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The Activity of Graft==The Lethargy of Laborers. ♦ 4- ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦ ♦♦♦♦♦ The one subject in which people ought to be more interested in than any other is the constitution of the government under which they live and the creation and enforcement of law. In other words, the most important interest of humanity is statesmanship, and yet, strange to say. statesmanship is the one subject most generally neglected. The laws affecting the safety of employes are part and parcel of the genera] system prevailing. We legislate on the theory that labor is a commodity in the same sense and to the same extent that cotton and corn are commodities and therefore subject to the law of supply and demand. This vicious theory underlies the injunction evil and is a sufficient explanation of courts granting injunctions against labor unions upon the theory that the employer has a property interest in the labor of the employe. Legislatures and courts refuse protection to employes from in dustrial accidents upon the theory that labor is a commodity to be bought and sold in the market at the most advantageous terms which can be obtained. This theory is. in turn, the outgrowth of the prevailing philosophy of statesmanship. Nearly all our laws and nearly all of our governmental actions are based upon the idea that the true aim of a state is to make the nation rich and powerful. It is an interesting inquiry why statesmanship is so far behind the general progress of the age. Nevertheless, it is a remarkable fact that while in every depart ment of thought, the most scholarly, most cultured, and most distinguished thinkers lead the way. in matters of human government the intelligent, the thoughtful, the upright and the honest members of the community abandon the field to the enemies of progress and to those whose interest it is to increase poverty and want and to minister to vice and crime. It is a strange fact that in nearly every department of science and philosophy, mankind is making rapid and constant progress, but in the affairs of government there is little progress. Political changes are not always accompanied by political advancement. The most important subject which can occupy the human mind is the subject of good government. The true object of government should be to advance the general peace, prosperity, and happiness of all the people. In the accomplishment of this object, all of the people have an interest. Intelligent people generally seem to have a more or less clear conception of what government ought to be. but when they enter the practical domain of politics, they leave their judgments behind them. Thoughtful latwring men have quite a clear conception of the fund amental errors in our system of laws, which deal with the great conflict between labor and capital, but they do not seem to realize that it is necessary to apply prudence, judgment, and thoughtfulness to making laws to carry out their ideas. Utility corporations are in politics for profit. Political graft is a part of their business system. They could not maintain their graft except by means of a corrupt and polluted public opinion. They and their minions are thoroughly organized; they are continuously active; their object is financial profit to themselves, let the consequences be what they may. They know that eternal vigilance is the price of continued power and they are eternally vigilant. They scrutinize every candidate for public office and turn their guns on him before it is too late, unless they are satisfied of their ability to control him after election. On the other hand the laboring class, who are the real producers of wealth and from whose ranks spring the intel lectual leaders of the race, sit idly by and permit the chains of industrial slavery to be more securely riveted upon them. If you were to employ a lawyer to try the simplest case in court for you. you would demand that he be honest, that he be intelligent and skillful in his vocation, and you would be careful to select one who would have no interest in defeating you after accepting your money; but when you employ an agent to make the laws which govern every department of your activity, and even your domestic peace and happiness, you don’t seem to think it worth while to be sure that he is honest and capable and that his interests are xs>ith you instead of against you. If you should employ a tailor to make a coat for you. you would try and employ one honest enough and skillful enough to assure you that the goods would be delivered accord ing to agreement. If laboring men value their own firesides, if they hope for any progress in the science of human government, if they look for just laws for their own protection, they must resolve to exercise at least as much intelligence in trying to obtain legislation, as they exercise in buying a coat. In every other department of science great leaders are making progress be cause they are the representative thinkers in their special lines and because they are men who can not be swerved from the pathway of absolute