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W Weekly Examiner,
iN HJDEPEITDEirr JftilRxttJL, Vaevoted to" the discussion of uesnons re $atig to the Social and Industrial Advance meat of the people, and designed to speak the truth regardless of creed, race or polit ical party. . . ; TERMS IN ADVANCE. One Year, $1 .00. Six Montnn, 50 cents. flims Months, 25 cents. , Sinlge Copies, 3 cents. Entered at the Hartford Post Ofl3.ce as Second- . Class Matter. Hartforc ffice: 284- Asylum St. ROBERT PYNE, Managing Editor. bsoribers not receiving the paper wher should notify us immediately by posts To Non-Subscribers. . "Copies of this paper every week, - and per sons" receiving the same, if in sympathy vith our principles and efforts, are asked ti manifest their interest and good' will by -Affording us their moral and material sup . port. S ATTJRDAY, AUGUST 31, 1901. In the life-saving service of our government medals only are awarded -for heroic deeds, but in the life-de stroying service money is considered .as the proper incentive. Wfi have evidently been learning so many of the things in the Samp son-Schley imbroglio .that " aint so," "that soon we shall be impelled to the conclusion that anything in reference to the case isn't worth reading. r ROM: tne controversy going on 'over the Connecticut Agricultural -college, it seems very, plainly if not painfully evident, that the same is an institution run as much for political -as agricultural results. ; The ' reorganizes " of the Demo cratic party are bound to keep Bryanism " to the front, whether its advocates so desire it or not. When -a. Democratic state convention ' con fines the issues of its platform to -state matters it is then heralded forth hat " Bryanism " has been set aside; -and when such , allegations provoke the real democratic Democrats to a :re-endorsement of the Chicago and -"Kansas City platforms, then the " re rganiJiers deprecate ihe' sjtnarion -and predict defeat in consequence. Thus it is that continued service is -rendered by these peopJe to the po litical party to which they, profess to 'Sbe oppossed. Such action must x be taken," says the Maryland Democratic - con vention, "as to prevent the control osf government from passing into the hands of those who have neither the ability nor the interest to manage public affairs wisely and well." This is the basis of action for negro dis franchisement. And doubtless every 'word of the allegation is true, as far .as the great majority of the negro .voters are concerned; but it applies equally as well to many of the whites. "Why then not disfranchise them ? And there are those, too, who have Xhe ability " without the " interest to manage affairs " wisely and well." But it is useless to ask why not their disfranchisement also, for doubtless many of them are among the dis - franchisers. i I f . Ms- Thomas. W. Lawson, yachts f nianrcpper king, multi-millionaire, JiojKe.bsesder, dog fancier and what v not, f-iuthasing fourteen islands' on -. the coast ofiMdune in order to build ; a castle, instates golf links, tennis courts, and in s&ort to create a "Venice in America," while thous ands, jjpontbousands of other Amer 'iXQ't enough of the world's weal tli to purchase the patch , of ground that is to be their last resting place, is today an illustration of our American " equal opportuni ties for all and special privileges to none." Yet to have anything to say in reflection of such conditions is pretty sure of receiving general con demnation. Even so from many who are themselves direct and hope less Victims of the conditions at least where such criticism is intended -to inspire to action that would have the conditions changed. 3 Our enterprising young Connecti cut city of New Britain appears to be Slaving troubles of its own just now' -Its recent tax collector is in jail charged with the offense, of, naming 'his returns less than the receipts. And the accused man carried the political tag of Democrat as a name to have conjured by. But it was not that of the ordinary Democrat, not at all. If it were, Mr. Faulkner would never have become disting uished enough to merit a cell in the county jail, for he never would have been elected collector of New Brit ain's city taxes. No, Mr. Faulkner was an Honest Money uemocrat. a Mark Hanna Democrat, one who couldn't tolerate the idea of a " dis honest dollar;" and that all men might know therof was a participant in the great honest money parade And there were lots of others like him who would . doubtless now be enjoying the same distinguished citi zenship had they been favored with the same opportunity. IN REGARD TO HARD TIMES When the newspapers of a country generally acknowledge that hard times are being experienced in tha country, the allegation may