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United labor bulletin. (Denver, Colo.) 19??-1915, October 08, 1909, Image 1

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THE EQUALITY OF MAN
(Contributed expressly for the Labor
Bulletin by C. A. Irwin.)
■‘‘All men are created equal.' such
were the ringing words which Thomas
Jefferson placed at the forefront of the
Declaration of Independence. But human
society has never accorded the working
class a position of equality socially,
politically nor legally. American law is
the outgrowth of English common law.
Under the old common law the laborer
was a slave; by a slow process of evolu
tion he attained bis present position of
limited and conditional freedom, but the
shudow- of the old curse is still upon mm.
uw always lugs behind public senti
ment. and public sentiment clearly places
mONBY above MEN. We legislate care
fully for the protection of business .mu
projMjrty. and our courts are zealous In
their behalf, but we are woefully Incon
siderate of mere human beings. We
are far from reullzlng Lincoln's glorious
dream of u government “Of the jn.-ople,
by the people and for the people.'' Oura
is rather a government of business in
terests by business Interests and for
business interests. Before the working
classes can hope to be dealt with justly,
they must arouse public sentiment to a
realization of the fundamental demo
cratic Idea that men are worth more
than money; that human rights are more
sacred than property rights; that men
are to be Judged and treated by their
characters and not by their possessions
or station In life. There Is Just as much
Integrity and virtue, and more candor
und courage in the cottages of the poor
* than in the palaces of the rich, notwith
standing the popular notion that respect
ability nnd social position are synony
mous terms.
In a recent edition of n Denver morn
ing paper It was stated that the Night
Riders of Kentucky Include some of tbe
most respectable men in that state—ana
in the same puragraph the same wr'ic
added that "they deserved to be hanged,
j The boldness of this sentiment is iimaz-i
' tag. an«i vet this very sentiment per
i meates the social and political Id.-ns of
this country and Is responsible for the
fact that we legislate so carefully lor,
the protection of property, and *•» in
differently for the protection of life, and
limb. We bow down and worship busi
ness success with little thought of the
means employed, but there is « mighty
chill atmosphere surrounding h m who
Is not getting on In the world
A little Willie ngo I stood in the cl a pel
ball of the Chicago Unlversltv :»n.l «w
that magnificent painting of John ».
Rockefeller hanging conspicuously above
the altar. As I stood and gazed I medi
tated upon that wonderful career and ‘n
the features upon the canvas I read the
story of a life;
I saw the boy clerking in a country
grocery store; I saw him save and
scheme and manage adding uooars
to dollars until he became the mas
ter spirit of the Standard Oil company;
I saw him ruthlessly crush out competi
tion and by the- genius of organization
A. F. OF L. CALL
For Convention to Be Held in Toronto,
November 8.
To All Affiliated Unions, Greeting:
You are hereby advised that, tn pursu
ance to the Const ItutIon of the American
Federation of Labor the Twenty-ninth
Annual Convention of the Atuerlcaon
Federation of Labor will bo held at
Toronto, Canada, beginning 10 o’cIock.
Monday morning. November 8, 1909, and
will continue In session from day to day
until the business of the convention has
been completed.
Representation.
Representation In the convention will
be on the following binds: From Na
tional or International unions, for less
that 4.000 members, one delegate; 4,000
or more, two delegates; 8.000 or more.
| three delegates; 16,000 or more, four
a delegates; 32.000 or more, five delegates;
a (>4,uoo or more, six delegates; 128,000 or
& more .seven delegates .and ho on; and
from central bodies and Htato federa
tions, and from local trade unions not
having n national or International union,
and from federal labor unions, one dele
gate.
Organizations to be entitled to repre
sentation must have obtained a certifi
cate of affiliation (cbnrter) at least ono
month prior to the convention; nnd no
V person will bo recognized oh a dologate
lawho is not a member in good standing
' &>f the organisation he Is elected to rep
resent.
Only bona fido wage workers, who are
not members of. or eligible to member
ship In other trade unions, are eligible
ns delegates from federnl labor unions.
