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THE ILUNOI FREE TRADER. Our Country, her Commerce, and her Free Institutions. ft VOLUME I. OTTAWA, ILLINOIS, FRIDAY, JULY 21, 1840. NUMBER 10. FUBMSUID WEEKLT BT GEORGE F. WEAVER & JOHN HISE, Canal Strett, nearly opposite the Mansion IImsc. TK MS .' Two dollar.-! and fifty ccnU per annum, if paid in advance j Three dollar if not paid before the cxpi- ralinn of llio fir.jt.ir mnnlhs! Anil three dollarS and twenty-five ccnta if delayed until the end of the year. . Advertisements inserted at f I per square tor the Snit iniBrtioit, and 25 cents for each sub sequent insertion. A liberal discount made to those who adverline by the year. All communicatioiiH, to ensure attention, must be post paid. 1 JOB WORK Of every description, executed in the neatest man manner, at the usual prices. Ottawa is the scat of justice of La Salle county ; is situated at the junction of the Fox river with the Illinois, 290 miles, by water, from Saint Louis, and mid-way between Chicago and Peoria. The population of Ottawa is about one thousand. LITERARY MISCELLANY. From the Hudson Mirror. WHAT HO WE LIVE FOBf AVhat do we live for 1 is it to be The sport of fortune's power! To la inch our bark on pleasure's sea, And float perhaps an hour? To waste our time in idle dreams Of what may be to-morrow, To glean with care from present scenes The source of future sorrow! What do we live for ? is't to find The ties of friendship broken, That loves a sound to cheat mankind, And dies as soon as spoken ! To mark the woes on others hurled Nor weep their hapless lot! To hate our fellow curse the world To die and be forgot ! No! we were formed to seek for truth Through paths m.dc plain by reason ; To hail that light in earliest youth Which shines in every season. Yes ! we were made to win below The boon hereafter given; To calmly smile at earthly wo, And find our home in heaven. Ortilton tlrlirrrrd by John '. f 'hmnplin, q., at Ottawa, July 4, ISIO. FELLOW-CITIZENS : If the occasion on which it might have fallen to my lot to have addressed so nu merous an assemblage of my fellow-citizens, had have been of a far more ordina ry character than that which has brought us here to-day, I should feel that I per ceived in the audience I am now about to address, to me so unusual, a more than common necessity to ask of you, your most favorable indulgence. If, however, I permit myself to reflect on the great event, whose emblem I see floating yon der, on the great principles which occa sioned it, and the importance of its results, I cannot fail to be most deeply impressed, with the difficulty of meeting as I could wish, what this occasion requires if, to these considerations I may be permitted to add, that the interposition of unexpec ted avocations since I have been honored by your choice to address you on this oc casion, lias prevented my devoting to it that attention which my respect for those who conferred that honor would have alone prompted, I hope I may be per mitted to rely with more than usual con fidence on your indulgence to excuse whatever may fall short of that which the occasion, and your own just expectations might require. It is sixty-four years this day, since an event, wnicn is an era, not in our own history only, but in the annals of the world, took place. It was on that day that fifty-six men, for themselves and their country, by a solemn declaration, in the face of the world and of Heaven, avowed their determination to be free. With them it was no idle vaunt. Upon it they stak ed not only life, but what to them was more valuable, their fortunes and their sacred honor. Nor was it for themselves that thev thus hazarded every thing that is valuable to man. T7ieir chains might have been, would have been guilded : it would have been for us, when time and art had rendered trie victim secure, to have worn the undisguised manacle. It was this which was foreseen : it was for this that they dared the horrors of war and the penalties of treason. Let us pause for one moment to consider what this liberty is, which could inspire so no ble a resolution in the breasts of grey headed men which inspired them to jeopardize every thing that in this world is valuable, and armed them with fortitude to bear the consequences of the sacrifice. Liberty, like every thing deemed sacred among men, is invaluable, or a bauble, according to the existing sentiment of those who may feel, or may want its pow er. Yet it is an impulse i like the cease less play of the lungs, or beating of the heart, its sentiment, more or less pure, ceases but with life. In its full enjoy, ment, it is difficult to conceive the abject nf S3 of its privation : deprive the mean est of mankind of its enjoyment, and, if learned, they will struggle from reason; if ignorant, from impulse, like