be taken for a fact. And we are told tha hard times are now prevalent in Ger many. Doubtless exceptionally hard times is , meant, for in a country where its people are constantly leav ing it in quest of better conditions in a foreign land, there hard times must be of a chronic order. And Ameri can competition is down as the cause of it. This is strange, if true! It can hardly be conceived how in this country of "protection" and high wages it is possible to make prices such as to interfere very materially with the industries of another country paying only "pauper wages.", Yet if it isn't this what is it, for there are no greenbacks and "50 cent dollars " in vogue in Germany, nothing but the soundest of " sound money " the adorable yellow metal itself, and there is no threatening "Bryanism to make its great money magnates afraid j V And yet the hard times may be attributable to the 1 same cause that produces hard times all the time for the great majority of the people of every country even in what are called " prosperous times." And that cause is the little reward accorded the service or labor of some people and the big reward accorded that of others the meagre. . wages of the. manual laborer, for instance, in com" parisori with that of the politician, the speculator and the professional man. .The ' hard times," it will be noticed, is always with the people of labor- they who produce the wealth of the world, while seldom or never with the others. - BOTH SIDES SATISFIED WITH THE SITUATION. Here is another of those peculiar cases where extremes appear to meet in perfect harmony. We find it in the Associated Press news of the big strike: The Amalgamated people point with pride to the conduct of their members m restraining themselves from violence when they see non unionists beine marched into th mills to take their places. The inci dent at the Star plant yesterday morning is given as an example of especial significance and, to use an Amalgamated officer's expression, shows that the men have been edu cated to the knowledge that their strongest weapon in such cases is silence and submission until it is demonstrated that the mills cannot be operated successfully without the aid of the skilled men now on strike. The steel men, on the other hand, are highly pleased with their success in manning the Star plant and say that if the men they secure are not molested it will be but a short time until all of their mills will be in full operation and doing good work. The officers of the steel trust are evidently the more sagacious mana gers. Under conditions as they ex ist if the strikers remain passive de feat is certain. The "strike-breakers " will tfcen be found more plenti ful than if danger attended their avocation. And that strike-breakers in abundance are to be found seems evident. Of course this doesn't tally exactly with the shout of " prosper ity " as so often heard, but who cares for a little inconsistency of this kind when an important point is to be gained in another direction. However, permitting the officials of the steel trust to carry out their plans in peace may be just as well after all. If physical force be re-, sorted to in opposition they are pre pared for it. They have the law and the laa enforcers at their back. This is something the workingmen in their blindness ignore when all. is peace. They eschew the study of politics and political action as having nothing in common with the spirit or result of trade unionism. They seem in capable of discerning that it is by politics and by politics only that the policeman, the court and the " gov ernment by injunction" judge is made. So when it comes to the tug of war with their employers they are thus at a disadvantage. It is not essential that there be men enough out of employment to take the place of every striker in order to break the strike and subdue the strikers. It is not a contest of equals by any means. One side can afford to incur much material loss and still have plenty to eat, drink, wear and remain well housed, while the other is ever on the ragged edge of destitution and despair. Under such circumstances nent at any time, ever thus while the a break is immi And it will be workers confine their economic education to the nar row limits of trade union tenets WHAT'S TO BE DONE WITH THE NEGRO? Although there was a terrible san guinary conflict in this country near ly forty years ago over the status of the negro, and at the end of which it was thought the matter was Settled for all time, yet the question is still very, much alive and evidently baffles the wisest statesmanship amongst us for a solution. ' ; In the South where the negro was once a slave, then a so-called free man, he is now being disfranchised. He isn't wanted there any