The review. [volume], December 09, 1915, Image 2

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THE REVIEW, HIGH POINT, NORTH CAROLINA
ASKS ADEQUATE
, DEFENSE FOR U. S.
president Wilson Pleads for Pre
paredness Against hoes
Abroad and Within.
MESSAGE READ TO CONGRESS
targe r Army and Navy Urged
Trained Citizenry the Nation's
Greatest Defense Disloyal
Acts of Foreign-Born Citi
zens Scored No Fear
cf War.
- Washington, Dec. 7. At a joint session
9t the house and senate the president to
day delivered his annual message. He
said in part as follows:
Since I last had the privilege of ad
'Aressing you on the state of the Union
the war of nations on the other side of
the sea, which had then only begun to
disclose its portentous proportions, has
extended jts threatening and sinister scope
until it has swept within its flame some
portion of every quarter of the globe, not
excepting our hemisphere, has altered the
whole face of international affairs, and
now presents a prospect of reorganiza
tion and reconstruction such as states
men and peoples have never been called
upon to attempt before.
"We have stood apart, studiously neutral.
It was our manifest duty to do so. In
the day of readjustment and recupera
tion we earnestly hope and believe that
jre can be of infinite service.
In this neutrality, to which they were
bidden not only by their separate life and
their habitual detachment from the poli
tics of Europe but also by a clear per
ception of international duty, the states
of America have become conscious of a
new and more vital community of inter
est and moral partnership in affairs, more
clearly conscious of the many common
sympathies and interests and duties which
bid them stand together.
We have been put to the test in the case
of Mexico, and we have stood the test.
Whether we have benefited Mexico by
the course we have pursued remains to
be seen. Her fortunes are in her own
hands. But we have at least proved that
we will not take advantage of her in her
distress and undertake to impose upon
her an order and government of our own
choosing.
We will aid and befriend Mexico, but
we will not coerce her; and our course
with regard to her ought to be sufficient
proof to all America that we seek no po
litical suzerainty or selfish control.
Not Hostile Rivals.
The moral is, that the states of Amer
ica are not hostile rivals, but co-operating
friends, and that their growing
sense of community of interest! alike In
matters political and in matters econom
ic, is likely to give them a new signifi
cance as factors in international affairs
and in the political history of the world.
It presents them as in a very deep and
true sense a unit in world affairs, spir
itual partners, standing together because
thinking together, quick with common
sympathies and common ideals. Separat
ed, they are subject to all the cross cur
rents of the confused politics of a world
of hostile rivalries; united in spirit and
purpose they cannot be disappointed of
their peaceful destiny.
This is Pan-Americanism. It has none
of the spirit of empire in it. It is the em
bodiment, the effectual embodiment, of
the spirit of law and independence and
liberty and mutual service.
There is, I venture to point out, an espe
cial significance just now attaching to
this whole matter of drawing the Amer
icas together in bonds of honorable part
nership and mutual advantage because of
the economic readjustments which the
world must inevitably witness within the
next generation, when peace shall have
at last resumed its healthful tasks. In
the performance of these tasks I believe
the Americas to be destined to play their
parts together. I am interested to fix
your attention on this prospect now be
cause unless you take it within your
view and permit the full significance of
It to command your thought I cannot
find the right light in which to set forth
the particular matter that lies at the
very front of my whole thought as I ad
dress you today. I mean national de
fense. No one who really comprehends the
spirit of the great people for whom we
are appointed to speak can fail to per
ceive that their passion is for peace, their
genius best displayed in the practice of
the arts of peace. Great democracies are
not belligerent. They do not seek or de
sire war. Their thought is of individual
liberty and of the free labor that supports
life and the uncensored thought that
quickens it. Conquest and dominion are
not in our reckoning, or agreeable to our
principles. But just because we demand
unmolested development and the undis
turbed government of our own lives upon
our own principles of right and liberty.