Delegates must ho selected nt least
two weeks previous to tho convention,
nnd their names forwarded to tho sec
ret nrv of tho American Federation of
UNITED
Labor Bulletin
Boost the Label
VOI_. IV.
create and dominate th** Standard Oil
trust, which absorbs and controls the oil
production of the continent; I saw the
pathw-ay of his life strewn with wrecks
of wretched men and ruined fortunes,
crushed and thrown aside because they
were In his way. all to swell that already
swollen fortnne wrung from the just re
wards of honest toll and compared with
which the fabled wealth of Croesus
seems poor and tame; I saw- him subsid
ize the press und bribe goth political
parties In the Interests of business; 1
saw him spend millions to create and
endow' a great university to further poi
son public opinion with the idea that the
Golden Text of the true gospel is "put
money in thy purse.” And then I turn
ed my thoughts to the oil and coal fields
of Ohio and Pennsylvania, where men
toil and sweat to keep body and soul to
gether. I saw the weary laborer trudge
slowly homeward from his work to iuu
uninviting shack he calls his home; I
saw him resting upon his little porch
sheltered troui the evening sun with
climbing vines and flowering bushes —
his children playing about him. his wife
half reading, half relating the daily
news, and I thought to myself—I would
rather be that humble man with fhe
tendrils of love softly twining about ray
heart, and with my soul erect, proudlv
conscious that I had never rotibed ray
fellow-man. than to be that pampered
minion of gold and greed—that purse
proud. pious fraud whose sotil has shrunk
and shriveled to the image of a coin,
whom men call John D. Rockefeller.
There is a sentiment In this couutry
which would defy Such men as Rocke
feller. It Is that sentiment which legis
lates against the common mass and in
favor of the privileged class. We won
der that in the industrial progress of
this nation safety of life nnd limb have
received so little attention We wonder
‘also that so much energy is devoted to
!»he punishment cf crime and so little to
I its prevention. We praise those who
’kindly feen the Titulary. ckiiStf tu« naked. ■
minister to the suffering and shelter the j
I homeless, but if we would strike at the |
«oot t'1 ♦he matter we would endeavor toj
• remove the causes which produce these
j 1 ard conditions This can only be done
j by keeping ever in mind that the prime
j factor In civilisation is MAN. and that
the true aim of civilization is not the
.accumulation of wealth nor the aecom
! plishment of great commercial onter
r'ves. be* It is the greatest comfort and
I happiness to the greatest number of
mankind.
The true social Ideal Is not material
i progress nor civic splendor, but human
happiness. This can only result from j
legislation when legislators remember
i he equality of man. Surely all men
were created equal and are alike entitled
to life, liberty and the pursuit of happi
ness.
We shall attempt hereafter to apply
these general observations to the dis
cussion of some of the laws which dis
criminate against the working classes.
Ijibor Immediately afte** their election.
♦Delegates are not entitled to seats In
the convention unless the tax of their
organisations has been paid in full to
September 30. 1909.
It Is. of course, entirely unnecessary
here to enumerate the imminent import
ant subjects with which our forthcoming
convention will concern itself, but the
reminder is not at all amiss that every
report must be made to broaden the field
and means for the organization of the
yet unorganized workers, to strive more
effectually than ever to bring about a
better day in the lives and homes of the
tollers, to defend and maintain by every
honorable means in our power the right
to organize for our common defense and
advancement .and to assert at any risk
the freedom of speech ami of the press.
The convention will also decide upon a
closer affiliation with the organized trade
union movement of Europe. Those and
other great questions of equal import
ance will, of necessity, occupy tho at
tention of the Toronto convention.
Therefore the Importance of our or
ganizations and our movement, the duty
of the hour and for the future, demand
that every organization entitled to repre
sentation shall send Its full quota of
delegates to the Toronto convention, No
vember 8. 1909.
Do not allow favoritism to influence
you in selecting your delegates. Be
fully represented.
Bo represented by your ablest, best,
most experienced and faithful meniborr.
Credentials.
Credentials In duplicate are forwarded
to all affiliated unions. The original cre
dential must be given to tho delegate
elect and tho duplicate forwarded to the
American Federation of Labor office,
801-809 O street, N. W„ Washington.