more, and he isn't wanted elsewhere unless it be at times by some of the "captains of industry " to aid in subduing his white brother into industrial bond age. . A Southern paper speaking on the subject refers to a number of colored people betaking themselves from. Ala bama to Illinois a little white : ago Their experience although pot so painful as that of a contingent who preceded them a few . years, was nevertheless decisive; They; weren't allowed to enter the village for which they were ticketed, but wereheld on the cars in mortal terror for some thad better tines; what else could they qo ? and we are left in the dark as sto how they were enabled to ; do, that. In this connection one of our 'Western daily papers took occasion -tp dilate on the subject in this way: There is not much room, for differ ence of opinion on the one joint of negro xaoor. ic is oaa tor tne DiacKs, bad for the whites, and badi for the industries that resort to it. There is a preiumce against tnem.; at tne North, and their life here -is not a desirable one'. -Tpiey are objectionable because they introduce an alien element of a low ferade of intelligence, skill and morality. Con flicts with the whites and among themselves become quite : common ; the peace of communities is disturbed and there are scenes " of lawlessness, riots, and often of murder. The negro colonies set, up aboutPittsburg have been hotbeds of crime dissipa tion and .rioting, attended with numerous killings. It is much better for the negroes to remain at their old home or in the section' of country where they are best understood." We sometimes hear of the emanci pation bfour million of bond people by the stroke of a pen of the- im mortal Abraham Lincoln. But in reality no soch event ever transpired in the history of this country ; They were freed in theory but not in prac- ice. In fact many of them have been far worse off in this theoretic reedom than were they in actual bondage. In slavery they were cared or by a master who found it to his interest to care for them at "Jeast as well as he would for his horse or other animal of service or labor, whereas in theoretic freedom they were nobody's children, so to speak, and were left in no position to be able to take care of themselves. And so long as onr civilization is based on competive industry, with the land on which we live and from which we live the preempted posses sion of a few to the exclusion of the many, there will be a negro question to agitate and to settle; aye, and a white man's question just as well. In this one is inseparable from the other. The one conspicuous failure of Ameri can institutions is the government of Its great cities. Professor Bryce in American Commonwealth. HONOR THE COURAGEOUS. !rin BraTe and Honorable Men Who Are Loyal to Unionism. The great steel strike will be useful, it for no other reason, because it proves the courage of 100,000 highly paid American workmen. These are the men who have given up profitable employment, facing in definite poverty and hardship for the sake of a principle, because they be lieve that their duty is to their fellow workmen and to the organization which they have built up together. The steel trust rejoices in the fact that some of the workmen have re fused to quit work and have stood by the trust ' ' In every army there are a certain number -of deserters, and tut for tbe fear of court martial there would be a great many more. The workmen who disobey the order to strike are simply the soldiers who lack the courage to go under fire. They are glad to take the high wages which only unionism can bring. Thijr are glad to share the prosperity and the power of the organization in times of peace. . But they have not the ieart to fight. Like the peace loving solditv, they run away when the fight begins. Ttiy are not to' be blamed oo severely, for with the constitutional coward It is impossible to overcome cowardice. Think as kindly as you can of the poor devils who shirk and show : the white feather when the battle begins. Hunger Is aGifficult proposition to deal with. ; : "fr . . . But don't forget to honor the men who are loyal to their agreement and stick by their fellows. And don't forget to honor the wom en, the wives of these men. For In all labor fights no courage is greater than that displayed by women, although the greatest suffering Is endured by them. The strikers of today may be beaten Individually. They may be permanent ly worse off for having stuck together like men. - ' But they will at least have earned honorable reputations for themselves and their children. They 1 will have rendered Important service to the fu ture. They are the heroes and bene factors of the Industrial system. ' : Do you say: "There is nothing in It for them?" True. : - - But