’ organiza tions. nnd so learns the methods and policies of both. However, fewer of the employers’ papers are rend, and they do not seem to have as much Influence on tho student as the labor press. The labor papers vary a great deal In tone and make-up. Some aro disappointing; some are satisfying. Too many are filled with ideas rather than facts. Some of them are extremely radical, and some are quite conservative. Most of them aro neat, well printed, and are Interest ing ns papers or magazines. Among , tho best are: American Federationist. i Railway Conductor, Typographical Jour nal and The Coast Seamen's Journal. These are by no means the only good magazines, but they rank among the highest. They are sound, conservative, informing, and interesting. There are also a few radical papers, and perhaps among the foremost are the Brauer Zeitung and the Miners’ Magazine. They are both Interesting, but many of their articles do not seem strictly sound as to logic and fact. All the papers advocate the union label. These journals do not, of course, deal with problems at present confronting the student, but they do bring him into sym pathy with the laborer's cause. They help the student see both sides of the uestion. The public press does not ; I'tpn give a correct interpretation o» labor union activity. The ordinary news i paper prints the sensational news about the rashest actions committed during stHkes, and the alleged spectacular and , the dramatic doings of organized labor i without giving a correct perspective of the whole. After completing this course on labor ; problems the student can hardly help . drawing the conclusion that labor unions 1 are necessary: they help the laborer improve his working conditions and raise his standard of living. They help secure favorable legislation, especially in regard to woman and child labor. They do not tend to produce strikes, but if strikes arc declared they tend to con duct them in a calm, business-like way. The labor unions have come to stay. If the present unions were crushed to day. they would appear tomorrow in some other form. This. then, is the course in labor prob • lems given in my own university, and ! the conclusions reached by myself, with j out pressure from my instructor. I ask. then, in all fairness, does not labor get j a square deal from such a course in the university? ■*■♦* + + Home-made, hand-made, union-made— •the I .a Belle 5c cigar. ♦ ■#■ + + v UNION LABEL IN HATS. * > According to the terms of the tem-1 por.-ry agreement entered into between the hat manufacturers and the union hatteis three months ago. the union labels \ere restored to the hats Septem !*er 13. Several of the firms have com plied with the terms of the agreement and i' is thought that the label will be restored within a few days by all the manufacturers. Th re..son for postponing the restora j tion of the label was due to the fact that the manufacturers had to withdrawn from the National Hat Manufacturers' Asso j ciation. who had voted to discard the union label and were compelled to give ninety days' notice of their intention. ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ CHICAGO SALOON KEEPERS SET A GOOD EXAMPLE. ♦ A recent bulletin issued by President Fred Rohde of l.ocal No. l of Chicago of the Cook County Liquor Dealers' Pro tective Association contains the follow ing noteworthy paragraph: "In our re port to the district convention we said in reference to the Bartenders* Union and organized labor: Their demands appear to be reasonable and the absolute necessity of employe and employe being in touch with each other was so strongly shown that It was decided to ask our members to use every effort to have their employes join ’heir| organization. They need our help ana we need theirs. In Washington and I other parts of the country they have con-1 j tributed of their funds and in other ways helped our local option fights. They are ■ really the connecting link between our selves and the various labor organiza- j tions, and I believe that the Bartenders'j Union is worthy of every consideration." Recently National President McDon • i>ugh in an open letter to the liquor trade j said: "The legitimate saloon is known as : the workingman's club; it is the place where the hard workingman can enjoy his glass of beer and receive renewed I strength and encouragement from it. and j to the laboring men and his union we | should ever be loyal. Set' that all your goods and the packages containing them • i bear the union label. See that the blue label is upon your cigar boxes, and above all see that your employes belong to j j their union. If in union there is strength.) . see that your employes have enougn re-, spect for their trade, and for their em ployer. whose business and money is at stake, to join their respective unions and J ; aid in this struggle for right nnd liberty.” j And President Fred Rohde concludes ; j these •‘ocommendations by saying: “Wo j believe in Justice to our many