D. C.
DENVER. GO LOR Alio, OCTOBER 8. 1909
The committee on credentials will
meet at the headquarters of the Ameri
can Federation of J*abor six days prev
ious to the opening of the convennon.
and will report Immediately upon the
opening thereof at Toronto; hence sec
retaries will observe the necessity of <
mailing the duplicate credentials of their
respective delegates at the earliest possi- <
ble moment to Washington. D. C.
Grievances.
Under the law no grievance can br*
considered by the convention that hrfs
been by a previous convention,
except JfBn 'he recommendation of the j
executive council, nor will any grievance
be consid* red where the parties t'.turero j
have not previously held conference and <
attempted to adjust the same them-;
selves.
Railroad Rates.
The various passenger associations
have been requested to grant a special
rate. Full particulars relative to rail- 1
road rates will be mailed to each dele
gate as soon as his credential is received
at American Federation of I-abor head- j
quarters.
Hotel Rates.
There are twenty-five hotels listed with
the committee, rates ranging from fifty
cents per day Euroj>ean. and I 1 .50
12.50 American and European, while
fourteen are listed as strictly America**
plan at rates ranging from 11.25 to $6.
Reservations in any of the hotels can
he made by addressing the chairman of
the convention committee. D. A. Carey.
95 Markham street. Toronto. Ontario.
Canada.
Headquarters of the executive council
will be at the Prince George hotel.
Delegates should notify Chairman
A. Carey of the time of their arrival at
Toronto, and over which road they will
1 travel.
If there be any further information re
garding the convention, or the arrange-j
ments for the convenience of the dele
gates. it will be communicated in a later!
* circular, or through the American Fed .
’ eratlonist.
■f ♦
THE PROBLEM THAT CONFRONTS
US.

The problem that confronts the trade ‘
1 1 union movement of our country is, shall
the toiler be tied to the wheel and be
1 reckoned as a mere commercial com
modity. or shall he and she be given
his and her proper place in our dvillza- 1
tion. in ratio to his and her activity and
1 productivity for the welfare of the hu
man family?
To take from a man that which he
produces without commensurate return
i Is robbery. The worker claims his pro
i j duct, or its equivalent In compensation,
according to the nature or exchangeable
ness of said product. In short he does j
I not like to be robbed. He does not claim
as his a finished product in the prepara
tion of which several Interests partici
pated but he demands his proportionate
share* of its value.
He stands a poor chance in the twen
tieth century of receiving his just share
of a given product when he has to rely
upon the whims, avarice, or honesty, as
they may apply, of the capitalistic inter
ests making up the balance of the own
i ership of the Joint product: hence, the
necessity for combination with others of
''is kind to re-enact, as it were, a con
. struct!vo power, to bring back anti pre
serve to him the individuality he per
force had to surrender in his struggle 1
with modern commercialism.
The theme o the corporation or trutt
is profit—tho sacredness or advance
ment of property rights versus any
thing antagonistic thereto; that of the
organized worker is bread—the uplift
and betterment of mankind versus any
thing incompatible therewith: thus the
economies of the opposing interests can
'•e summarized as property rights com
ing before human rights on the one *
and. nnd that humanity is of more tin- <
portnnco than property on tho other
hand, nnd there you are. Money—Man. i
Man —Money. Organized labor stands i
for man. It dares to protect his Inter- <
ests. Trusts, so-called, stands for money.
They dare to protect profits. Which will t
win? It Is a great question. Pessimists !
would almost throw up their hands and i
quit, but being optimistically Inclined, we i
have no hesitation In asserting tho be- I
lief that the power of money and the i
worship of property rights will become I
unpopular, nnd that the rights of man. l
hit liberty and full earning power will *
be gradually accorded him. until through i
co-operation nnd equitable recognition of 1
all interests to a finished product, each 1
shall receive compensation In accord- l
nnce with the Invention, skill or other s
activity of the participants In the out-
put. *
JAMES DUNCAN. »
First Vice-President. A. F. ofL. i
Smoke La Explorldad Havana cigars, t
UNIVERSITY STUDY OF LABOR.
By C. H. Opdahl.