truth and righteous ness. In the department of government, it is a marvelous fact that nearly all legis lative bodies are dominated and controlled by men whose life ambition it is to serve those who thrive by trampling upon the rights of men. In America organized labor has the necessary votes to revolutionize the conditions which we have been describing. You have the votes to see to it that this government shall be so oper ated that it will be as easy as possible for all the citizens to be upright and happy and as hard as possible for anyone to be dishonest and miserable. You have it in your power to make the laws of this country an honest expression of the noblest instincts of the human breast. You have it in your power to remove from American economic thought the disgraceful philosophy which declares that labor is a commodity, subject to ihe laws of supply and demand, to be bought as cheaply as possible and to be dealt with without unnecessary trouble or expense to the employer. ou have it in your power to so legislate that men and women and children shall be the recognized ob jects of governmental care and that property shall be sunk to its true level to be con sidered only as a means of human welfare and happiness. Let us hope that labor ing men will begin to make themselves felt in the affairs of government. You will never get just employers' liability laws nor just laws on any other subject of vital importance to yourselves until you see to it that the laws are made in your own interest. Capital never sleeps; graft never sleeps; but when it comes to law-mak ing. organized labor has not yet woke up. Wake up now and keep awake, work together, reason together, and vote as a unit. Vote for your friends and for the friends of the people. You have been talking for labor the whole year round, and then voting against yourselves on election day. Get together, keep together, vote together, and vote right. SOLDIERS MADE INSANE BY HY POCRISY AND IGNORANCE. ♦ And Many Made Hopeless Drunkards By the Same Agencies. ♦ A cor filled with crazy soldiers is on Us way from San Francisco to Washing ton, in chargo of Major J. M. Kennedy. Of these unhappy insane men a majority will spend their days in n government Insane asylum, and. In nlno cases out of ten, this is duo to the rank hypocrisy of Congress, tho Ignorant nnd bigoted fan aticism of Prohibitionists that have suc ceeded In abolishing the army canteen. All of those insane soldiers are brought from the Philippines, and their insanity, as Major Kennedy says, is due to their drinking of the vile, poisonous, highly alcoholic drink called "bino," loaded with the vilest alcohol and full of other pois ons. The men drink this dreadful stuff By C. A. IRWIN and become insane, because ignorant Prohibitionists have persuaded a hypo critical Congress to abolish the army can teen. President Taft knows that is true. Every member of Congress knows that it is true. But the congressman fears the much exaggerated voting power of the Prohibitionist, whereas he has nothing to fear from that carload of crazy sol diers, enlisted to serve their country and then innd«> victims of stupid, hypocrit ical fanaticism. When the soldiers had their canteort they were content, and they were, as a whole, a remarkably sober body of men. No strong drink could bo served In the ennteen, and the men did not wander off to the wriskey dive or craze themselves with vile native drink. The man in charge of the canteen ranked ns a non-commissioned officer. Ho allowed no man to drink to excess. Any UNITED Labor Bulletin Boost the Label VOL.. IV. DENVER, COLORADO, JANUARY *7, 1910 soldier showing any sign of intoxication was ordered to go to bed, and he went— and the next day he was glad that he had been at the soldiers' club and been made to obey the rules of decency. No man made a penny out of the can teen. Every cent taken in over and above expenses was devoted to provid ing delicacies—non-alcoholic for the soldiers. Today in the dives that surround army posts, old soldiers’ homes and every other place where hypocrisy rules in the name of temperance, the soldiers and the old vterans are made the victims of sharks. They must drink vile poisons or change a life-long habit and drink nothing. Meanwhile the hypocrites in Congress who voted against the right of the sol diers to have their canteen drink as much as the) choose, and when they choose, and not a few of the ardent advocates of qanteen abolition outside of Congress do the same. This situation is disgraceful to the country, a sample of puritanical hypoc risy that should be tolerated no longer. Men content to drink mild beer or light wines are forbidden to do that in the name of temperance, and then in the name of temperance and hypocrisy they are driven to the dive and to the vilest alcoholic poisons as a substitut for fhe truly temperate canteen. Every officer in the army testifies that this is true. General Fred Grant, himself an ardent Prohibitionist, who marched in full uni form at the head of a Prohibition parade, declares that the abolition of the canteen has vastly increased drunkenness in the