We resent, from whatever quarter it may
come, the aggression we ourselves will not
practice. We insist upon security in
prosecuting our self-chosen lines of na
tional development. We do more than
that. We demand it also for others. We
do not confine our enthusiasm for indi
vidual liberty and free national develop
ment to the incidents and movements of
affairs which affect only ourselves. We
feel it wherever there is a people that
tries to walk in these difficult paths of
independence and right. From the first
we have made common cause with all
partisans of liberty on this side of the
sea, and have deemed it as important
that our neighbors should be free from
all outside domination as that we our
selves shov,d be; have set America aside
as a whole for the uses of independent
nations and political freemen.
Might to Maintain Right.
Out of such thoughts grow all our poli
cies. We regard war merely as a means
of asserting the rights of a people against
aggression. And we are as fiercely jeal
ous of coercive or dictatorial power with
in our own nation as of aggression from
without. We will not maintain a stand
ing army except for uses which are as
necessary in times of peace as in times
of war; and we shall always see to it
that our military peace establishment is
no longer than is actually and continuous
ly needed for the uses of days in which
no enemies move against us. But we
do believe in a body of free citizens ready
and sufficient to take care of themselves
and of the governments which they have
set up to serve them. In our constitutions
themselves we have commanded that "the
right of the people to keep and bear
arms shall not be infringed." ad our
confidence has been that our safety in
times of danger would lie in the rising of
the nation to take care of itself, as the
farmers rose at Lexington.
vTWar ?as never been a mere matter
LnJ.gUn8- Tt is a thinS of disci
Si Plht , " Ur Citizens ar "ver to
255 UVely Upon a sudden summons,
they must know how modern fi?htinsr is
2omesa,to 7h'f t0 d When the smons
avXJ" lkT-r th"msolves immediately
the government must be their servant in
this matter, must supply them with the
training they need to take care of them
selves and of it. The military arm 01 tneir
governmentr which they will not allow to
direct them, they may properly use 10
serve them and make their independence
secure and not their own independence
merely but the rights also of those with
whom they have made common cause
should they also be put in jeopardy.
They must be fitted to play the great
role in the world, and particularly in this
hemisphere, for which they are quali
fied by principle and by chastened amm
tion to Dlay.
It is with these ideals in mind that the
plans of the department of war for more
adequate national defense were conceived
which will be laid before you, and wnicn
I urge you to sanction and put into ef
fect as soon as they can be properly scru
tinized and discussed. They seem to me
the essential first steps, and they seem
to me for the present sufficient.
They contemplate an increase of the
standing force of the regular army rrom
its present strength of 5,023 officers ana
102,985 enlisted men of all services to a
strength of 7,136 officers and 134,707 en
listed men. or 141,843, all told, all serv
ices, rank and file, by the addition of 52
companies of coast artillery, 15 com
panies of engineers, ten regiments of in
fantry, four regiments of field artillery,
and four aero squadrons, besides 750 offi
cers required for a great variety of extra
service, especially the all-important dutj'
of training the citizen force of which I
shall presently speak, . 792 non-commis
sioned officers for service in drill, recruit
ing and the like, and the necessary quota
of enlisted men for the quartermaster
corps, the hospital corps, the ordnance
department and other similar auxiliary
services. These are the additions neces
sary to render the army adequate for its
present duties, duties which it has to
perform not only upon our own contl
nental coasts and borders and at our in
terior army posts, but also in the Phil
ippines, in the Hawaiian islands, at the
isthmus, and in Porto Rico.
Force of Trained Citizens.
By way of making the country ready
to assert some part of its real power
promptly and upon a larger scale, should
occasion arise, the plan also contemplates
supplementing the army by a force of
400,000 disciplined citizens, raised in incre
ments of 133,000 a year throughout a pe
riod of three years. This it is proposed
to do by a process of enlistment under
which the serviceable men of the coun
try would be asked to bind themselves to
serve with the colors for purposes of
training for short periods throughout
three years, and to come to the colors
at call at any time throughout an addi
tional "furlough" period of three years.
