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The progressive farmer. (Winston, N.C.) 1886-1904, June 28, 1904, Image 9

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Tuesday, June 28, 1904.
the eastern representative and Judge W. A. Hoke,
of Lincoln, defeated Judge M. H. Justice for the
western nomination. F. S. Spruill and W. A. Self
were named as presidential electors, and J. S.
Carr, Locke Craig, J. E. Woodard and E. J. Hale
as delegates to the National Convention.
Generous Treatment for the Negro.
There were two topics about which it was ex
pected that the platform makers might disagree
the Watts Law and Governor Aycock's educa
tional policy. Mr. Glenn, while he had not an
nounced to the general public his belief in such
a policy, was said to have written letters in sec
tions where such sentiments were popular, declar
ing for giving the negroes no more school money
than their direct taxes pay for. It will be seen,
however, that the platform adopted unreservedly
endorses the forward movement in educational
affairs, and when Dr. Faison presented the Duplin
County resolution to limit negro school money to
negro taxes, it was overwhelmingly defeated. This
is a striking proof of old North Carolina's belief
in being generous to the weak proof that Gov
ernor Aycock voiced the sentiments of his people
when he declared in his inaugural address two
years ago: "The white people owe a high duty
to the negro. It was necessary to the safety of
the State to base suffrage on the capacity to exer
cise it wisely. This results in excluding a great
number of negroes from the ballot, but their right
to life, liberty, property and justice must be even
more carefully safeguarded than ever. It is true
that a superior race cannot submit to the rule of
a weaker race without injury; it is also true in
the long years of God that the strong cannot op
press the weak without destruction."
Some changes ought to be made in our system
of negro education that is true. The entire
negro school system should be given an industrial
cast, and the recent regulation requiring the
teaching of agriculture to all pupils over 14 is a
ssiep in mis direction. xui to crippie tneir
schools, as Governor Aycock points out, would be
unjust and would also demoralize our labor condi
tions, driving away from the State thousands
more of our best laborers than left on account of
the Amendment.
The Watts Law Endorsed.
It was rumored in Greensboro, first that the
platform committee would not endorse the Watts
Act and then that a fight would be made on any
plank approving it. It developed, however, that
neither rumor was correct. The temperance
forces in North Carolina are now well organized
and are making their influence felt in what we
regard as a perfectly legitimate way. We do not
think the Chairman of the Anti-Saloon League
exceeded his authority in any degree when he
asked the several candidates for Governor to de
fine their positions as to temperance legislation.
As Major Stedman said, "I recognize the right of
the people to interrogate the men who ask for
their suffrages." The people should also have de
manded that each candidate state his platform as
to public education and all other State matters.
There were many delegates at Greensboro last
week who would have been prepared to act more
intelligently had this been done. Some had come
to support Mr. Glenn because of his alleged oppo
sition to Governor Aycock's educational policy;
some had come to support him because they be
lieved him to be in thorough sympathy with it.
Some had been instructed against Major Stedman
(before the Anti-Saloon League made its inqui
ries) because of his reported support by the
Liquor Dealers' Association; some had come to
support him because of his supposed advanced
stand for temperance. The Anti-Saloon League,
as we see it, did exactly right in requiring each
candidate to speak out. And more and more let
us demand that candidates for high and impor
tant offices define their positions on all leading
issues. Thus shall we bring an end to the time
when demagogues and trimmers can delude the
people by appearing to favor a policy where it is
popular and to oppose it where it is not popular,
But what we started out to say in this para
graph is that the temperance forces are very
clearly making their influence felt throughout the
State. Major Stedman doubtless lost many votes
by the persistent rumors that he was the "whiskey
candidate," and the overwhelming defeat of
George L. Morton must be attributed chiefly to his
position as leader of the anti-temperance element
in the last Legislature.
Not being certain as to the fate of the proposed
amendment providing that no rural delivery route
should be rejected on account of the roads if a
carrier could be found to accept the position, we
recently wrote Congressman Pou as to the status
of the provision. In reply we have the following
letter which we believe we violate no confidence
in publishing:
"Mr. Simmons introduced an amendment to the
effect that no rural free delivery route should be
turned down on account of the condition of the
roads provided a competent man could be found
who was willing to act as carrier. The amend
ment passed the Senate and was added to the
Postoffice Appropriation bill. When the bill went
to the Conference Committee Mr. Simmons'
amendment, unfortunately, was stricken out, and
is not a part of the law. It was understood that
the Postoffice Department, and especially Mr.
Bristow, were opposed to Mr. Simmons' amend
ment. If you will read the speech of Hon. E. F.
Lever of South Carolina, made during the last
session of Congress, you will see what great par
tiality characterizes the action of the Postoffice
Department in the establishment pf this service.