labor j union customers that we should grant 1 this simple act of Justice. If we expect | to retain them as customers.” ♦ ♦♦♦n For a fine smoke try a I.a Explortdad. DO IT NOW rsio. a THE RIGHT TO QUIT (By Eva McDonald Valesch. Assistant Editor American Federationist.) Public attention has recently been rather forcibly directed to the fact that labor unions are not responsible for all strikes. Within the past few veeks many thousands of unorganized *vork men struck at the plant of the Pressed Steel Car company at McKees Rocks and at other steel plants in that section. Not only were these men without union organization, but they were un skilled laborers and foreigners, most of whom had only recently arrived in this country: many of them could not even speak English. This strike emphasized a new and { hopeful trend in the industrial situation j in this country. Among the employers ! who are so unscientific as to refuse to ! deal with union labor, it has been as sumed that it was a perfectly safe prop osition to employ the unskilled and re cently arrived immigrant of the Slav race. It was supposed that his ignor ance and his previous low standard of i living and his inherited patience under bad treatment would make him incapa ble of resenting the very low wages and oppressive treatment which it might be inadvisable to offer to the American workman with his better education and higher standards of living. Judging from recent events it would seem that the Slav workman has imotb ed some ideas about personal freedom and the dignity of labor, though where or how he got them would be difficult to discover, considering the conditions un der which he works in this country. The account of the warlike tactics adopted by the steel company in the re cent trouble brings forcibly to mind the historic Homestead strike. Here were the same fortified enclosures, the utiliza tion of private police to aid and protect j the imported strike-breakers, the calling ■ out of the state constabulary, the same rioting and violence as scon as the con | stabulary and strike-breakers appeared . ou the scene .the same assertions of the ’company that it intended to run its bus!-! i ness In its own way and if the employes 1 I did not like the treatment they received 1 ! they had the "right to quit.” This attitude was not for the purpose j ; of establishing the "open shop,’’ nor was | j there any hypocritical announcement of i a desire to deal impartially between non union and union workmen. The steel | company frankly stated that it intendeu | to treat its workmen as justly or unjust • ly as it chose and to tolerate neither re sistance on the part of the employes, I nor interference on the part of the pub- I lie. It was a clear-cut program on the part of the employers to bid defiance to ! its workmen and to the public in its pursuit of private profit in business, t his is the logical sequence of the “open .-hop" argument, but even the pretext was cast away in this case. The strike of the Slav workmen was one of the sur prises in attempting to carry out tne I program. In this strike—no matter what its immediate result—lies the only hopeful feature of the situation, both for the workmen themselves and for the general public. ! If employers of the steel company and packing house and coal mining type were I to go on for years without any sense of their just obligations to their employes : and to the public which protects them and gives them an opportunity to do i usiness; if they were able to secure an i unlimited amount of foreign labor too timid and ignorant to resent injustice, then, indeed, would the industrial future of tjjis country look dark and we might well doubt if any restraining influences ould later be successfully applied once 'the system of working only to produce I pi 'fits without regard for any other fac ; tor in the situation was strongly en tren bed. 1 ~e strike of the Slav »urK men in this instance is only a forerunner lof what may bo expected from the same type of workmen in other industries where a similar policy is pursued. They will hav»' to be reckoned with in the j future. These workmen have already ! some glimmering of the employers’ duty to them and heir children in tnis tnelr j adopted country. They are beginning to i realize that th*' "right V quit" is not a i good foundation upou which to educate (themselves and to bring up their child i ren as good citizens. They have regls j tored their first serious protest against [the sort of exploitation which offers as (the only redress the “right to quit.” Doubtless they have n long and weary way to travel before their problem will be solved, but the circumstances ot this recent strike were so dramatic and strik ing in many ways that public sympathy | has been aroused. These ignoraut fo* j clgu workmen will be likely hereti er to; be more successful when they show a disposition to help themselves. Hereto fore they have had every reason to be lieve themselves forgotten by Ooj