Do our unlveq ties give organized
labor a square d al? Is the teaching
biased in favor the employers and
capitalists? I do ot know what obliga
tions some school! may feel toward 'he
employing class, . mt. as a student. I
wish to give a fra k statement concern
ing the attitudes nf one university to
ward union labor. can only speak for
my own school, bjbt T can speak accur
ately for It. I be leve it is typical, but
t that I leave to tha reader.
In describing th- course of labor
j problems the catalogue of the university
says; "This courfc** is devoted to labor
I organizations, the r history, principles,
methods and tend ncies. Representative ;
cases are selected for special duty. The i
work consists of - setttres, library work, j
and weekly repots on labor topics.]
Students in this j ourse are required to j
make liberal use the so-called capital
istic and the labor areas. There are kept j
on file American ulus tries (for the em- •
ployers), America Federationist (for!
the unions), and ; >out thirty other typl
j cal journals repit enting the side of
labor or capital.”
By this It can «» seen that the main
object of the ci irse is to study the
history, principled methods, and tenden
cies of labor organizations, and the ef
fort is made to ■ ave the student see
them from the pBints of view of labor,
caiptal. and the public.
At the beginning of the course a few
current Issue* ape brought before the
student. Some of these are: Jurisdic
tional disputes; m ring the output; in
corporation of t uinrns: closed and open
shop; pickqtingj boycotting; union
labels; positioji ofthe strike-breaker; use
of militia in-.strik 's: organized labor’s
attitude towards sir titles: socialism: atti
tude eranee. the church. 1
the courts.
These issues art- some of the most im
portant things that confront labor today,
and they are cot antly kept in mind
thronuhont t»»« «« co«wse. It. is the
1 object *o form, as far as possible, some ,
definite conclusions of our own concern
ing these problems.
The work is divided into three parts:
lai lectures and outside reading: (b) ;
text and case work: (e) labor press. The
lectures are given by the instructors two
days in the week and notes are taken
The lectures include such things as the
early history of labor organizations,
their functions, policies, methods, and
legality, woman and child labor, strikes,
boycotts, picketing, union label, employ
ers’ organizations, employers’ liability
trade agreements, the economic justifica
tion of labor unions. A few things re
ceive special attention, such as the Le
‘ mieux act of Canada. The lectures seem
sympathetic towards labor.
The outside reading consists of four
hours’ reading each week from works
bearing on the subject-matter of the
lectures. This reeding is done from such
sources as "United States Industrial
Commission Report,” "Bulletins of. De
partment of Labor.’( reports of various
bodies such as National Civic Federation.
National Association of Manufacturers,
and conventions of American Federation
Federation of Labor. Books such as
"Hunters Poverty,” "Webb. Trade
Unions:’’ "Mitchell, Organized
“Ely. Labor Movement:” “Warne. Coal
Mine Workers;” Kelly. Some Ethical
Gains Through legislation"Adams.
Newer Ideals of Peace;’* “Adams and
Sumner. Problems.” and many
others Notes arc taken on these read
ings and the main points preserved in a
permanent note-book.
The second part of the course is the
case work. The "case book” (as a law
yer would Spy. Is "Trade Unionism and
Labor Problems’ by Prof. John R. Com
mons. This gives an account of typical
cases of labor troubles, conditions, and
court decisions, arid endeavors, as far as
possible, to show by concrete cases of
possible, to show by concrete cases the
results of different measures and poli
cies. Thus we try to get at me facts.
The third and jost Important part of
the work la the reading of the capital
and the labor press. By reading one or
more papers each week and giving a re
port In class on them, the student comes
Into very close touch with the labor or
ganizations and the employers’ organiza
tions. nnd so learns the methods and
policies of both. However, fewer of the
employers’ papers are rend, and they do
not seem to have as much Influence on
tho student as the labor press. The labor
papers vary a great deal In tone and
make-up. Some aro disappointing;
some are satisfying. Too many are filled
with ideas rather than facts. Some of
them are extremely radical, and some
are quite conservative. Most of them
aro neat, well printed, and are Interest
ing ns papers or magazines. Among ,
tho best are: American Federationist. i
Railway Conductor, Typographical Jour
nal and The Coast Seamen's Journal.