there was "nothing In It" appar ently for thousands of men who died at the end of the eighteenth century to make this nation Independent and to establish a home where millions of workmen now live comfortably. And there was "nothing in it" for the hundreds of thousands of men who died in the war of the rebellion to keep this country united and to prevent the national Union from breaking uj. But; while there was "nothing in It" In the usual sense there was glory in It. When trades unionism was first es tablished, there were many men exe- because they had dared to go on strike and resist employers. . They were the original industrial patriots fighting for a modern industrial system based on unionism. They were like the soldiers in our Revolutionary war. The men fighting today for the prin ciple of unionism, to keep alive' the union system established, are like the men who fought in the sixties for the 'principle of unionism between states, to keep alive the nation. Masy mistakes will be made by the soldiers fighting today. lany mistakes were made by soldiers fighting In past times, excited and often violent. ; And the timid of all classes editors and others will shiver when a mistake Is made and denounce all the generals and all the soldiers because of the mis takes of a few camp followers. But the future will overlook the mis takes and remember with gratitude the results of the fight and the courage of the men who preferred permanent prin ciple to temporary wages. New York Evening Journal. Child Labor la the South. ' It Is cot feasible in a single article to follow in such detail the course of the movement In Georgia and In the Caro linas. The general trend has been the same, and the variations have sprung from the degree of development of the textile industry In each state and the strength of tbe Interests bound up In It rather than from the temper of the citizens or the character of their legis lative tendencies. In these states, re spectively, there are many more mills than in Alabama, each one having from 35,000 to 60,000 operatives now In the. factories. .The proportion of child workers among these averages form 6 to ,8 per cent. Bills similar to those offered In Alabama came up before eaeh of these legislatures last winter, and, though defeated, showed In every case an astonishing gain In strength of support since the previous season. In Georgia especially public sentiment was so strong in favor of the. child labor measure that its friends felt over secure and, In consequence, did not sufficiently estimate the political re source controlled by the mill corpora tions. But a carefully organized errort Is now under way to make ready to meet this danger next KoveraDer. Gunton's Magazine. Wide Awake Unionists. An employment agent had an Inter esting though troublesome experience In the city of Leadville, Colo the other day. He was there for the purpose of hiring men to take the places of strik ing smeltermen at Northport,, Wash., and Roseland, B. C, and got a few men to go with hun. Union members, be coming acquainted with his mission, had him arrested for setting up an agency without a license, delayed his departure for the northwest and In the meantime informed his dupes -of the conditions and persuaded - them to I tesert. A. P. OF L. STRENGTH. POSITION AND POWER OF THE GREAT LABOR ORGANIZATION. What It Can Do to Help a Constitu ent Union IIotv It Might Inaugu rate a Sympathetic Strike Limit to Its Power to Assess. The Star has compiled from most re liable sources the name and member ship of every organization In- the American Foteratioa of Labor. This membership, in individuals, amounts to 1,452,446. The organizations embraced Include 84 national and international unions, 20 state branches, 280 city cen trals and 1,544 local trade and federal labor unions, making a total of 1,923 organizations. The action that can be taken by these affiliated bodies in assisting any one of their members in trouble Is not limited, provided a meeting of the representa tives of the affiliated bodies Is called for action in a specific case. The as sistance that can be rendered through the officers of the American Federation of Labor, however, Is clearly defined by the constitution and bylaws governing that organization. This assjptance Is limited to financial aid. The officers of the American Federation of Labor have no authority to declare a sympathetic strike, but can "levy an assessment of 1 cent per. member per week on , all affiliated unions for a period not ex ceeding ten weeks in any one year, to assist in the support of an affiliated or ganization engaged in a protracted strike or lockout." This law has been Interpreted to mean that & xO Cent as sessment can be levied on the affiliated members