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THE PROGRESSIVE FARMER J 9 Tuesday, June 28, 1904. the eastern representative and Judge W. A. Hoke, of Lincoln, defeated Judge M. H. Justice for the western nomination. F. S. Spruill and W. A. Self were named as presidential electors, and J. S. Carr, Locke Craig, J. E. Woodard and E. J. Hale as delegates to the National Convention. Generous Treatment for the Negro. There were two topics about which it was ex pected that the platform makers might disagree the Watts Law and Governor Aycock's educa tional policy. Mr. Glenn, while he had not an nounced to the general public his belief in such a policy, was said to have written letters in sec tions where such sentiments were popular, declar ing for giving the negroes no more school money than their direct taxes pay for. It will be seen, however, that the platform adopted unreservedly endorses the forward movement in educational affairs, and when Dr. Faison presented the Duplin County resolution to limit negro school money to negro taxes, it was overwhelmingly defeated. This is a striking proof of old North Carolina's belief in being generous to the weak proof that Gov ernor Aycock voiced the sentiments of his people when he declared in his inaugural address two years ago: "The white people owe a high duty to the negro. It was necessary to the safety of the State to base suffrage on the capacity to exer cise it wisely. This results in excluding a great number of negroes from the ballot, but their right to life, liberty, property and justice must be even more carefully safeguarded than ever. It is true that a superior race cannot submit to the rule of a weaker race without injury; it is also true in the long years of God that the strong cannot op press the weak without destruction." Some changes ought to be made in our system of negro education that is true. The entire negro school system should be given an industrial cast, and the recent regulation requiring the teaching of agriculture to all pupils over 14 is a ssiep in mis direction. xui to crippie tneir schools, as Governor Aycock points out, would be unjust and would also demoralize our labor condi tions, driving away from the State thousands more of our best laborers than left on account of the Amendment. The Watts Law Endorsed. It was rumored in Greensboro, first that the platform committee would not endorse the Watts Act and then that a fight would be made on any plank approving it. It developed, however, that neither rumor was correct. The temperance forces in North Carolina are now well organized and are making their influence felt in what we regard as a perfectly legitimate way. We do not think the Chairman of the Anti-Saloon League exceeded his authority in any degree when he asked the several candidates for Governor to de fine their positions as to temperance legislation. As Major Stedman said, "I recognize the right of the people to interrogate the men who ask for their suffrages." The people should also have de manded that each candidate state his platform as to public education and all other State matters. There were many delegates at Greensboro last week who would have been prepared to act more intelligently had this been done. Some had come to support Mr. Glenn because of his alleged oppo sition to Governor Aycock's educational policy; some had come to support him because they be lieved him to be in thorough sympathy with it. Some had been instructed against Major Stedman (before the Anti-Saloon League made its inqui ries) because of his reported support by the Liquor Dealers' Association; some had come to support him because of his supposed advanced stand for temperance. The Anti-Saloon League, as we see it, did exactly right in requiring each candidate to speak out. And more and more let us demand that candidates for high and impor tant offices define their positions on all leading issues. Thus shall we bring an end to the time when demagogues and trimmers can delude the people by appearing to favor a policy where it is popular and to oppose it where it is not popular, But what we started out to say in this para graph is that the temperance forces are very clearly making their influence felt throughout the State. Major Stedman doubtless lost many votes by the persistent rumors that he was the "whiskey candidate," and the overwhelming defeat of George L. Morton must be attributed chiefly to his position as leader of the anti-temperance element in the last Legislature. RURAL DELIVERY AND GOOD ROADS. Not being certain as to the fate of the proposed amendment providing that no rural delivery route should be rejected on account of the roads if a carrier could be found to accept the position, we recently wrote Congressman Pou as to the status of the provision. In reply we have the following letter which we believe we violate no confidence in publishing: "Mr. Simmons introduced an amendment to the effect that no rural free delivery route should be turned down on account of the condition of the roads provided a competent man could be found who was willing to act as carrier. The amend ment passed the Senate and was added to the Postoffice Appropriation bill. When the bill went to the Conference Committee Mr. Simmons' amendment, unfortunately, was stricken out, and is not a part of the law. It was understood that the Postoffice Department, and especially Mr. Bristow, were opposed to Mr. Simmons' amend ment. If you will read the speech of Hon. E. F. Lever of South Carolina, made during the last session of Congress, you will see what great par tiality characterizes