ind man. It may be argued that the dU;O»i Incorporating the Owned and published by the Denver Label League No. 1, in the interest of Organized Labor. tion to help themselves was shown in a somewhat crude and violent manner in this case. Unfortunately this is true. Violence and lawlessness are always deplorable no matter how just the cause of the protestants, yet we must remember that there always is some cause for such conduct, and until we un derstand and remove that cause, society is not safe. In this instance we must admit that the foreign workman of the type under discussion has nearly always been treated both with brutality and In justice from the day he landed in this country. The employer might defrauu him and oppress him in a thousand in | describable ways and all the lawful | orderly forces of society looked on too indifferent to interfere in his behalf. This he has felt keenly; then how should he —when the time of blind revolt came — know no other method of protest than the brutal and violent example set by his betters? It would take too much space to de : i scribe the life of the poorest type of for • eign workmen, but it is admitted that - j Sinclair’s description of the brutalities I of packing house employment had a ? ; basis of truth, the annals of the coal l mining industries furnish a similar story 1 ! ami in this recent strike even a Catholic pastor declared that the true tales of 1 degradation and grafting and injustice - toward these poor people were too ter i rible to set forth in detail. If these men ' quit work and attempted to prevent the > entrance of strike-breakers to take their - places, if they threw rocks at mounted constabulary as the latter charged upon ■; them and shot them down—well, for one - thing, they soon learned the lutmvy of ? such tactics. Their employers could pro ? cure not only the armed constabulary, - but riot guns and even the military if • 1 desired to protect their property. This ; | in itself was a lesson that other tactics • than violence must be used if the work man was to win his case His crude i outbreak of mob violence is not tqi be • excused or glossed over He must learn ■ J uot to IWliuie *IUU6-Uviug,"f.. e»e»u ; ters but by organization and self-disci 1 pline and co-operation with the already organized millions of workmen ally him - self with the peaceful forces which se ; cure the righting of wrongs. All the ’ uplifting forces of society can find an ample field of work in educating this l poor workman and likewise his em t ployer They both need it sadly. It is important to understand just what provocation was sufficient to make • these newly arrived industrial recruits • revolt. It must have been something ‘ very oppressive indeed, for the foreign ‘ workman of little skill and less know ledge of the country and its language • is at so great a disadvantage that he is 1 naturally timid about losing his eraploy : ment and usually prefers to bear the ‘ evils that he knows rather than to in • vlte those which to his untutored tmag ‘ ination may be much more dreadful. The steel company admits that it made a heavy cut in wages in the past six months. It also introduced a pool ing system designed to get the greatest, possible amount of work out of the 1 men at the lowest coat, and yet it was. ‘ so conducted tnat no man knew vhat he earned each day. If he was not sat ; isfled with the contents of his pay en i velope he could quit and that was all. ’ In the Survey, a journal of construc 1 tive philanthropy. Paul U. Kellogg, glv.es • a most impartial and informing account . of the strike. Space permits only the ‘ following extracts from his description of how the [HHiling system worked. ‘ 'Passenger, street, freight cars, and hoppers are made at the McKees Rocks plant. The steel comes in sheets, cut in lengths in the shearing ment: heated and pressed Into » marked and punched in the punching de partment; fitted together with bolts In the construction department, and put to gether and riveted in the erection depart ment. There are many minor branches of the work, where axles, trucks, up holstery. etc., are produced, but this un* technical description Indicates th-* pro- j cess of turning out the main atgp£>—car I bodies of sheet steel These processes ’ have reached a point where f«ir skilled mechanics are demanded, compared with quick operators of heavy machine*- His company claims a month’s training will turn an immigrant Into a riveter. “The plant was working half force foil time at the beginning of the sink#. With the resumption of active operation early In the year the track system was installed mid the pooling system given I general application. A track runs tbe | length of the erection alsl<- The I rye** 4 •ire placed on the track at <mtt «*nd: else 1 -! . I trie cranes pick up the plates; pb-ce by I :»iece they arc put together and riveted. | i»d a completed car rolls off the other | lend of the track. There are. perhaps, J (Continued on Page 2, Co I. 2.)