the grasp of the drowning man at a straw, for its re acquisition. Hence it is, that the history of the world, is the spectacle of mankind struggling to acquire, or sinking beneath the loss of their liberty. Rarely in this world's drama has is happened, that any of its actors have enjoyed, beyond the period of a single generation, it3 undis turbed possession. Deprived of it, they struggle to reacquire : perhaps successful, they lose their perceptions of its value : a demagogue, or a tyrant avails himself of the crisis : lost, its value is again per ceived, and the struggle for its reclama tion commences. If there be any who deem this an idle theory, let them permit the history of all past times to remind them of its truth. It was not until Rome became corrupt that she had her Caesar : it was not until the Roman people were swept fm the face of creation, that their struggles for liberty ceased. The history of Rome, in this respect, is the history of mankind. Its emblem, if not its cause, may be found in the physical constitution of man like him, the states and political communities he erects, progress from in fancy and tender years, the period of weakness, but of truth, to the strength and powerof manhood ; and, in the course of a period of years proportionate to their greatness, and the materials of their con stitution, subside into decay and dissolu tion ; while the soil, the inert matter up on whose foundations they are raised, like the spirit which created it, is eternal. Of all the vast empires or petty states which the page of history represents as the busy actors upon the stage of life, there is not one upon whose foundations, the tooth of time his not engraven an epitaph. While the formation of matter over which . . 1 man lias exercised dominion, resist tne assaults of the corroding elements, and retain for many thousand years, the forms and purposes which he willed on their re-prod u etion ; the spirit of man though unassailed by these, contains in itself the impulses of that ceaseless change, which defies the ingenuity of mankind to chain it to a fixed formation and purpose. The work of his hands will outlast the work of his head, and his own dust survive the empire of his mind. The Pyramids of Egypt, the very clay of the kings who built them still remain : while the govern monts which they formed, and hundcreds which have succeeded them, have yielded to the empire of that ceaseless law, which bids them arise, flourish, decay, and pass into dissolution. From the force of this aw, we may not be exempt. It may be, and it will be, that the temple of liberty which our fathers have raised, will in the course of centuries, pursue the law of its creation, and crumble and decay ; that there will spring from its foundations a new, and a better or a meaner structure, according as the incidents of fortune, or the caprice of man may determine. lint it is not therefore necessary that we should cherish, with less anxiety and solicitude, that inheritence of liberty which our fathers have left us. So far from it, that to know that it is a law of its nature that it shall decay, is to know the essential means of imparting to existence duration. Could man, ignorant of the ultimate law of his natnre, guard against those causes which continually impel an acceleration of his fate ? Knowing it, is he not enabled by his caution in avoiding the accidents of fortune, and his care in preserving his health, to give to his brief existence a duration and value it could not otherwise attain? It is so with liberty. Knowing that it, like man, of whose na ture it is a part, must at length yield to that inherent law which consigns both to dissolution, he explores, in the history of the past, the aspect of the present, and his forecast of the future, the causes of its decay, and the means of its preserve tion. Our fathers, at a sacrifice never sur passed, have bequeathed to us this inher itance in a purity never equalled. It is but for us to preserve, what they have transmitted it is but for us to cherish what they have created. But if it be ! true, that such is the obliquity of man s nature, that liberty, its noblest element, tends, with it, to decay ; if it be true, that the ceaseless vigilance with which it should be guarded, requires of his nature an incessant toil, more fatigueing, and less susceptible of endurance, than the bold, the dating, it may be the self-sacrificing and fatal impulse by which it is acquired: it may still be, that while to them is a warded the glory of acquiring, for a land, the most beautiful of any upon which the light of heaven has yet shone, a liberty, the most enlightened, and the most exalt ed, of any mankind have yet enjoyed ; upon ns falls the less dazzling, but, if al history if the analogies of nature, and the laws of man do not deceive