The Connecticut labor news., July 05, 1924, Page Four, Image 4

About The Connecticut labor news. (New Haven, Conn.) 1921-1925

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Four
LABOR v Connects at ) NWi
Published Weekly by The Orabura Press, Inc.
148 George St., Telephone Colony 1082 New Haven, Conn.
Presenting to the workers and the public the facts concerning matters
Affecting labor and the wage earner's interests at large. Constructive in
policy and non-partisan in politics. Free from domination by any interests
or factions, either within the labor movement or without.
' An exponent of justice to all, a square deal to employer and employee
dike, with a desire to serve the best principles of trade unionism and at the
ome time create a better understanding and co-operation between capital
ixi labor.
The Labor News is in no sense responsible for any article which appears
except unsigned articles in editorial column. All other pages are devoted
news and contributions, and may often describe or advocate matters
opposed to The. Labor News and its policy. The publication of a signed
or news article must not be construed In any sense an endorsement of it.
, - Entered as second class matter December ,2, 1916, at the postoffice at
New Haven, Conn., under act of March 3, 1879.
Three Cents per Copy
NEW HAVEN, CONN., SATURDAY, JULY 5, 1924
EDUCATE AS WELL AS ORGANIZE
One of the trade-union mottoes from the earliest days has been
"agitate, organize, educate."
Too frequently sufficient attention is not given to the educational
feature, and yet education is the foundation upon which trade union
ism depends, and the necessary education is not completed .until the
trade unionist takes a personal pride in the fact that he is a member
f organized labor. This trade union education cannot be carried on
altogether at the meetings. Much of it, and some of the most valu
able parts can only be imparted through man to man talks with those
who are prospective members, or those who have already joined the
ranks.
Trade unionism of the head may mean but little more than the
multiplication table or a list of rules. Trade unionism of the heart
is the all-important factor. If it were not for the pride which so many
trade' unionists have in their membership; if it were not for the loyalty
they feel toward trade union principles, a trade union movement
would be impossible.
Intelligent agitation, energetic efforts to organize are necessary
at all tjmes, but education is the keystone. The opportunities to carry
on this education are always open wherever there are non-union men
under the jurisdiction of a local union, as well as with the younger
members. . The welfare of every local depends more largely than
some men understand upon the degree of trade union educational ef
fort which is continually carried on by the loyal members.
Every member should be made to realize that to carry a union
card is a privilege to be proud of. To accomplish this every mem
ber must be taught the principles upon which trade unionism is
founded.
WHO SAYS .THEY DON'T "TIE UP"?
One O. M. Kile, writing in the Hearst papers from Dallas,
Texas, solemnly declares that Texas farmers simply won't "tie up"
with labor.
Kile writes a nice little "piece,"' but it has one big flaw, the
assertion that Texas farmers and labor do not cooperate. The only
trouble with this statement is that it isn't true.
In common with the farmers and city workers of other states,
Texas farmers and labor do not "tie up" in an independent political
party, which seems to be the point that the Hearst correspondent is
trying to make. They have found that more effective results are ob
tained by non-partisan political action, working through the existing
parties for the election of men who will stand for the interests of the
producers. This is the policy of the American Federation of Labor
and it is a policy which has stood the test of time.
But Texas farmers and city workers do cooperate in the most
effective kind of political and economic action. A glance through
the biennial report of the Joint Farm-Labor Legislative Conference
oFTexas proves this beyond a doubt. The Conference, which is com
posed of representatives of the Farm Labor Union of America, the
Railroad Brotherhoods , and the Texas State Federation of Labor,
worked harmoniously' throughout the recent session of the-Texas Le
gislature, supporting legislation favorable to the farm-labor forces
of Texas and fighting legislation that was unfavorable.
Cooperation on legislative matters is not the only "tie up" be
tween Texas farmers and labor. They work together to elect genuine
progressives to office; they cooperate in various economic matters.