army. Every army doctor knows that the abolition of the canteen has increased disease—the hospital record of our American army is today the worst of any army in the world. How does that strike the men that would force their minority views on a majority, play upon the hypocritical sub serviency of Congress, and. saying to men. “You shall not have temperate light drinks in your army club," force them to take instead the vile whiskey of the dive here at home, or the vile na tive alcoholic poison in the Philippines? Mr. Taft has shown courag to say what he thinks. Will he protect the soldiers against this cowardly outrage? News paper editors, every man of them know ing -well that this is true, should explain to their several congressmen that hy pocrisy in the long run does not pay. And sane, independent mm in Con gress should fight against the cowardly evasion of duty. The canteen will be restored, and the army will not be permanently organized for the benefit of dive keepers. What man at Washington will make it his business to see to this? —Chicago American. ♦+♦♦♦♦ WHAT UNION LABOR CAN DO. (By M. Grant Hamilton.) 1-ast summer the Amalgamated Asso ciation of Street Railway Employes took up the work of organization in Kansas City. Mo. While the employes of the street railway were anxious and enthusi astic for organization, the company dis played a bitter antagonism and victim ized many of them; so many, in fact, that it became necessary to relax the efforts being put forth for organibation. However, the company was negotiat ing with the city for an extension of its franchise. The franchise in existence does not expire until 1925, but with the usual eagerness of public utility corpora tions it desired to extend its life until 1952, or a period of 42 years. The city council accommodated the company by endorsement, only a few members of that body voting against it. But franchises in that city have' to be ratified by the people, and accordingly December 16 was the date selected on which the voters were to decide the ques tion. One of the active opponents of the granting of the special privilege was a member of the local Tailors* union, Isaac Taylor by name, he being a member of the upper house of the city council. Taylor was supported in his position by the Industrial Council and a forceful campaign was inaugurated by the latter body. Through the activities of the local unions a thorough canvass was made, and when the people had expressed them selves at the ballot box It revealed that organised labor had won a notable vic tory. The franchise was defeated by over $7,000 votes. And there are those who minimize the extent to which the Influence of collect ive effort among workingmen reach. The granting of special privileges Is fundamentally opposed by the general movement, and the result in Kausas City should bo kept in view in other cities where like circumstances prevail. ♦ ♦♦♦♦ I,a Belle, always the beet. THE PRESIDENT ON INJUNCTIONS. (By SamuelBGompers.) President Taft, in hi first annual "mes sage to congress, IB; <es reference to many interesting topic The one chiefly relating to labor is la recommendation for a law providing | that no injunction be issued withai previous notice, unless it shall appear :o the satisfaction of the court that thelflelay would result in "irreparable* injury to the complain ant. After quoting tlu plank on the sub ject his party adoptee. in the last cam paign, the president!says: "I recommended »• ', in compliance with the promise thui nade, appropriate legislation be adopted. The ends of jus tice will best be met Br: l the chief cause of complaint against ill-considered in junctions without notj- ■ will be removed by the enactment of f statute forbidding hereafter the issuing *f any injunction or restraining order,fwhether temporary or permanent, by any|federal court, with out previous notice ab i a reasonable op portunity to be heard on behalf of the parties to be enjoined: unless it shall ap pear to the satisfactio: of the court that the delay necessary to give such notice and hearing would result in irreparable injury to the compfeinair and unless also the court shall!from the evidence make a written flndli.- which shall be spread upon the eour minutes, that im mediate and irreparal . ? injury is likely to ensue to the complainant, and shall define the injury, stat > why it is irre parable, and shall also indorse on the order issued the dab and the hour of the issuance of the pnier. "Moreover, every ®uch injunction or , restraining order issued without previous notice and opportunity by the defendant . to be heard should by force of the stfit i ute expire and be of no effect after seven days from the issuanyt thereof or within any time less than tba: period which the l court may fix, unless within such seven . days of such less period the injunction , or order is extended or renewed after . previous notice and opportunity to be . heard. "My judgment is i&at the passage of such an act. which really embodies the ’ best practice in equity and is very Tike the rule now in force in some courts, i will prevent the issuing of ill-advised