us, the not less difficult task of prv rving what they have so nobly left us. Nor let us deem, because we possess it, that it is but a glittering bauble, which it would be our shame only, and not our misfortune, o lose. It is not alone the sparkling jewel, or the flaming meteor which daz zles, but which may corrupt, or may de stroy : it is the genial sun also, which gives fertility to our fields, and comfort to our homes. It is not far we have to look to discern that this is no airy castle of words, built up but to be gazed at and passed by ; we have but to cast our eyes upon a neighboring province, to perceive, in their condition, a conviction of its truth : to discern, in Canadian privation of its influence, how essential liberty is, not to the glory of a nation only, but to the prosperity of the people. Approach ing nearer, perhaps, to us their American neighbors, in their perception and enjoy ment of liberty than any other communi ty : dwelling in a country of the most redundant natural resources ; equalling at least, the most favored portion of our own land in this respect ; we have yet but to contrast her condition, in population, in enterprise, in intelligence, in wealth, in every tiling, in fact, v. l.ich makes a peo ple great, prosperous, or happy to feel, that it demonstrates to us and to mankind, that to liberty we owe something more than the glory of having wrested her from the grasp of reluctant oppression : some thing more, than the consciousness that we may claim with exultation and pride, to be the only nation upon the face of the earth, enjoying a full, just, and enlightened freedom: that to her we owe the broad culti vated fields, and the teeming villages and cities, that spring as by magic, from the surface of our vast, and beautiful, and so lately wild domain : those vast chains of internal improvements, unrivalled in the oldest Despotisms in the world, which leaves to our vast territories all their ex tent, but annihilates the labor of traversing their limits which " whitens every sea with our canvass," and brings the wealth of all nations to our shores : which in spires all with industry, activity, and en terprise : and last, though not least, which diffuses knowledge, which is power, a mong all, by providing the means where by all may acquire it. If there be, on the face of the earth, another nation, possess ing with equal rapidity of acquisition, and enjoying, with equal general participation by all its citizens, all, or any considerable portion of all these extraordinary advan tages: then let it be said, that to liberty we owe nothing that to acquire or enjoy it is but an idle blandishment ; but if there 1 . . . 1 . . 1 1 . 1 1 1 oc not, ici tnc value oi mat wnicn we inherited from our fathers, and the impor tance of preserving and cherishing it, sink, with the most profound reflection of its priceless value, deep in every Amcri ican breast. If it be true, then that liberty is thus valuable, and that the antagonist princi pies of tyranny and usurpation are con tinually tending to supplant it, a knowl edge of the means whereby it may be preserved, and those Disunions influences which perpetually assail it, may be held in abeyance, becomes of the deepest im portance. A survey of the history of :ast times will leave us in little doubt, as to the causes by which communities once free, were deprived of their liber ty. Enjoying the full plenitude of freedom, they sigh for something more : that restless principle, ho deeply implanted in the human breast, which bids us seek in the auguries of the future, some solace for the real or unreal inqui etudes of the present, perpetually sug gests the reflection that some enjoyment to which we arc rightfully entitled is withheld : and the elements of which man's nature are composed must be changed, before we shall find that there are not enough uneasy and aspiring spirits in every state, if not to excite at least to iufluence, that inherent uneasiness which all feel with their present condition. I may cite, from the history of one of the most illustrious of ancient states, a perti nent example. Athens, while her gov ernment was vigorous, and the spirit of her people pure, had amassed a consider able fund, beyond the immediate wants of the state: which constituted what was then deemed a sacred trust, for the de fence of the state in times of peril and danger. A long enjoyment of liberty and repose, had induced a general effem inacy of manners and sentiment, and lull ed the perceptions of danger : a dema gogue proposed, in this crisis, that their funds should be devoted to procuring the atrical shows and entertainments, (of which they w ere extremely fond,) for the poor people. This was accordingly done; and its inherent turpitude protected by the enactment of a fatal penalty against any