It seems to be their desire to retain as much dis
cretion over the establishment of this service a3
possible. The purpose of the Simmons amend
ment was to take from them a part of this dis
cretion. I think it very unfortunate that the
Simmons amendment did not pass."
In this connection it may be noted that 35 new
North Carolina rural mail routes were started
June 1st, bringing the total number up to 574.
The Charlotte Chronicle reports that as soon as
the present applications from Mecklenburg are
acted on, every farm home in the county will be
within a mile and a half of some route, while a
majority of them will be much nearer.
This is one of those numbers of The Progressive
Farmer that makes the reader say: "This week's
paper alone is worth the price of a year's sub
scription." In the first place, Entomologist Franklin Sher
man who has made an exhaustive investigation
of the strawberry weevil tells all about this nota
ble pest and the best ways of fighting it. This ar
ticle alone ought to be worth thousands of dollars
to our strawberry growers. If you have a strawberry-raising
friend who is not taking The Pro
gressive Farmer, show him this article and inci
dentally ask him for his subscription.
In Prof. Kilgore's department there- is an inter
esting review of soil investigations by the United
States Department of Agriculture, and some ex
cellent suggestions by Dr. Freeman as to "How
Farm Boys Should Be Treated."
J. H. Parker, of Perquimans County, reports
his experience as a poultry raiser in a way that
cannot fail to be of value to every reader who
raises hens. It is just such reports of actual in
vestigation and experience that make our agri
cultural columns so valuable.
And then Prof. Horner, of Horner School, has
a heart-to-heart talk on "Educating that Boy of
Your3." Prof. Horner is one of the best known
educators in the State, and his article is unusually
strong and thoughtful.
Nor should we overlook Aunt Jennie's interest
ing review of the life of Rebecca Boone, the wife
of Daniel Boone. Her career was one of the most
notable of all those brave pioneer women who left
North Carolina for the new lands beyond the
mountains. Next week Aunt Jennie will give the
story of another pioneer woman of North Caro
lina. The article on "Terracing Land" was crowded
out of this issue, but will appear next week. In
the same number we shall print one of John
Charles McNeills inimitable articles. Thi3 time
he will talk about swimming.
We hope, Mr. Subscriber, we have succeeded in
giving you your two cents' worth this week, but
if there is any way we can make the paper more
serviceable to you, nothing will please us more
than to have you write us about it.
The Duty of the Stronger Race to the Weaker.
When I was elected Governor it was after the
revolution of 1898. It was in the same -campaign
in which we advocated and adopted the amend
ment to the Constitution. These two campaigns
were the occasion of much bitterness. They gave
rise to intense passion. They set the two races
in the State in fearful antagonism. The adoption
of the amendment was the cause of grave anxiety
to cur colored citizens. Their disfranchisement
was to them a matter of grievous import, which
made them feel that they were something less than
citizens and in a large measure cut off from
hope. I, in common with most of the thoughtful
citizens of the State, realized this feeling of
theirs. We had made the fight for the amendment
in no enmity to the negro, but for the sake of
good government, peace and prosperity. When,
the fight had been won, I felt that the time had
come when the negro should be taught to realize
that while he would not be permitted to govern
the btate, his rights should be held the more sa
cred by reason of his weakness. I knew that our
own passions had been aroused and that we were
in danger of going too far. I realized to the
fullest the peril of antagonizing the dominant and
prevailing thought in the State, and yet, I be
lieved that the people who had chosen me Gov
ernor did so in the hope that I would be brave
enough to sacrifice my own popularity my fu
ture, if need be to the speaking of the rightful
word and the doing of the generous act. I have
therefore everywhere maintained the duty of the
State to educate the negro. I have proclaimed
this . doctrine in many places and in doing so I
have frequently met the condemnation of friends
whose good opinion I esteem and whose loyalty
in the past I appreciate; but, holding my views,
I could not have been worthy of the confidence
of the great people 'of this State if I had con
tented myself to remain silent. My position has
brought satisfaction and even happiness to many
humble homes in North Carolina, and the, negro
whose political control I have fought with so
much earnestness, has turned to me with grati
tude for my support of his right to public school
The amendment drove many of them out of the
State. An effort to reduce their public schools
would send thousands more of them away from
us. In this hour when our industrial development
demands more labor and not less, it becomes of
the utmost importance that we shall make no mis
take in dealing with that race which does a very
large part of the work, actual hard physical labor
in the State. I appeal to the generous, high
minded North Carolinians to realize that we are
confronted with a condition which demands
statesmanship and not passion and prejudice.
From Governor Aycock's address at Greensboro,
N. C, June 23, 1904.

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