orders of injunction without notice, and will render such orders when issued much i less objectionable by the short time i:i which they may rt nain effective." Of course, every rxpression of opinion ■ of the president is entitled to respectful and thoughtful consideration; when that utterance is officially communicated to] 1 congress with a r« commendation for its enactment into law it becomes of still greater importance. The president’s ’ recommendation should be read and re 1 read. each thought very carefully weighed in relation to the other, and the test of fact an< experience applied thereto. For instance, o what practical use would the enactmt nt of a law based up on the presid* nt’® recommendation . prove? What tangible reform or reliet would be achieved There has not been , an injunction grouted by any of the courts, federal or state, but that was based on the com; dnant’s allegation to the court’s "satisf.. ion" that unless the injunction was granted "irreparable iti | jury" would follow Take the case of he Buck’s Stove and . Range Company acalnst the American Federation of its officers, its af filiated organizations, their two million t members, and fri* : ds. That company, in its petition for the injunction, alleged that unless the writ was granted it would suffer "Inrer rable injury." That company sought a: l obtained its injunc tion from Justice dould after "notice' and “hearing." an . yet the outrageous injunction forbidd < and enjoining free speech and free pr ss was issued, under which three Amer .in citizens were sen tenced to long t< :ns of imprisonment. It is true that the ourt of appeals later modified the terms *>f the injunction, but the same court hel that no matter what the original and nmodifled Injunction ’ forbade Mitchell. Vorrison and Gompers were compelled to >bey. Justice Wright «i dared that he placed “the matter at bar distinctly on the prop osition that were :he order confessedly erroneous yet it i must have been obeyed." The Co. rt of Appeals of the District of Columb a, in affirming Wright’s decision . nd sentence, declared that "the decree b-oame a final and bind ing judgment against the defendants un til reversed or modified on appeal." It is not the contention that in the case which we are dtsciseing the matters in volved were "erroneous." confessedly or otherwise, but that the injunction of Jus tice Gould was without warrant, author 1 ity or jurisdiction in that It invaded and 1 denied the constitutionally guaranteed rights of free speech and free press, and 1 therefore the decree was void. Let us suppose that the president’s recommendation hud been the law when the Duck’s Stove and Range Company petitioned Justice Gould for the injunc tion. There would not have been the slightest variation from the procedure in the injunction, or in the contempt case which arose out of it. There would not have been a scintilla of protection to the defendants of their rights as citizens and representatives of the workers. And that which applied to the defendants applies with equal effect to the two million men and their friends and sympathizers en joined. A significant fact will be observed that the president nowhere in his recommend ation makes reference to any existing law to be amended, no statute altered to accomplish his expressed purpose. In deed, one would look in vain for any fed eral law which authorizes any judge to issue an injunction as injunctions are is sued in labor disputes. The fact is that the president’s judgment and recom mendation are based, not on the law, but on the “practice." And it is this very practice which is not statute law. but judge-made law. We ask a careful consideration of la bor’s contention upon this all-important question of our time, and we challenge a discussion of the points here submit ted. Labor insists that: The writ of injunction was intended to be exercised for the protection of prop erty rights only. He who would seek its aid in equity must do equity and must come into court with clean hands. It must never be used to curtail per sonal rights. It must not be used ever in an effort to punish crime. There must be no other adequate rem edy at law. It must not be used as a means to set aside trial by jury. Injunctions as issued against work men are never used or issued against any other citizen of our country. It is an attempt to deprive citizens ot our country, when these citizens are workmen, of the right of trial by jury. It is an effort to fasten an offense on them when they are innocent of any un lawful or illegal act. It is an indirect assertion of a proper ty right in men when these men are workmen engaged in a lawful effort to protect or advance their natural rights | and interests. I Injunctions as issued in trade disputes i are to make outlaws of men when they ! are not even charged with doing things! jin violation of any law of state or nation. • The injunctions which the courts issue i against labor are supposed by them to j j be good enough law today, when there J exists a dispute between workmen and their employers; but it is not good law — in fact, is not law at all —tomorrow or next day when no such labor dispute exists. The issuance of injunctions in labor disputes is not based upon law. but is a species of judicial legislation, judicial usurpation, in the interests of the money power against workmen innocent of any unlawful or criminal act. The doing of the lawful acts enjoined by the courts renders the workmen guilty of contempt of court, and punishable by fine or imprisonment or both. In all things in which workmen are en joined by the process of an injunction during labor disputes*, if those acts are criminal or unlawful, there is now ample law and remedy covering them. From the logic of this there is no escape. No act is legally a crime unless there is a law designating it and specifying it to be a crime. No act is unlawful unless there be a law on the statute books designating and specifying it to be unlawful: hence, it follows that: No act is criminal or unlawful unless there is a law prohibiting its commis sion. We assert that labor asks no immun ity for any of its men who may be guilty of any criminal or unlawful act. It insists upon the workers being re garded and treated as equals before the law with every other citizen: that is any «»ct be committed by any one of our num ber, rendering him amenable to the law. he shall be prosecuted by the ordinary forms of law and by the due process ot law. and that an injunction does not law fully and properly apply and ought not to be issued in such cases. The injunction process as applied to men engaged in a dispute with employ ers includes the allegation of criminal or unlawful acts, os a mere pretext, so that the lawful and innocent acts in themselves may also be incorporated and covered by the blanket injunction. And tue performance of the lawful and Inno cent acts in themselves despite the in junction renders them at once guilty of contempt of the court’s order which is summarily punished by fine or Imprison ment. or both. In Itself the writ of injunction is of a highly Important and benefleient char acter. Its aims and purpose* are for the protection of property rights. It never was intended, and never should be in DO IT NOW . No. 22 Comment, on Events in the Labor World. BY R. E. CROSKEY The Sckool Teachers and Organized Labor. At the annual convention of the Colorado State Teachers’ association, held in Denver recently, a motion prevailed to request the various labor central bodies sit uated in the organized cities of the state, to receive fraternal delegates from the teachers’ association, in order that the teachers may learn something at first hand of the aims, objects and methods of the organized labor movement. The teachers in turn elected Labor Commissioner Edwin V. Brake, a member of their State Executive Council for three years, paying him the compliment of re ceiving the highest vote given any candidate for this position. It is due to the efforts of Mr. Brake, who had been working for some time to bring it about, that this action was taken by the teachers, and in addressing them he told them, among other things, “That he would rather be a bricklayer and be classed as a wage-earner, and get $6 per day, than be a school teacher getting S2O per monh, and be classed as a professional,” a statement that made a decided “hit** with the convention. The various central bodies of organized labor should welcome the fraternal delegates from the teachers’ association and give them every opportunity of studying the labor movement, and with this in view the teachers should be given committee assignments so that they will have a chance of getting acquainted with some of the rough edges that the trades unionists have to contend with, for there is nothing that will give them greater expereince and make them firmer friends than having them placed on an arbitration committee, when there is a good stiff fight on between the employer and employes. Aside from the numerical strength that the teachers will add to the ranks of the unionists, their alliance will be of immense benefit because of the influence they are in the position to exert on the minds of the rising generation. It is a well-known fact that the average school text-books are compiled by people who are under the influence of the agents of “the interests” and as far as possible, are colored that way. so that the children may be imbued at their most susceptible age with ideas of the “Divine Rights” of property as superior to the rights of the individuals. The teachers when they have had the practical experience that will come with their asso ciation with active trades unionists, can in a great measure counteract this influence and teach their scholars the great lesson of humanity and advancement that the trades union movement stands for. Much of the “Free American Citizen” buncomb. that is the stock argument of strike-breakers and other slaves, comes from the false teachings that they imbibe with plenteous waving* of the “Star Spangled Banner” from their text-books and school teachers. Patriotism is a good virtue to have when of the right sort, but a false patriotism arising from false premises, that worshiped a