who should propose its repeal. However, a man by the name of Philip, whose clay was called by the name of king, and who dwelt in a country railed Macedonia, invaded the territories of the Athenians, vanquished them at the battle of Cherouae, and they passed from the condition of independent freemen, to that of servants to a king. The instructive reflection derived from this example is fortified by the whole history of man kind : and I think American citizens will not be slow to perceive, m what quarter to look for those influences which arc hos tile to liberty. One thing is certain, from whence, or howsoever they come, their approach will be masked by an effected solicitude for the public good : and while, in allliistory there is scarcely an example of two communities losing their liberty by precisely the same means, it is equal ly certain that the principle upon which they hive been enslaved has been always the same. An insiduous profession of solicitude for the public welfare, on the part of Demagogues who sought to ele vate themselves by the sacrifice of their country, acting upon a morbid sensibility to popular rights, equivalent to real insen sibility to true freedom, in whatever way manifested, has been the unchanging prin ciple upon which human liberty has ever been sacrificed. Hut, my fellow-citizens, while in critical survey of the present condition of public sentiment in our country, we can undoubtedly discern the existence of those influences which, when permitted to pre ponderate, end in the destruction of all which we hold sacred in freedom ; it is not less gratifying than extraordinary, if I have not misunderstood the history of the world, that, at the end of the long pe- riod of sixty four years, those disorgan izing principles seem scarcely more per ceptible than at the very commencement of our political existence. Such is yet the purity and intelligence of public sen timenl among us, that not one of those destructive influences has yet assumed the importance of a doctrine, or a princi pie, but has been permitted to arise and to fall as the opinions of individuals mere ly, and not as the doctrine of any party, however small or feeble. And I cannot have a more emphatic conviction of the correctness of this position, so gratifying if true, than to reflect, that of all these destructive influences, not one has yet ob tained a sufficient footing, to merit even a public reference to its dangerous tendency. The opinion which attacks the saercdnoss of vested rights, the most insiduous, the most plausible, and by far the most dan gerous of any, has been consigned to the mortification of being trampled tinder foot, by all parties, and forced to re ly, not on the voice of any parly for support, but upon the sophistries of indi viduals for being even known. Party, that spirit of evil, and as it is generally deemed, so hostile to liberty, and social welfare, has made no inroads as yet, up on the vigor of our free constitution. Nor can it, until it prefers its own advance ment, to the welfare of its country. It is not yet so late among us, that, let the strife of party spirit rage wilh what ve hemence and niiterness it will, let but the charmed sound, Thy Country is in dan grr, be blown upon the gale, and the storm is hushed: or pauses but to burst with united fury upon the invading foe. Who does not remember with what unanimity every man of this nation stood by (Jen. Jackson in demanding our just rights of France, a nation, too, for whom we felt every friendship and sympathy ? And, when we reflect that the lapse of nearly ten years has not cooled the una nimity wilh which we demand of our father land the soil which is ours, we arc permitted to reflect with a just pride, that the same sentiment which wrested from Cireat Britain this beautiful land, yet in spires the sons of those who acquired it. to preserve every tittle of the inheritance. There is too, in our own condition, one thing w hich creates a wide discrimination between our own prospect of continuing 4 to enjoy our freedom, and that of every other people who have proceeded us. It is founded in thisj That knowledge is power. Wherever, then, knowledge is, power will tend. Among the nations who have preceeded us, knowledge was limited to the lew ; consequently power, by its own inherent law, was continually gliding to them among us, knowledge is equally accessible to all the press the policy of our government, and the gener al sentiment of the people, have furnish ed the means, and enforced the necessity on all of acquiring it. Various causes, also, have prevented the existence among us, of those great disparities in native in tellect, which, more than acquired knowl edge enable their possessors to break down those landmarks, which less vigor ous spirits cannot surmount. One of them, perhaps