An example was the splendid support given the striking railroad shop
men o't,Texas by the farmers, who supplied the families of the strikers
with food, giving aid that was largely instrumental in enabling the
workers to wage a winning fight.
In the face of these facts,' known to all who are familiar with
Texas conditions, what becomes of the Hearst man's assertion that
"the farmer simply does not like the idea of a definite tie-up with
organized labor"? Our guess is that his assertion is left without a leg
to stand on.
ST. PAUL
St. Paul meaning' the Foster-Ruthenberg-Manley convention
gave us all it promised.
It delivered a full-fledged national political organization under
absolute Moscow control.
Anybody who still believes the contrary is either asleep or
foolish.
The Reds were the shrewdest manipulators in the convention
and it didn't require the convention to prove it.
That was proved when the arrangements were made, with Reds
in all of the strategic positions.
Those who were inclined to pussyfoot and say, "well, let's wait
and see," may now take a good look and see what they see.
Those who' couldn't believe that so many "good men" would be
involved in a Communist scheme may now produce their alibis.
The convention was called a "farmer-labor" convention. It
was as much farmer and as much labor as a Greenwich Village tea
party.
It was "Labor" as much as Foster is Labor and it was as much
"Farmer" as John C. Kennedy is a farmer.
This is hard fact: Any compromise with the Reds is a victory
for the Reds. Some folks who didn't believe that before the St. Paul
convention are known to believe it now.
IS THERE OBJECTION?
Since the nomination of Dawes for vice-president the discovery
has been made that he is a very angelic individual. Before the nomi
nation he' was "Hell and Maria," but a good many nice folks who
have votes are not attracted by barbarisms, hence the new discovery.
Another discovery has been made that he is very popular in
the agricultural states. Correspondents are scurring to and fro, pick
ing up this information by the bucketful.
As soon as they get through with that job, they will sail in and
make the discovery that the general's open shop ideas have made
him solid with union labor.
In fact in view of the amazing revelations of poularity now
going on we really don't see why an election should be held. Why
not let him take the office by unanimous consent? Is the objection?
The chair hears well, say, the chair would prefer not to report what
he hears it sounds worse than Hell and Maria.
THE
$1.50 per Year
THE OPEN SHOT
Gov. Templeton has "seen the light"and joined the church and
is now a lay preacher. He delivered his first sermon last Sunday.
Even that won't get him the women's vote in Waterbury which turned
him down by 3000 odd two years ago.
Congressman John Q. Tilson of New Haven comes out in the
New Haven Register, organ of the interests, with a dissertation on
the great policy of economy of Coolidge. The Hon John is working
his secretary pvertime and the public not John is paying for the
buncombe.
In a list of "hard-boiled senators" sent out from Washington
there is the name of George P. McLean. We must take issue with
that. McLean although in the
constituents. He voted for the
the president's vetoes and so far
cause. Therefore we eliminate
Would that his colleague Branedgee
The unfairness of the New Haven Register was again emphasized
this week when the democratic platform was made public. The plat
form was not adooted until after
Yet on Monday there was not a word of it except an editorial de
nouncing it. When the republican platform was adopted it was given
a naw in rh Register. The self
Haven" however asks its readers
platform without giving them a chance to read it. Its too bad it has
so many democratic subscribers while the Union, a supposed demo
cratic organ, is nearly starving to death.
Who's who in Democratic politics in- Connecticut was nearly
determined this week about the third ballot on the presidential nomi
nation. Tom Spellacy and Dr. Dolan of Hartford and West, showed
the rest of the gang, including Boss Cahill, that they were the original
cu.-a, r"oK;ll nprs voted for Smith. Thev had to de-
spite H. Cummings and a few others we might mention. When the
fall primaries come there will be something doing it appears.
We want to now put in our application for a seat at the next re
publican state convention where it is expected Hi Bingham, Yale Prof,
will be nominated for Governor. Johnny King of Bridgeport staged
a comeback this week and Col. "Ike" Ullman of New Haven is getting
busy for the caucuses.
if Hi's nath will not be decorated with Tiffany
jewels despite his martial connections with that celebrated family.