once a year. If the full 10 cent assessment should be levied for the benefit of the steel strikers, however. It would amount to less than $150,000, and would not go far in the struggle. In discussing the power of the execu tive council of the American Federa tion of Labor in strike matters a prom inent member of that council said: "We are not hampered In the least by our constitution and bylaws. There are a hundred ways In which the ex ecutive council of the federation can take effective action in aiding a strike. For instance, a meeting could be or dered of delegates from all affiliated bodies, and at such a 'meeting any action might be taken that seemed ex pedient. If it was deemed wise to order a sympathetic strike of certain affiliated trades, this could be done, and while - perhaps there would be nothing, to .compel the men so ordered to strike, there would be no doubt of their obeying the order. Then, too, If the 10 cent assessment authorized to be levied for any one , organization should prove Insufficient, this conven tion could levy an additional assess ment. Financial aid In addition to the 10 cent assessment could also be given by independent action being taken by any of the national or international organizations, either through a special assessment of their members" or ' by voting money out of their treasury." , The following is a list of organiza tions affiliated with the American Fed eration of Labor and shows the strength of the organization: . i :.:".. . Members. Actors , 20C 6,000 8,000 10,000 6,000 15,000 8,000 Allied Metal Mechanics Bakers 1 Barbers . Blacksmiths. Boiler . Makers. .......... Bookbinders Boot and Shoe Workers................... Brewery Workers Brickroakers Bridge and Structural Iron Workers Broom makers..."..; Bottle Blowers................. Carpenters, Amalgamated society Carpenters, United Brotherhood.... Carriage and Wagon Makers.............. Carvers, Wood Chainmakers 12,000 85,000 2,500 10,000 8,000 6,400 2,500 90,000 4.000 3,000 '1,000 Cigar Makers..................... 40,000 Clerks 0,000 Coopers ...... 8,000 2,000 873 11,000 8,000 1.500 . 6,800 2,600 BOO 0,000 2,600 Coremakers .......... Curtain Operatives. ....... Drivers, Team..... Electrical Workers........ Engineers, Coal Hoisting.. Engineers, Steam Engineers, Amalgamated society. ......... Engravers, Watch Case Firemen, Stationary fitters, Steam and Hot Water..... Garment Workers.....' 2fl,00C Garment Workers, Ladies'. ........ ....... 2,000 Glass Flatteners Glass Workers, Amalgamated Granite Cutters....... Grinders, Table Knife... Hatters Hbrseshoen Hotel and Restaurant Employees. ......... Iron, Steel and Tin Workers Jewelry Workers...... Lathers 2,000 2,000 8,00C . 240 12,000 6,000 13,000 60,000 8,000 8,000 8,000 4,600 Laundry Workers. Leather Workers on Horse Goods...... Longshoremen 40,000 Machinists 65,000 Meat Cutters.. ...... 6,600 Metal Polishers.... 9,000 Metal Workers, Sheet 7,000 Metal Workers, United... 4 8,600 Mine Workers 275,000 Mine Workers, Northern Mineral.... 2,000 Molders, Iron 48,000 Musicians 12,000 Oil and Gas WeU Workers. Painters '. Paper Makers.............. Pattern Makers............. Plumbers 8,000 40,000 2,000 4,006 11,000 1,000 18,000 6,000 Printers, Plate.. Pressmen Potters Railway Clerks , 2,000 Railway Employees, Street 9,000 Ball way Telegraphers 12,000? Bail way Trackmen. 6,000! Seamen 10,000 Spinners, Mule...... t 2,700 Stage Employees 8,000 Stove Mounters 2,600 Tailors 12,000 Textile Workers 60,000 Tile Layers................ 1,600! 8,000 8,000 I 234. 40,000 ' 1,400 285; 250 226 25,000 . 4,000 2.000 2,00C 200,000' Tiri Plate Workers Tobacco Workers..... Trunk and Bag Workers... Typograbpical union.. Upholsterers ".. Watch Case Makers Weavers, Eiastie Goring... Weavers, Wire. Wood Workers.'.........:.. Carmen Paving Cutters..... Leather Workers fcocal unions, miscellaneous.....; Total of national unions .1,452.443 -' Washington -Star. I A LABOR REVOLUTION. The Pessimist and Optimist and th Middle Ground Between Them. Time -was when hoboes and labor saving machines were unknown; when railroads and nervous prostration. ha4 not come In style; when capital and la bor got along in harmony because it never entered the head of labor to pro test against the exactions of the mas ter, vr... ';. Pessimists refer, to that period as the "good old days'? and yearn for a rever sion to more primitive ways of living, ' unharassed by labor agitations, nntron- , bled by the fear of some Invention which would take the bread out of ' their mouths to fill the storehouse of the plutocrats. The poor, they say, are. growing poorer and the rich richer." Railroads and manufacturers are com- binlng to extort the last dollar from the producer, lawmakers are subsi- dized In the Interest