This force of 400,000 men would be pro
vided with personal accoutrements as fast
as enlisted and their equipment for the
field made ready to be supplied at any
time. They would be assembled for train
ing at stated intervals at convenient
places in association with suitable units
of the regular army. Their period of
annual training would not necessarily ex
ceed two months in the year.
It would depend upon the patriotic feel
ing of the younger men of the country
whether they responded to such a call
to service or not. It would depend upon
the patriotic spirit of the employers ,of
the country whether they made it possi
ble for the younger men in their em
ploy to respond under favorable condi
tions or not. I. for one, do not doubt
the patriotic devotion either of our young
men or of those who give them employ
ment those for whose benefit and protec
tion they would in fact enlist.
The program which will be laid before
you by the secretory of the navy is sim
ilarly conceived. It involves only a
shortening of the time within which plans
long matured shall be carried out; but it
does make definite and explicit a program
which has heretofore been only implicit,
held in the minds of the committees on
naval affairs and disclosed in the debates
of the two houses but nowhere formu
lated or formally adopted. It seems to
me very clear that it will be to the ad
vantage of the country for the congress
to adopt a comprehensive plan for put
ting the navy upon a final footing of
strength and efficiency and to press that
plan to completion within the next five
years. We have always looked to the
navy of the country as our first and chief
line of defense; we have always seen it
to be our manifest course of prudence
to be strong on the seas. Year by year
we have been creating a navy which now
ranks very high indeed among the navies
of the maritime nations. We should now
definitely determine how we shall com
plete what we have begun, and how soon.
Program for the Navy.
The secretary of the navy is asking
also for the immediate addition to the
personnel of the navy of 7,500 sailors,
2.500 apprentice seamen, and 1,500 marines.
This increase would be sufficient to care
for the ships which are to be completed
within the fiscal year 1917 and also for
the number of men which must be put in
training to man the ships which will be
completed early in 1918. It is also neces
sary that the number of midshipmen at
the naval academy at Annapolis should
be increased by at least 300 in order that
the force of officers should be more rap
idly added to; and authority is asked to
appoint for engineering duties only, ap
proved graduates cf engineering colleges,
and for service in the aviation corps a
certain number of men taken from civil
life.
If this full program should be carried
out we should have built or building in
1921, according to the estimates of surviv
al and standards of classification followed
by the general board of the department,
an effective navy consisting of 27 battle
ships of the first line, six battle cruisers,
25 battleships of the second line, ten ar
mored cruisers, 13 scout cruisers, five
first-class cruisers, three second-class
cruisers, ten third-class cruisers, 108 de
troyers, 18 fleet submarines, 157 coast sub
marines, six monitors, 20 gunboats, four
supply ships, 15 fuel ships, four trans
ports, three tenders to torpedo vessels,
eight vessels of special types, and two
ammunition ships. This would be a navy
fitted to our needs and worthy of our
traditions.
Trade and Shipping.
But armies and instruments of war are
only part of what has to be considered
if we are to consider the supreme matter
of national self-sufficiency and security
in all its aspects. There are other great
matters which will be thrust upon our at
tention whether we will or not. There
is, for example, a very pressing question
of trade and shipping involved in this
great problem of national adequacy. It
is necessary for many weighty reasons of
national efficiency and development that
we should have a great merchant ma
rine. The great merchant fleet we once
used to make us rich, that great body of
sturdy sailors who used to carry our flag
into every sea. and who were the pride
and often the bulwark of the nation, we
have almost driven out of existence by
inexcusable neglect and indifference and
by a hopelessly blind and provincial pol
icy tf so-called economic protection. It
is high time we repaired our mistake and
resumed our commercial independence on
the seas.
For it Is a question of independence.