Speaking of Bingham and his chances of being governor its
about time to warn New Haven and Connecticut about ''i ale s en
croachment on our affairs. Yale is now exempt of twenty five or
more millions in taxes in New Haven. Its endowed by billionaires
and constantly buying more property and taking it out of the tax list
and its all fine central property. The worker has to pay the balance
in increased taxes on his home or in rent. Yale wants a governor to
protect itself. It has now the lieutenant governor in Bingham and a
senator from a New Haven district Yale controls. Give Yale any
more and New Haven,' admittedly a fine city to live in, will be all
shouting and paying for the Yale song "More work for the undertaker."
In a discussion of campaign contributions, Henry Cabot Lodge
admitted that he was putting it moderately when he said that nine
tenths of the money expended on behalf of the Republican and Dem
ocratic parties is raised in New York. This as labor points out
means Wall Street, the "big bankers and trust magnates.
By refusing to appear before the Investigating Committee, Harry
Daugherty, no matter what his legal case, has drawn the last lines on
the shameful picture of incompetence, or connivance at corruption,
which he has given the country. We are glad that the Senate is to
appeal the ruling of Judge Cochran on which Mr. Daugherty relies.
We are, as Americans, ashamed that the President, the political party,
the editors and the business men have attacked the investigators of
scandal so much more vigorously than the makers of scandal.
HELP SPREAD GOSPEL OF ORGANIZATION
There is no money in a cheap man. Nearly all first-class workers
belong to their, trade organizations, they set the pace for good work
manship and get union wages. The poor workman is not worth any
kind of wages. When workers are enjoying good wages the commu
nity in which they live is generally prosperous. The average union
man lives well, or better than the non-union worker. His family is
better taken care of. Union men spend the greater part of their
wages in the stores and shops in the district in which they live, and
there is a general circulation of their wages amongst all business in
terests. Go into a non-union town and you will find the average small
business man practically starving to death. The union workman, be
cause he earns decent wages, pays his bills and leaves an impression
of decency, fairness and squar-dealing on the mind of any man or wo
man with whom he does business.
Under those conditions, so plain, so open, facts that are so un
disputed, is it not more than strange that we find, here and there,
throughout the country, men and women who cannot understand the
benefits obtaining from trade union organizations; men and women
who are so blind to their own protection, that they refuse to see the
light? Still, this is an undisputed fact, and every time a non-union
man comes into a district that is organized, he has a tendency, not
only to-eheapen himself in the eyes of the community, but he attempts
to'cutdow n the wages that have been obtained by the unions after
years of struggling. However, to our faithful, loyal membership in
the trade union movement, we say, bring the light into those dark
corners where non-unionism exists.
Remember, brothers, that a few years ago you were blind to
your own interest some of you have been in the union only a few
years. The union has made good to you every promise that it made.
It now becomes your duty to go out and spread the gospel of our
labor movement everywhere there is a man or woman who it still un
organized. Remember also, that every time you bring a man into
the union, that it strengthens your own organization.
Do not wait for the salaried officers to do it all. Do some of
the work yourself; It is the duty of every man to help his fellowmen,
even the man on the outside. By bringing him in you help him
brighten his condition of life and you strengthen your own union ; you
are building up and placing another brick in this great castle of trade'
unionism that we are raising nearer to God's golden sunshine eveiy
day of our lives. I know you will not refuse when you understand
the importance of this great struggle. Therefore I ask all, every one
of you, and there is no one but can help, to do everything in your
power to organize the unorganized in your districts.
International Labor Conference
Proposes Memorial to Wilson
Delegates from 38 nations attending
the International Labor Conference at
Geneva Switzerland, have proposed
the erection of a suitable memorial to
the late President Wilson in the new
building of the International Labor
office at Geneva.