of capital, and.., Justice Is moribund, if hot already . dead. . - , ' ' Then our poor pessimist winds up by predicting a bloody revolution in which the masses will rise against the classes ana dispossess them of their 111 gotten t wealth. He stops there. The prophecy does not state whether in the general overturn the, masses are to become the classes and lord it over their erstwhile masters or whether an equal division of the spoils is to be made. I In the lat ter case our shortsighted pessimist overlooks the fact that the same as tuteness which now enables one man to accumulate millions while another )f runs Into debt would soon restore the" ; old order of things. . - 0 On the other hand, the optimist scoffs ; at the Idea of the good old days being any better than the present. He de scribes the ceaseless labor of the work ingman of that time, leaving him no leisure for recreation or mental lm-. provement. ' In those bad old days, says our smiling optimist, the laboring man was too stupid to rebel." He was like a dull ox yoked to the plow, am bltlonless, knowing nothing, caring nothing, save to rise in the morning, go through his round of drudgery nd ea't and sleep enough to enable him to pursue the same course on the follow Ing day. . ' 2 Where were the public schools, hos pitals, asylums, public libraries, fre collegiate scholarships and other de vices for the amelioration of social con ditions? he triumphantly asks. Has not the poor man of today a chance of be coming the rich " man of tomorrow ? Have not the labor saving inventions, I even though they do temporarily em barrass the men whom they have su perseded, proved a blessing in the end. creating a greater demand by the cheap- ; ening of commodities? Have they not shortened the hours of labor? and so ca Indefinitely. As usual, the truth lies between tha two extremes, with a leaning toward the optimistic end. The laboring man has had his troubles in all ages, varied "in nature by different conditio" 3. A revolution" isf ffoTTSrflyTmrnlneat.'TUut' is1'""' actually in progress." It is not a bloody affair and is not likely to become suet: Nevertheless two armies are marshaled, represented on the one hand by organ ized labor and oh the other by organ ized capital, backed by unorganized la bor, the .latter composed largely cf men and, women lacking either in abil ity or the courage to make them will ing to run the risk of antagonizing their employers. . It is true there are many whose family ties seem to make it imperative that they accept half a loaf rather than take the chance of haying none, or, being In destitute cir cumstances, they are In a way forced Into taking positions at a lower wage than that demanded by organized workers. V .. - : - : The fact that mechanical jdevices have thrown the. labor market out of balance, ' , making it impossible under present conditions for every worker to hold a situation causes the unemploy ed to become the chief obstacle In the way of bringing about a more equlta-; ble state of affairs. r : - -. All the flneese of the financier could Hot avail against a solid union of the laboring men and women of the world. When this union is accomplished, which will not be long hence, "the golden era of human equality will be ushered lny when the worker will share In the ad vantages of labor saving appliances, and what seems now like a curse will prove a blessing. The hours of labor will be shortened to such an extent as may be necessary to give every one a share of employment. General Intelli gence will have a greater opportunity to developand the extremes of poverty and wealth will become matters of his tory only. Lola E. GItt In Los Angeles Herald. ' ; . io Test tne Label. ' The committee on publications of Typographical union, No. 16, of Chicago has recently completed arrangements with one of the largest subscription publishing houses in the country for a high class work of the firm, which ft will soon issue, that will bear' the label of the Allied Printing Trades' council. It Is the purpose of the firm to give the union label a thorough test on one of Its standard works, and If the recognition afforded It by the mem bers ef organized labor -justify the new departure, it is the intention to make the label a unlvessal adjunct of all its publications. Eisrnt Hoars For Brewers. Through the energetic efforts of the Eccentric Association of Brewery En gineers, who tire connected with the American federation as loeal'No. 245, New York, of the. National Union of Brewery Workmen,, all the breweries in TJew Yorkhave recently adopted the eight hour workday. - . . This condition- has , been brought about by friendly conference between representatives of local 245 and the boss breweri without any. suggestion Of -a strike.