If other nations go to war or seek to
hamper each other's commerce, our mer
chants, it seems, are at their mercy,
to do with as they please. We must use
their ships, and use them as they deter
mine. We have not ships enough of our
own. We cannot handle our own com
merce on the seas. Our independence is
provincial, and is only on land and with
in our own borders. We are not likely
to be permitted to use even the ships of
other nations In rivalry of their own
trade, and are without means to extend
our commerce even where tfie doors are
wide open and our goods desired. Such
a situation is not to be endured. It is
of capital importance not only that the
United States should be its own carrier
on the seas and enjoy the economic in
dependence which only an adequate mer
chant marine would give it, but also that
the American hemisphere as- a whole
should enjoy a like independence and self-
sufficiency, if it is not to be drawn into
the tangle of European affairs. Without
such independence the whole question of
our political unity and self-determination
is very seriously clouded and complicated
indeed.
Moreover, we can develop no true or ef
fective American policy without ships of
our own not ships of war, but ships of
peace, carrying goods and carrying much
more: creating friendships and render
ing indispensable services to all interests
on this side of the water. They must
move constantly back and forth between
the Americas. They are the only shuttles
that can weave the delicate fabric of
sympathy, comprehension, confidence and
mutual dependence in which we clothe
our policy ofAmerica for Americans.
Ships Are Needed.
The task of building up an adequate
merchant marine for America private
capital must ultimately undertake and
achieve, as it has undertaken and
achieved every other like task 'amongst
us in the past, with admirable enterprise,
intelligence and vigor; and It seems to
me a manifest dictate of wisdom that we
should promptly remove every legal ob
stacle that may stand in the way of this
much to be desired revival of our old in
dependence and should facilitate in every
. . . , M,J 1 J
possiDie way tne Duiiqing, purcna.se ttnu
American registration of ships. But cap
ital cannot accomplish this great task of
a sudden. It must embark upon it by de
grees, as the opportunities of trade de
velop. Something must be done at once;
done to open routes and develop oppor
tunities where they are as yet undevel
oped; done to open the arteries of trade
where the currents have not yet learned
to run especially between the two Ameri
can continents, where they are, singularly
enough, yet to be created and quickened;
and it is evident that only the govern
ment can undertake sueh .beginnings and
assume the initial financial risks. When
the risk has passed and private capital
begins to find its way in sufficient abund
ance into these new channels, the gov
ernment may withdraw. But it cannot
omit to begin. It should take the first
steps and should take them at once. Our
goods must not lie piled up at our ports
and stored upon sidetracks in freight
cars which are daily needed on the roads;
must not be left without means of
transport to any foreign quarter.. We
must not await the permission of foreign
ship owners and foreign governments to
send them where we will.
With a view to meeting these pressing
necessities of our commerce and availing
ourselves at the earliest possible moment
of the present unparalleled opportunity of
linking the two Americas together in
bonds of mutual interest and service, an
opportunity which may never return
again if we miss it now, proposals will
be made to the present congress for the
purchase or construction of ships to be
owned and directed by the government
similar to those made to the last con
gress, but modified in some essential par
ticulars. I recommend these proposals
to you for your prompt acceptance with
the more confidence because every month
that has elapsed since the former pro
posals were made has made the necessity
for such action more and more mani
festly imperative.
Question of Finance.
The plans for the armed forces of the
nation which I have outlined, and for
the general policy of adequate prepara
tion for mobilization and defense, in
volve of course very large additional ex
penditures of money expenditures which
will considerably exceed the estimated
revenues of the government. It Is made
my duty by law, whenever the estimates
of expenditure exceed the estimates of
revenue to call the attention of the con
gress to the fact and suggest any means
of meeting the deficiency that it may be
wise or possible for me to suggest. I am
ready to believe that it would be my duty
to do so in any case; and I feel particu
larly bound to speak of the matter when
it appears that the deficiency will arise
directly out of the adoption by the con
gress ef measures which I myself urge
it to adopt. Allow me, therefore, to
speak briefly of the present state of the
treasury and of the fiscal problems
which the next year will probably dis
close. On the thirtieth of June last there was
an available balance in the general fund
of the treasury of $104, 170. 105.78. The to
tal estimated receipts for the year 1916,
on the assumption that the emergency
revenue measure passed by the last con
gress will not be extended beyond its
present limit, the thirty-first of Decem
ber, 1915, and that the present duty of
one cent per pound on sugar will be dis
continued after the first of May, 1916,
will be $670,365,500. The balance of June
last and these estimated revenues come,
therefore, to a grand total of $774,535,605.78.