Julio Barbosa Carneiro, Brazilian
delegate, was first to propose the
memorial, seconded by- other South
American representatives. Delegate
republican ring has been fair to his
bonus, postman's raise and against
as he could do has espoused Labor's
Georsre r from the hard-boiled .
was as fair.
the Register went to press Sunday.
advertised leading paper in New
to accept its interpretation of the
O'Rahilly of Ireland,
plan, said he hoped
means of interesting
in favoring the
it would be a
American labor
in the international organization.
E. L. Poulton, British labor delegate,
said the most practical way of honoring
rfce memory of the late President Wil
son was to ask the United States to
send a .delegation to the labor conference.
HARD BOILED SENATORS
Here is a choice collection of "hard boiled" Senators who have
stood in the United States Senate as the enemies of the people.
This compilation is not official, but is the result of a careful
checking of the votes of these Senators on measures of interest to
Labor.
It will be observed that six of this "hard boiled" collection are
approaching the end of their terms and are, as a result candidates for
re-election. Here they are:
Ball, L. Heisler. Delaware
Bayard Thomas F Delaware
Bruce, Wm. Cabell, Maryland
Cameron, Ralph H Arizona
Cummins, Albert B Iowa
Curtis, Charles Kansas
Dial, Nathaniel B. S. Carolina
Elkins, Davis West Virginia
Ernst, Richard P Kentucky
Gooding, Frank R Idaho
Hale, Frederick Maine
Harreld, John W. Oklahoma
King, William H Utah
INTERNATIONAL
UNIONS CONVENTIONS
FORYEAR 1924
July , Chicago, 111., International
Broom and Whisk Makers' Union.
July , , American Federa
tion of Teachers.
July 1-10, Atlantic City, N: J. Con
tinental Hotel, National Brotherhood
of Operative Potters.
July 8-18, Atlantic City, N. J., Glass
Bottle Blowers' Association.
July 14-21, New York City, Piano,
Organ and Musical Instrument Work
ers' International Union of America.
July 15-20, , Retail Clerks
International Protective Association.
July 21-27, Boston, Mass., Interna
tional Plate Printers and Die Stamp
ers' Union of North America.
July 21-26, Atlanta, Ga., Internation
al Stereotypers' and Electrotypers'
Union.
August 6-11, Chicago, 111., Interna
tional Brotherhood of Foundry "Em
ployes. August 11-16, Toronto,' Ontario, Can
ada, International Typographical
Union.
August 18-23, Los Angeles, Calif., In
ternational Photo-Engravers' Union.
August 25-30, Pressmen's Home,
Tenn,. International Printing Pressmen
and Assistants' Union.
September 1-14, Saratoga Springs,
N. Y., Bricklayers, Masons and Plast
erers' International Union.
September 8, Kansas City, Mo., In
ternational Brotherhood of Boiler
mekers, Iron Ship Builders and Help
ers of America.
September 8-15, New York City,
United Textile Workers of America.
September 8-13, Detroit, Mich., In
ternational Union of Steam and Op
erating Engineers.
September 8-15, St. Louis, Mo.,
Brotherhood of Railroad Signalmen of
America.
September 8-18, Montreal, Canada,
Amalgamated Association of Street
and Electric Railwav Employes of
America.
September 8-18, Kansas City, Mo.,
International Brotherhood of Black
smiths, Drop Forgers and Helpers.
September 8-22, Indianapolis, Ind.,
United Brotherhood of Carpenters and
Joiners.
September 9-19, Indianapolis, Ind.,
Journeymen Barbers' International
Union of America.
September 12-16, Kansas City, Mp.,
International Association of Fire
Fighters.
September 15, Detroit, Mich., Inter
national Association of Machinists.
'September 15-22, , United
Brick and Clay Workers of America.
October '7-10, , Interna
tional Brotherhood of Pulp, Sulphite
and Paper Mill Workers.
LABOR IN THE
1924 CAMPAIGN
By SAMUEL GOMPERS.
With a national political campaign
well under way many eyes are turned
in the direction of Labor's efforts in
that struggle.