These are by no means the only good
magazines, but they rank among the
highest. They are sound, conservative,
informing, and interesting.
There are also a few radical papers,
and perhaps among the foremost are
the Brauer Zeitung and the Miners’
Magazine. They are both Interesting,
but many of their articles do not seem
strictly sound as to logic and fact. All
the papers advocate the union label.
These journals do not, of course, deal
with problems at present confronting the
student, but they do bring him into sym
pathy with the laborer's cause. They
help the student see both sides of the
uestion. The public press does not
; I'tpn give a correct interpretation o»
labor union activity. The ordinary news
i paper prints the sensational news about
the rashest actions committed during
stHkes, and the alleged spectacular and ,
the dramatic doings of organized labor i
without giving a correct perspective of
the whole.
After completing this course on labor ;
problems the student can hardly help .
drawing the conclusion that labor unions 1
are necessary: they help the laborer
improve his working conditions and
raise his standard of living. They help
secure favorable legislation, especially
in regard to woman and child labor. They
do not tend to produce strikes, but if
strikes arc declared they tend to con
duct them in a calm, business-like way.
The labor unions have come to stay.
If the present unions were crushed to
day. they would appear tomorrow in
some other form.
This. then, is the course in labor prob
• lems given in my own university, and
! the conclusions reached by myself, with
j out pressure from my instructor. I ask.
then, in all fairness, does not labor get
j a square deal from such a course in the
university?
■*■♦* + +
Home-made, hand-made, union-made—
•the I .a Belle 5c cigar.
♦ ■#■ + + v
UNION LABEL IN HATS.
*
> According to the terms of the tem-1
por.-ry agreement entered into between
the hat manufacturers and the union
hatteis three months ago. the union
labels \ere restored to the hats Septem
!*er 13. Several of the firms have com
plied with the terms of the agreement
and i' is thought that the label will be
restored within a few days by all the
manufacturers.
Th re..son for postponing the restora
j tion of the label was due to the fact that
the manufacturers had to withdrawn from
the National Hat Manufacturers' Asso
j ciation. who had voted to discard the
union label and were compelled to give
ninety days' notice of their intention.
♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦
CHICAGO SALOON KEEPERS SET
A GOOD EXAMPLE.

A recent bulletin issued by President
Fred Rohde of l.ocal No. l of Chicago of
the Cook County Liquor Dealers' Pro
tective Association contains the follow
ing noteworthy paragraph: "In our re
port to the district convention we said
in reference to the Bartenders* Union and
organized labor:
Their demands appear to be reasonable
and the absolute necessity of employe
and employe being in touch with each
other was so strongly shown that It was
decided to ask our members to use every
effort to have their employes join ’heir|
organization. They need our help ana
we need theirs. In Washington and
I other parts of the country they have con-1
j tributed of their funds and in other ways
helped our local option fights. They are
■ really the connecting link between our
selves and the various labor organiza- j
tions, and I believe that the Bartenders'j
Union is worthy of every consideration."
Recently National President McDon
• i>ugh in an open letter to the liquor trade
j said:
"The legitimate saloon is known as
: the workingman's club; it is the place
where the hard workingman can enjoy
his glass of beer and receive renewed
I strength and encouragement from it. and
j to the laboring men and his union we
| should ever be loyal. Set' that all your
goods and the packages containing them •
i bear the union label. See that the blue
label is upon your cigar boxes, and above
all see that your employes belong to j
j their union. If in union there is strength.)
. see that your employes have enougn re-,
spect for their trade, and for their em
ployer. whose business and money is at
stake, to join their respective unions and J
; aid in this struggle for right nnd liberty.” j
And President Fred Rohde concludes ;
j these •‘ocommendations by saying: “Wo
j believe in Justice to our many labor
j union customers that we should grant
1 this simple act of Justice. If we expect
| to retain them as customers.”
♦ ♦♦♦n
For a fine smoke try a I.a Explortdad.
DO IT NOW
rsio. a
THE RIGHT TO QUIT
(By Eva McDonald Valesch. Assistant
Editor American Federationist.)