The total estimat-! disbursements for the
present fiscal jear, including $25,000,000
for the Panama canal, $12,000,000 for prob
able deficiency appropriations and $50,-
000 for miscellaneous debt redemptions,
will be $753,891,000; and the balance in the
general fund of the treasury will be re
duced to $20,644,605.78. The emergency
revenue act, if continued beyond its pres
ent time limitatfon, would produce, dur
ing the half year then remaining, about
forty-one millions. The duty of one cent
per pound on sugar, if continued, would
produce during the two months of the
fiscal year remaining after the first of
May, about fifteen millions. These two
sums, amounting together to $56,000,000,
If added to the revenues of the second
half of the fiscal year, would yield the
treasury at the end of the year an avail
able balance of $76,644,605.78.
The additional revenues required to
carry out the program of military and
navai preparation oi wnicn l nave spok
en, would, as at present estimated, be
for the fiscal year 1917, $93,800,000. Those
figures, taken with the figures for the
present fiscal year which I have already
given, disclose our financial problem for
the year 1917.
How shall we obtain the new revenue?
It seems to me a clear dictate of pru
dent statesmanship and frank finance
that in what we are now, I hope, about
to undertake we should pay as we eo.
The people of the country are entitled to
know just what burdens of taxation they
are to carry, and to know from the outset,
now. Tne new Dills should be paid by in
ternal taxation.
To what sources, then, shall we turn?
We would be following an almost uni
versal example of modern governments
if we were to draw the greater part or
even the whole of the revenues we need
from the income taxes. By somewhat
lowering the present limits of exemption
ana tne ngure at wbich the surtax shall
begin to be imposed, and by increasing
step by step throughout the present grad
uation, the surtax itself, the income taxes
as at present apportioned would yield
sums sumcient to balance the books of
the treasury at the end of the fiscal year
1917 without anywhere maktne the bur
den unreasonably or oppressively heavy
The precise reckonings are fully and ac
curately set out in the report of the sec
retary of the treasury, which will be im
mediately laid before you.
And there are many additional
of revenue which can justly be resorted
to without hampering the industries of
'he country or putting any too great
narge upon individual expenditure. A
one per cent tax per gallon on gasoline
ana naptha would yWI. at the presont
estimated production, $10,000,000; a tax of
50 cents per horsepower on a"0""?8
and internal explosion engines, $15,000,000,
a stamp tax on bank checks, probably
$18,000,000; a tax of 25 cents per ton on
pig iron, $10,000,000; a tax of 50 cents per
ton on fabricated iron and steel, proba
bly $10,000,000. In a country of great in
dustries like this it ought to be easy to
distribute the burdens of taxation with
out making them anywhere bear too
heavily or too exclusively upon any one
set of persons or undertakings. What is
clear is, that the industry of this gener
ation should pay the bills of this genera
tion. "The Danger Within.