the most important, strong ly discriminates us from every other na- tion. If vigor, or imbecility of intellect like personal conformation is a quality of inheritance, it will not be surprising, that a nation descended neither from the noble nor the peasant, but from those interme diate classes who arc more free, bold, and adventurous than cither, should pos sess every inherent quality, calculated to give to liberty its utmost possible duration. There may be, too, in the nature of the country we inhabit, so wild, so bold and picturesque, in its conformation : so un accustomed to the dominion of man, something more than an emblem, meiely, of the condition of her sons. I cannot pursuade myself, but that the dweller up on a cultivated plain, bearing in its habi tations and its fixtures, the evidence of the same long continued sway ; who sees from his youth to his grey hairs the same unchanged dominion exercised over the ist fields, over every thing around him, will yield more readily to the fixed condi tion of things under which he was born, than ho whose impulses are kept in con tinual play, by the traces of improvement and innovation winch every where sur round him. From all these considerations, then, but most especially from the general diffusion of knowledge among the mass of the peo ple with whom the whole power of the government by the republican principle resides, (and when knowledge is, power, by its own natural laws must tend to re main,) I think that we may justly believe that the institutions of our country will attain the utmost duration of which by the laws of their nature they are susceptible. And if we pause to reflect on the millions whose fate it will hereafter influence: on the vast territory over which the stars and stripes of our country shall hereafter be an emblem of liberty or of oppression; we shall perceive that if we would not be unworthy of our fathers it will need our utmost vigilance to transmit to times to come, what they sacrificed so much to transmit to us. Permit me to make one further allusion to what patriots have been accustomed to look upon as peculiaily inimical to the perpetuity of freedom, and to dwell for one moment upon our own condition m reference to it, and I have done. I mean party spirit. We cannot more appropri ately take leave of this occasion, than by recalling to our recollection the parting counsel of the father of his country, when about to relinquish its paternal government into other hands. " J here is an opinion that parties in " free countries are useful checks up- " on the administration of government, and " serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. " This, within certain limits is probably " true ; and in governments of a mnnar- " chical cast, patriotism may look with "indulgence it not with lavur upon the ' spirit of party. But, in those of " popular character, in governments purc- " ly elective, it is a spirit not to he en " couraged. From its natural tendency " it is certain there will alw ays be enough "oi mat spirit lor every salutary purpose; " ami mere Doing constant danger ol ox- " cess, the effort ought to be, by force of " public opinion to mitigate and assuage it ; a lire not to be quenched, it de- " maud an tiuilorin vigilance to prevent " it bursting into a flame : lest, instead of " warming, it should (0118111110." Such is the doctrine 5 I am proud to fay 1 most solemnly believe we have not d paneu irom us injunctions. 1 lie feelings and the circumstances under w hich we have met here this day, conveys the most forcible conviction that its counsels are deeply remembered. When we reflect that we arc in the midst, and on the eve of the termination of a most prolonged ami active contest lor the administration of our country : that in it, principles 0 the deepest importance are involved tha upon it, our feelings, perhaps our prr judi ten; have been deeply excited : and that now, in the very midst of all the passions these circumstances must create, wc lav 1 1 . . . .. . aside, lor mo day; the very recollection that they even ever existed, to sacrifice our common ollenngs upon the altar of patriotism, I cannot but feel, that vrc have kept with 110 unworthy fidelity the trust our fathers reposed in our hands and that wc shall llns day depart to our .... . j homes wilh a less intense feeling that wc are parlizaiis, nnd a deeper recollection that we arc brothers of a common eoun try, and a more united sentiment of pride and gratification at its prosperity an greatness. The MorU-ljr of Womnn. No society is more profitable, bocnusi none is more relined and provocative ol virtue, than that of refined and sensible woman. Cod enshrined peculiar good ness in the form of woman, that her beau ty might win, her gentle voice invite, and the desire of her favor persuade men': sterner