Public attention has recently been
rather forcibly directed to the fact that
labor unions are not responsible for all
strikes. Within the past few veeks
many thousands of unorganized *vork
men struck at the plant of the Pressed
Steel Car company at McKees Rocks and
at other steel plants in that section.
Not only were these men without
union organization, but they were un
skilled laborers and foreigners, most of
whom had only recently arrived in this
country: many of them could not even
speak English.
This strike emphasized a new and {
hopeful trend in the industrial situation j
in this country. Among the employers !
who are so unscientific as to refuse to !
deal with union labor, it has been as
sumed that it was a perfectly safe prop
osition to employ the unskilled and re
cently arrived immigrant of the Slav
race. It was supposed that his ignor
ance and his previous low standard of i
living and his inherited patience under
bad treatment would make him incapa
ble of resenting the very low wages and
oppressive treatment which it might be
inadvisable to offer to the American
workman with his better education and
higher standards of living.
Judging from recent events it would
seem that the Slav workman has imotb
ed some ideas about personal freedom
and the dignity of labor, though where
or how he got them would be difficult to
discover, considering the conditions un
der which he works in this country.
The account of the warlike tactics
adopted by the steel company in the re
cent trouble brings forcibly to mind the
historic Homestead strike. Here were
the same fortified enclosures, the utiliza
tion of private police to aid and protect
j the imported strike-breakers, the calling
■ out of the state constabulary, the same
rioting and violence as scon as the con
| stabulary and strike-breakers appeared
. ou the scene .the same assertions of the
’company that it intended to run its bus!-!
i ness In its own way and if the employes 1
I did not like the treatment they received 1
! they had the "right to quit.”
This attitude was not for the purpose j
; of establishing the "open shop,’’ nor was |
j there any hypocritical announcement of i
a desire to deal impartially between non
union and union workmen. The steel
| company frankly stated that it intendeu
| to treat its workmen as justly or unjust
• ly as it chose and to tolerate neither re
sistance on the part of the employes,
I nor interference on the part of the pub-
I lie. It was a clear-cut program on the
part of the employers to bid defiance to
! its workmen and to the public in its
pursuit of private profit in business,
t his is the logical sequence of the “open
.-hop" argument, but even the pretext
was cast away in this case. The strike
of the Slav workmen was one of the sur
prises in attempting to carry out tne
I program. In this strike—no matter
what its immediate result—lies the only
hopeful feature of the situation, both for
the workmen themselves and for the
general public.
! If employers of the steel company and
packing house and coal mining type were
I to go on for years without any sense of
their just obligations to their employes
: and to the public which protects them
and gives them an opportunity to do
i usiness; if they were able to secure an
i unlimited amount of foreign labor too
timid and ignorant to resent injustice,
then, indeed, would the industrial future
of tjjis country look dark and we might
well doubt if any restraining influences
ould later be successfully applied once
'the system of working only to produce
I pi 'fits without regard for any other fac
; tor in the situation was strongly en
tren bed. 1 ~e strike of the Slav »urK
men in this instance is only a forerunner
lof what may bo expected from the same
type of workmen in other industries
where a similar policy is pursued. They
will hav»' to be reckoned with in the
j future. These workmen have already
! some glimmering of the employers’ duty
to them and heir children in tnis tnelr
j adopted country. They are beginning to
i realize that th*' "right V quit" is not a
i good foundation upou which to educate
(themselves and to bring up their child
i ren as good citizens. They have regls
j tored their first serious protest against
[the sort of exploitation which offers as
(the only redress the “right to quit.”
Doubtless they have n long and weary
way to travel before their problem will
be solved, but the circumstances ot this
recent strike were so dramatic and strik
ing in many ways that public sympathy |
has been aroused. These ignoraut fo* j
clgu workmen will be likely hereti er to;
be more successful when they show a
disposition to help themselves. Hereto
fore they have had every reason to be
lieve themselves forgotten by Ooj ind
man. It may be argued that the dU;O»i
Incorporating the
Owned and published by
the Denver Label League
No. 1, in the interest of
Organized Labor.
tion to help themselves was shown in a
somewhat crude and violent manner in
this case. Unfortunately this is true.