I have spoken to you today, gentlemen,
upon a single theme, the thorough prep
aration of the nation to care for its
own security and to make sure of entire
freedom to play the impartial role in this
hemisphere and in the world which we
all believe to have been providentially
assigned to it. I have had in mind no
thought of any immediate or particular
danger arising out of our relations with
other nations. We are at peace with all
the nations of the world, and there is
reason to hope that no question in con
troversy between this and other govern
ments will lead to any serious breach of
amicable relations, grave as some differ
ences of attitude and policy have been
and may yet turn out to be. I am sorry
to say that the gravest threats against
our national peace and safety have been
uttered within our own borders. There are
citizens of the United States, I blush to
admit, born under other flags but welcomed
under our generous naturalization laws
to the full freedom and opportunity ol
America, who have poured the poison of
disloyalty into the very arteries of our
national life; who have sought to bring
the authority and good name of our gov
ernment into contempt, to destroy our in
dustries wherever they thought it effec
tive for their vindictive purposes to strike
at them, and to debase our politics to the
uses of foreign intrigue. Their number
is not great as compared with the whole
number of those sturdy hosts by which
our nation has been enriched in recent
generations out of virile foreign stocks;
but it Is great enough to have brought
deep disgrace upon us and to have made
it necessary that we should promptly
make use of processes of law by which
we may be purged of their corrupt dis
tempers. America never witnessed any
thing like this before. It never dreamed
it possible that men sworn into its own
citizenship, men drawn out of great free
stocks such as supplied some of the best
and strongest elements of that little, but
how heroic, nation that in a high day of old
staked its very life to free itself from
every entanglement that had darkened
the fortunes of the older nations and set
up a new standard here that men of such
origins and such free choices ol allegi
ance would ever turn in malign reaction
against the government and people who
had welcomed and nurtured them and
seek to make this proud country once
more a hotbed of European passion. A
little while ago such a thing would have
seemed incredible. Because it was In
credible we made no preparation for it.
We would have been almost ashamed to
prepare for it, as if we were suspicious
of ourselves, our own comrades and
neighbors! But the ugly and incredible
has actually come about and we are with
out adequate federal laws to deal with
it. I urge you to enact such laws at
the earliest possible moment and feel that
in so doing I am urging you to do noth
ing less than save the honor and self
respect of the nation.
Must Be Crushed Out.
Such creatures of passion, disloyalty
and anarchy must be crushed out. They
are not many, but they are infinitely ma
lignant, and the hand of our power should
close over them at once. They have
formed plots to destroy property, they
have entered into conspiracies against the
neutrality of the government, they have
sought to pry into every confidential
transaction of the government in order
to serve interests alien to our own. It is
possible to deal with these things very
effectually. I need not suggest the terms
in which they may be dealt with.
I wish that it could be said that only a
few men, misled by mistaken sentiments
of allegiance to the governments under
which they were born, had been guilty of
disturbing the self-possession and misrep
resenting the temper and principles of
the country during these days of terrible
war, when it would seem that every man
who was truly an American would in
stinctively make it his duty and his pride
to keep the scales of judgment even and
prove himself a partisan of no nation but
his own. But it cannot. There are some
men among us, and many resident abroad
who, though born and bred in the Unit
ed States and calling themselves Amer
icans, have so forgotten themselves and
their honor as citizens as to put their
passionate sympathy with one or the oth
er side in the great European conflict
above their regard for the peace and dig
nity of the United States. They also
preach and practice disloyalty. No laws,
I suppose, can reach corruptions of the
mind and heart; but I should not speak
of others without also speaking of these
and expressing the even deeper humilia
tion and scorn which every self-posseosd
and thoughtfully patriotic American must
feel when he thinks of them and of the
discredit they are daily bringing upon us.
Many conditions about which we have
repeatedly legislated are being altered
from decade to decade, it is evident, un
der our very eyes, and are likely to change
even more rapidly and more radically in
the days immediately ahead of us, when
peace has returned to the world and na
tions of Europe once more take up their
tasks of commerce and industry with the
energy of those who must bestir them
selves to build anew. Just what these
changes will be no one can certainly fore
see or confidently predict. There are no
calculable, because no stable, elements In
tne problem. The most we can do is to
make certain that we have the necessary
instrumentalities of information constant
ly at our service so that we may be sur
that we know exactly what we are deal
ing with when we come to act, if it
should be necessary to act at all. We
must first certainly know what it is that
we are seeking to adapt ourselves to. I
may ask the privilege of addressing you
more at length on this important matter
a little later in your session.