piece of colored silk and not the great principles of human freedom that the flag stands for, is the worse kind of doctrine to cram the children with. The so-called “Captains of Industry” have long ago recognized the powerful position i n educating the young that the teachers occupy, and have spent their gold freely to subsidize the schools and colleges along with the public press, that they may keep the children and the people in economic and industrial ignorance. The trades unionists can learn much from the teachers while they are learning much from the wage-earners. The influence that the one will exert upon the other cannot but be beneficial to both, and I predict that it will be but a short period before the school teachers will not be satisfied to be passive members of organized labor only. They, like the school teachers of Chicago and some few other places, will quickly organize themselves into active unionists and be before our central bodies with wage scale—not salaries—to have indorsed and placed into effect. The iron hand of the trusts and corporations in their robbery of the people is making the struggle for existence so hard that all class distinctions will soon be swept away from those that have to toil for their living in all walks of life. The present age of commercialism makes but two classes of people, those that have and those that have not. The sooner the small business and professional men and the so-called aristo crats of labor recognize this the sooner will their emancipation be achieved. Give the teachers a hearty welcome to all labor gatherings, they have already held aloof too long for both parties. ♦ ♦♦♦♦ + When it comes to a question of veracity between Judge Ben B. Lindsey and Chancellor-Governor Henry Augustus Buchtel. there is no question as to where or ganized labor stands. The one is an international celebrity, the other is the greatest joke that ever disgraced the gubernatorial chair of this state, which “is going some.” after we have been inflicted with a Peabody. voked. for the purpose of depriving free men of their personal rights, the right of man's ownership of himself; the right of free locomotion, free assemblage, fve association, free speech, free press- the freedom to do those things promotive o' life, liberty and happiness, and which arc not in contravention of the law of c*ur land. We re-assert that we ask no immuuity for ourselves or for any other man who may be guilty of any unlawful or crim inal act; but we have a right to insist, and we do insist, that when a workman is charged with a crime or any unlawful conduct, he shall be accorded every right, be apprehended, charged, and tried by the same process of law and before a Jury of his peers, equally as any other citizen of our country. It is agreed by all. friends and oppon ents alike, that the injunction process, beneficial in its inception and general practice, never should apply and legally can not be applied where there is an other ample remedy at law. tabor protests against the issuance of injunctions in disputes between work men and employers when no such injunc tions would be issued when no such dis pute exists. Such injunctions have no warrant in law and are the result of judicial usurpation and judicial legisla tion rather than of congressional legis lation. Labor protests against the discrimina tion of the courts against the laboring men of our country which deprive* them of their constitutional guaranty or equal ity before the law. Incorporating the jp Denver Label League IB Bulletin | 1 I Owned and published by V the Denver Label League y No. 1, in the interest of | Organized Labor. in The Injunctions against which we pro test are flagrantly ami without warrant of law issued almost daily in some sec tion of our country and are violative of the fundamental rights of man. When better understood, they will shock the conscience of our people, the spirit and genius of our republic. We shall exercise our every right, and in the meantime concentrate our efforts to secure the relief and the redress to which we are so so Justly entitled. Not only in our own interest, but in the interest of all the people of our country, for the preservation of real lib erty. for the elimination of bitterness aud class hatred, for the perpetuation of all that is best and truest, we can never rest until the last vestige of this Injustice has been removed from our public life. We regret that necessity has arisen for a restatement of labor’s position upon this great question of relief from the abuse of the injunctive process; but con gress has not seriously concerned itself in remedying the wrong and according justice to the working people of our country. The president's recommenda tion is the wrong way to restore right and equality before the law. So long ns these principles are unrecognised In the law as well as the practice, labor will stand erect and demand right. Justice, and freedom, exactly upon, an equality, neither more nor lees, with every other citizen of our country—American trader ationlet. ♦ ♦♦♦♦ Livingston Cigar Ce.'s La •splorldnd, Havana cigars, enn't he heat.