Violence and lawlessness are always
deplorable no matter how just the
cause of the protestants, yet we must
remember that there always is some
cause for such conduct, and until we un
derstand and remove that cause, society
is not safe. In this instance we must
admit that the foreign workman of the
type under discussion has nearly always
been treated both with brutality and In
justice from the day he landed in this
country. The employer might defrauu
him and oppress him in a thousand in
| describable ways and all the lawful
| orderly forces of society looked on too
indifferent to interfere in his behalf.
This he has felt keenly; then how should
he —when the time of blind revolt came
— know no other method of protest than
the brutal and violent example set by
his betters?
It would take too much space to de
: i scribe the life of the poorest type of for
• eign workmen, but it is admitted that
- j Sinclair’s description of the brutalities
I of packing house employment had a
? ; basis of truth, the annals of the coal
l mining industries furnish a similar story
1 ! ami in this recent strike even a Catholic
pastor declared that the true tales of
1 degradation and grafting and injustice
- toward these poor people were too ter
i rible to set forth in detail. If these men
' quit work and attempted to prevent the
> entrance of strike-breakers to take their
- places, if they threw rocks at mounted
constabulary as the latter charged upon
■; them and shot them down—well, for one
- thing, they soon learned the lutmvy of
? such tactics. Their employers could pro
? cure not only the armed constabulary,
- but riot guns and even the military if
• 1 desired to protect their property. This
; | in itself was a lesson that other tactics
• than violence must be used if the work
man was to win his case His crude
i outbreak of mob violence is not tqi be
• excused or glossed over He must learn
■ J uot to IWliuie *IUU6-Uviug,"f.. e»e»u
; ters but by organization and self-disci
1 pline and co-operation with the already
organized millions of workmen ally him
- self with the peaceful forces which se
; cure the righting of wrongs. All the
’ uplifting forces of society can find an
ample field of work in educating this
l poor workman and likewise his em
t ployer They both need it sadly.
It is important to understand just
what provocation was sufficient to make
• these newly arrived industrial recruits
• revolt. It must have been something
‘ very oppressive indeed, for the foreign
‘ workman of little skill and less know
ledge of the country and its language
• is at so great a disadvantage that he is
1 naturally timid about losing his eraploy
: ment and usually prefers to bear the
‘ evils that he knows rather than to in
• vlte those which to his untutored tmag
‘ ination may be much more dreadful.
The steel company admits that it
made a heavy cut in wages in the past
six months. It also introduced a pool
ing system designed to get the greatest,
possible amount of work out of the
1 men at the lowest coat, and yet it was.
‘ so conducted tnat no man knew vhat
he earned each day. If he was not sat
; isfled with the contents of his pay en
i velope he could quit and that was all.
’ In the Survey, a journal of construc
1 tive philanthropy. Paul U. Kellogg, glv.es
• a most impartial and informing account
. of the strike. Space permits only the
‘ following extracts from his description
of how the [HHiling system worked. ‘
'Passenger, street, freight cars, and
hoppers are made at the McKees Rocks
plant. The steel comes in sheets,
cut in lengths in the shearing
ment: heated and pressed Into »
marked and punched in the punching de
partment; fitted together with bolts In
the construction department, and put to
gether and riveted in the erection depart
ment. There are many minor branches
of the work, where axles, trucks, up
holstery. etc., are produced, but this un*
technical description Indicates th-* pro- j
cess of turning out the main atgp£>—car I
bodies of sheet steel These processes ’
have reached a point where f«ir skilled
mechanics are demanded, compared with
quick operators of heavy machine*- His
company claims a month’s training will
turn an immigrant Into a riveter.
“The plant was working half force foil
time at the beginning of the sink#.
With the resumption of active operation
early In the year the track system was
installed mid the pooling system given
I general application. A track runs tbe
| length of the erection alsl<- The I rye** 4
•ire placed on the track at <mtt «*nd: else 1
-! . I
trie cranes pick up the plates; pb-ce by I
:»iece they arc put together and riveted. |
i»d a completed car rolls off the other |
lend of the track. There are. perhaps, J
(Continued on Page 2, Co I. 2.)

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