the action of the Postoffice Department in the establishment pf this service. It seems to be their desire to retain as much dis cretion over the establishment of this service a3 possible. The purpose of the Simmons amend ment was to take from them a part of this dis cretion. I think it very unfortunate that the Simmons amendment did not pass." In this connection it may be noted that 35 new North Carolina rural mail routes were started June 1st, bringing the total number up to 574. The Charlotte Chronicle reports that as soon as the present applications from Mecklenburg are acted on, every farm home in the county will be within a mile and a half of some route, while a majority of them will be much nearer. THE READER GETS HIS MONEY'S WORTH. This is one of those numbers of The Progressive Farmer that makes the reader say: "This week's paper alone is worth the price of a year's sub scription." In the first place, Entomologist Franklin Sher man who has made an exhaustive investigation of the strawberry weevil tells all about this nota ble pest and the best ways of fighting it. This ar ticle alone ought to be worth thousands of dollars to our strawberry growers. If you have a strawberry-raising friend who is not taking The Pro gressive Farmer, show him this article and inci dentally ask him for his subscription. In Prof. Kilgore's department there- is an inter esting review of soil investigations by the United States Department of Agriculture, and some ex cellent suggestions by Dr. Freeman as to "How Farm Boys Should Be Treated." J. H. Parker, of Perquimans County, reports his experience as a poultry raiser in a way that cannot fail to be of value to every reader who raises hens. It is just such reports of actual in vestigation and experience that make our agri cultural columns so valuable. And then Prof. Horner, of Horner School, has a heart-to-heart talk on "Educating that Boy of Your3." Prof. Horner is one of the best known educators in the State, and his article is unusually strong and thoughtful. Nor should we overlook Aunt Jennie's interest ing review of the life of Rebecca Boone, the wife of Daniel Boone. Her career was one of the most notable of all those brave pioneer women who left North Carolina for the new lands beyond the mountains. Next week Aunt Jennie will give the story of another pioneer woman of North Caro lina. The article on "Terracing Land" was crowded out of this issue, but will appear next week. In the same number we shall print one of John Charles McNeills inimitable articles. Thi3 time he will talk about swimming. We hope, Mr. Subscriber, we have succeeded in giving you your two cents' worth this week, but if there is any way we can make the paper more serviceable to you, nothing will please us more than to have you write us about it. The Duty of the Stronger Race to the Weaker. When I was elected Governor it was after the revolution of 1898. It was in the same -campaign in which we advocated and adopted the amend ment to the Constitution. These two campaigns were the occasion of much bitterness. They gave rise to intense passion. They set the two races in the State in fearful antagonism. The adoption of the amendment was the cause of grave anxiety to cur colored citizens. Their disfranchisement was to them a matter of grievous import, which made them feel that they were something less than citizens and in a large measure cut off from hope. I, in common with most of the thoughtful citizens of the State, realized this feeling of theirs. We had made the fight for the amendment in no enmity to the negro, but for the sake of good government, peace and prosperity. When, the fight had been won, I felt that the time had come when the negro should be taught to realize that while he would not be permitted to govern the btate, his rights should be held the more sa cred by reason of his weakness. I knew that our own passions had been aroused and that we were in danger of going too far. I realized to the fullest the peril of antagonizing the dominant and prevailing thought in the State, and yet, I be lieved that the people who had chosen me Gov ernor did so in the hope that I would be brave enough to sacrifice my own popularity my fu ture, if need be to the speaking of the rightful word and the doing of the generous act. I have therefore everywhere maintained the duty of the State to educate the negro. I have proclaimed this . doctrine in many places and in doing so I have frequently met the condemnation of friends whose good opinion I esteem and whose loyalty in the past I appreciate; but, holding my views, I could not have been worthy of the confidence of the great people 'of this State if I had con tented myself to remain silent. My position has brought satisfaction and even happiness to many humble homes in North Carolina, and the, negro whose political control I have fought with so much earnestness, has turned to me with grati tude for my support of his right to public school education. The amendment drove many of them out of the State. An effort to reduce their public schools would send thousands more of them away from us. In this hour when our industrial development demands more labor and not less, it becomes of the utmost importance that we shall make no mis take in dealing with that race which does a very large part of the work, actual hard physical labor in the State. I appeal to the generous, high minded North Carolinians to realize that we are confronted with a condition which demands statesmanship and not passion and prejudice. From Governor Aycock's address at Greensboro, N. C, June 23, 1904.