Various so-called third party move
ments are under way, none of them of
any particular promise, but all more
or less confusing in their localitj
Those who turn ! to these so-called
third party movements proclaim their
profound disgust with what they term
the reactionary policy of the American
Federation of Labor. They are im
patient. And they fail to see that their
impatience is leading them to the kind
of haste which makes only for delay.
The political policy of the American
Federation of Labor will bear examina
tion at all times. An examination at
this time may be helpful to some who
do not fully comprehend its meaning,
or who have been beguiled by the
phrases of the experimenters and
dreamers.
It is the belief of the American Fed
eration of Labor that the greatest re
sults are to be achieved in politics by
a devotion to principles rather than to
McKinley, William B. Illinois
Moses, G. H N. H.
Overman, Lee S N. Carolina
Phipps, Lawrence C. Colo.
Reed, James A Missouri
Shields, John K .Tennessee
Smoot, Reed .Utah
Spencer, Selden P Missouri
Underwood, O. W Alabama
Wadsworth, J. W., Jr. N. Y.
Warren, Francis E Wyoming
Watson, James E Indiana
Weller, O. E Maryland
Term expires March 3, 1925.
parties and that the surest way to ad
vance principles is to support those
candidates who accept the principles
and to oppose those who reject them.
There is nothing involved about this
belief; nothing complicated about the
practice. And it is the only way by
which Labor can avoid the dissensions
and schisms that inevitably must comeJ
from party partisanship. Parties must
take positions on matters that are not
in any sense purety Labor questions.
For example, they must deal with the
tariff, a matter on which Labor has
taken no position for a great many
years for obvious reasoHS.
The American Federation of Labor
is a Labor organization. Its principal
object is to protect and promote the
interests of the toiling masses. It must,
in the field of politics, press for those
men and measures that advance the
interests of the toiling masses. Labor
has its broad interests of citizenship
and general progress, but its first con
cern is solely with the welfare of the
great masses of wage earners.
Principles for which Labor contends
can not be the private property of any
political party. These principles have
to do with humanitarian and libertar
ian issues. They are neither Republi
can nor Democratic, neither socialistic
nor populistic. Not any more than they
are Presbyterian or Baptist.
These principles must be considered
'by men and either accepted or rejected
b ymen. If a whole political party
organization wishes to support any or
all of Labor's principles, that is entire
ly agreeable to Labor, but such an act
could not put the party label on the
HE OvJST 6oT MARKED
J
I'VE joTTP
Pfty for yr
ITa
pl
T affords me great
Leasure to state
that I use and endorse
the Durham-Duplex
Razor and heartily
recommend same to
my friends.
J Svormtmry
Sortmry
Building Trades Department, A. F of I.
Baltimore, Council
DURHAM-DUPLEX RAZOR CO.
JarMj City, N. J.
theBeMajis
r i m l x v m. sr s .
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principles to the exclusion of any oth
er support.
Principles which Labor supports
may, on the other hand, "be rejected
entirely by an entire party organiza
tion, but that can not signify that there
has been any change in the principles.
Politically, they remain as non-partisan
as ever.
Representatives of all parties have
espoused measures for which Labor
has contended. Witness such measures
as the Seamen's Act, the Eight-hour
Act, the Clayton Act, the Suffrage
Amendment, the recent Immigration
Act, and the still more notable Child
Labor Amendment to the United States
Constitution.
In each case a larger percentage of
one party for these measures than was
mustered by the other party, but that
did not .make them party measures.
Seldom has a Labor measure been
fought through Congress as v a strict
party measure, either Republican or
Democratic, and Labor has never had
any wish that any party should seek
to exclude any other party from spon
sorship of and support for Labor's de
mands. It is all condensed in the simple
statement that essentially Labor's de
mands are not political.
X
ATTENTION!
Are You a Union Man?
Then why not look for the UNION
LABEL in a STRAW HAT?
PAGER'S SELLS 'EM
6-8 CONGRESS AVE.
Printing
Which bears the
has always
Commanded Respect.
' .
The
Ornburn Press
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BOOSTED
by Friends ofl
AmeriainLabcJj
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