souls, to leave the paths of sinfu strife for tho ways of pleasantness and peace. Hut when woman falls from thi blcfcscd eminence, nnd ink the guardian nu the chensher of pure and rational cn joyments into the coquette, and flattered idolator of idle fashion, she is unworthy of an honorable man's love, or a sensible man's admiration. Beauty hen but at best, "A pretty plaything, Dear deceit." We honor the chivalrous deference which is paid to woman. It proves that our men know how to respect virtue and pure affection, and that our women are worthy of such respect. Yet women should be something more than mere wo man to win us to her society To be our companions, ihey should be fitted to be our friends ; to rule our hearts, thev should be deserving the npprobatiorPof our minds. There are many such, nnd that there are ho more, is rather the fault of our sex than their own; and despite' all fhe unmanly scandals that have been thrown upon them in prose or verse, they w ould rather share in the rational conver sation of men of sense, than listen to the silly compliments of fools; and a man dishonors them as well as disgraces him self when he seeks dieir circle for idle )astime and not for the improvement of lis mind and the elevation of his heart. flferchants' Magazine. The reiuniii of ftnpolron JBonapiutc. The government of France having dc' eimined on the removal of the body of Bonaparte from St. Helena "to lhat coun try, to receive a pompous funeral, the public attention is much attracted totbe subject, and consequently the following account oi the remains and the coffins in which they were deposited, may prove interesting. It consists of a Memoran dum concerning the Demise of General lonaparte,' written by Sergeant Nilling- ton, then of the St. Helena Artillery, who as will be secu, took the most active part n the ceremony he describes so minutely, Ie says : On Sunday, lite Gth of May, 821, the day after the general's death, I was expressly sent for, while attending n ine service, to make a tin coffin for gen eral Napoleon Bonaparte. On Monday the 7th, I was ordered to attend at Long wood house for the pnrpose of soldering up the body of General Bonaparte in the tin coflin, which was performed in the ollowmg manner, 111 the presence of Gen.- Bertrand nnd others. The body of the ate (Jen. Napoleon Bonaparte, attired in full uniform, was deposited in a tin coffin, the inside being lined with white silk and . cotton. His cocked hat was laid across his thighs, and on the left breast of his coat were a gold star and cross, and seve ral other medals of the same metal ; sev eral pieces of coin of various sizes and lifleront values were also put into the cof fin. His heart was deposited in a silver tirn or tureen filled with spirits, to which I soldered a lid or cover of the same ma terial, which was placed between the small parts ol his leg . His stomach was de posited in a silver mug, in which there were spirits, which was also put into the coflin. A silver plate, knife, fork, and spoon, and a silver service Cup, were al$. eposncd 111 tho Collin. Previously, placing the body of the General in th.. coflin, the tin lid of the coflin being lined with white silk and stuffed with cotton, it was put into its place, and I soldered it on the coflin, enclosing the late General Napoleon Bonaparte, and all the above mentioned articles. The (in coflin, with its contents, was then enclosed in a ma hogany coflin, and they were enclosed in a lead collin, and all were afterwards cn- oaoi.1 in a mahogany coflin, which made in all four eoflins.' !iKhf. Silent and solemn night! thou art ever sacred to my feelings 5 I hou art tne benefactress of the atllirtcd whose tears, thou driest ! Thou nrt the friend of the unfortunate, whose sorrows arc forgotten in thy gentle dreams! Thon art the mother f the weary, who sink to repose in thy arm1", and receive from thee new life and new vigor! Thou art an cvi-" , donee of the majesty and power of God of his unfathomable, and ineffable good- ness Where is tho man who fcmaiiia tori; moved, when he walks fortli in tho'soli- tary night, ami beholds Innumerable w orlds spread out before him f WTich the stillness of death reigns in the streets which but a few hours before, were alive with the throng and bustle of the crowd 1 When the gardens and groves and habi fatious of men are silent ! -when ihe trees, and flow ers are enveloped in darkness, or seen in the pale and glimmering light of the moon f .. How insignificant would the earth appear, did not she receive a charm from the splendors of a midnight heavens . Where is the prowess of the mighty chief when weariness cornea upon him, and he. is bound in the arm of sleep t ' Wht are ihtf jriehca of the earth, when the pos Mrotfof, like one that is dead, dumber n conscious of them all. .