Transportation Problem.
The transportation problem is an ex
ceedingly serious and pressing one in this
country. There has from time to time
of late been reason to fear that our rail
roads would not much longer be able to
cope with it successfully as at present
equipped and co-ordinated. I suggest
that it would be wise to provide for a
commission of inquiry to ascertain by a
thorough canvass of the whole question
whether our laws as at present framed
and administered are as serviceable as
they might be in the solution of the prob
lem. It is obviously a problem that lies
at the very foundation of our efficiency
as a people. Such an inquiry ought to
draw out every circumstance and opinion
worth considering apd we need to know
all sides of the matter if we mean to
do anything in the field of federal legisla
tion. For what we are seeking now, what in
my mind is the single thought of this
message, is national efficiency and se
curity. We serve a great nation. We
should serve it in the spirit of its peculiar
genius It is the genius of common men
for self-government, industry, justice, lib
erty and peace. We should see to it that
it lacks no instrument, no facility or vigor
of law, to make it sufficient to play its
part with energy, safety, and assured
success. In this we are no partisans but
heralds and prophet" - new a?e.
Another Evidence of
Progress . .
Two Wonderful New Machines, That Add, Subtract,
Make Statements and Do Bookkeeping, Added
to the Equipment of the Commercial
National Bank of High Point
EVER SINCE the establishment of the Commercial
National Bank , nearly twenty-five years ago, it has
ben the chief aim of the Directors and Officers, aside
from affording absolute safety for deposits, to provide
facilities and equipment which will assure our custom
ers the maximum of convenience and satisfaction in
the handling of their financial affairs.
Pursuant to this policy, two of the latest time-saving devices have
been purchased for the keeping of accounts and the rendering zf
statements, which we believe, will be far superior to the old method
Open ao account with this bank and receive a statement that is
neat, accurate and easily understood
The Commercial National Bank of High Point
Capital Stock $150,000.00. Surplus and Profits $146,369.08
Deposits, Nearly a Million Dollars.
Total Resources, about One and a half Million Dollars
1 .18 FOUR MONTHLY MAGAZINES $ .1
And Our Paper All One Year
THIS IS A REAL BARGAIN
moi
ACT
Send us your order right away, or give it to our repret entatire, or cafl and see
us when in town. If you have never subscribed to our paper before, do it now and
get these four magazines. If you are a regular subscriber to our paper, we urge you
to send in your renewal at once, and get these feur magazines. If you arc a iub
scriber to any of these magazines, send your renewal order to us and we will extend
your subscription for one year.
Thllllf flf It oa can 2e ese onr Magazines for fl Qf
I II III It Ul I If if yon Subscribe to our paper for one year. Ot
We have sample copies of these magazines on display at our office. Call and
see them. They are printed on book paper with illustrated covers, and are full of
clean, interesting stories and instructive articles on History, Science, Art, Music,
Fashion, Fancy Needlework, General Farming, Live Stock and Poultry.
$J .is Send Your Order Before You Forget It $4 .is
s The Magazines Will Stop Prampth, When Time is Up "'
A Good Name Is
Rather to be chosen
Than GREAT RICHES
Don't buy a piano just because
they call it a Piano !
WHEN You BUY, be sure you
get a Piano with a reputation.
The Lindeman & Sons
the oldest Piano in the world,
bearing the same name since
1821, and is the best Piano for
the money you can buy.
We also handle tbe Emerson and Schomack er.
Inning, repairing and rebuilding old pianos.
When you want a piano with
Quality and Tone, talk with
FRAZIER !
You are always
welcome at the
House of Frazier
Frazier Piano
Greensbo ro, N. C
Branch Office: 209 North Main St., -
ure
SttD-
QUICKLY !
High Poio