Corvallis gazette. [volume], September 25, 1900, Supplement to CORVALLIS GAZETTE, Image 6

About Corvallis gazette. [volume] (Corvallis, Benton County, Or.) 1900-1909

Image provided by: University of Oregon Libraries; Eugene, OR

                
(0)
DENT Mil
RESIDENT M'Kl'NLEY'S letter
of acceptance is probably the most
Important unofficial document U-
vaed in this country in a quarter of a
jacntnry. The President takes the coun
jtry into his confidence and throws a new
Burnt opon the history of the past two
years. Irrespective of its caustic arralgn
Snent of the critics of the administration
land Its forceful clinching of the fact that
iBryanisru means the "immediate" de-
taction of the gold standard and sub
tntion therefor of free silver coinage
jstt the ratio of 16 to 1, the letter is im
portant in the historic sense because It
iflreB the American people their first
knowledge of the statesmanship and con-
tlons connected with recent epoch-mak-t
events.
President, although by nature a
and and conciliatory man, can be arous
laf to a point of dangerous combativeness,
nd when the mood is on him he becomes
ne of the most effective debaters we
kave had in this country for many years,
la his letter he wastes no time in what
night be called preliminary sparring, but,
kaving definitely located the enemy's
Titai spot, which is the free silver heresy,
She strikes at it with force and precision.
Tbt financial question, he says, may not
b the paramount issue, but it is the im
mediate lssne. "It will admit of no de
lay and will suffer no postponement."
tkTor has not the Democratic party declar
ed for the "Immediate" coinage of silver
tat a ratio of 16 to 1 ? A nd is there any
doubt that Mr. Bryan, who insisted upon
tb insertion of the silver plank in the
platform, against the advice of the best
men In the party, will use every means,
if he Is elected, to carry his principles
Into practice?
After paying the tribute of his regret
that the Democratic party by its nominee
.and its reiteration of the free silver plank
f 1896 has made it necessary for the
Toters to reaffirm their decision of four
jjears ago in favor of the existing gold
(Standard. President McKinley boldly
Ipicks np the gage of battle on the issue
-of imperialism. What that issue is he
latates most happily in a single paragraph
jaw the end of his letter. After he has
.marshaled the facts which place the
whole controversy in the clearest possi
ble historical light before the reader, he
ays:
The American question is be
tween duty and desertion the
American verdict will be for duty
nd against desertion, for the Re-
pnblic against both anarchy and
! imperialism.
1 As a campaign document the letter is
Egarded as phenomenally strong. But
is more than a campaign document. It
contribution to history. The Presi
dent deals candidly with the American
people. He is not afraid to tell them
what he has done or why he did it. He
teals in facts rather than in arguments.
TEXT OF THE LETTER,
t
9Prcwident' Views on Free Silver and
the Philippine Question.
Executive Mansion, Washington, D. C,
fcpt 8. To the Hon. Henry Cabot Lodge,
Chairman Notification Committee My Dear
Br! The nomination of the Republican na
tional convention of June 19, 1900, for the
fflee of President of the United States,
(Which, as the official representative of the
convention, you have conveyed to me. Is
toccepted. I have carefully examined the
platform adopted and give It my hearty
approval.
1 Upon the great Issue of the last national
lection It Is clear. It npholds the gold
atandard and Indorses the legislation of the
sent Congress hy which that standard
been effectively strengthened. The sta
bility of our national currency Is, therefore,
eenre so long as those who adhere to this
platform are kept In control of the govern
ment. Same Iunes Involved.
! In the first battle, that of 1896. the friends
f the gold standard and of sound currency
iwere triumphant and the country Is enjoy
lng(tbe fruits of that victory. Our antag
nlats, however, are not satisfied. They com
pel os to a second battle upon the same lines
an which the first was fought and won.
While regretting the reopening of this
jnestlon, which can only disturb the present
satisfactory financial condition of the gov
ernment and visit uncertainty upon onr
jffreat business enterprises, we accept the
tssue and again Invite the sound money
forces to Join In winning another and we
nope a permanent triumph for an honest
financial system which will continue Invio
lable the public faith.
AH Loyal to Silver.
As In 1S96, the three silver parties are
united nnder the same leader, who. Imme
diately after the election of that year. In an
iaddress to the bimetalllsts, said:
' "The friends of bimetallism have not been
vanquished; they have simply been over
come. They believe that the gold standard
its a conspiracy of the money changers
against the welfare of the human race and
jthey will continue the warfare against It."
The policy thus proclaimed bns been ac
cepted and confirmed by these parties. Tbe
liver Democratic platform of 1900 continues
'the warfare against the so-called gold con
spiracy when It expressly says:
: "We reiterate the demand of that (the
Chicago) platform of 1S96 for an American
financial system made by the American peo
ple for themselves, which shall restore and
maintain a bimetallic price level; and as
Ipart of snch system the Immediate restora
tion of tbe free and unlimited coinage of
liver and gold at the present ratio of 16 to
i, without waiting for the aid or consent of
any other nation."
The Paramount Issue.
So the lssne Is presented. It will be noted
that tbe demand Is for the Immediate restor
on of the free coinage of silver at 16 to
1. If another lssne Is paramount, this is
immediate. Tt will admit of no delay and
will suffer no postponement. . ... ...
A
Turning to the other associated parties,
we find In the Populist national platform
adopted at Sioux Falls. S. D., May 10, 1900,
the following declaration:
"We pledge anew the People's party nev
er to cease the agitation until this financial
conspiracy Is blotted from the statute book,
the Lincoln greenback restored, the bonds
all paid and all corporation money forever
retired. We reaffirm the demand for the re
opening of the mints of tbe United States
for the free and unlimited coinage of silver
and gold at the present legal ratio of 16 to
1, the Immediate Increase in the volume of
sliver coins and certificates thus created to
be substituted, dollar for dollar, for the
bank notes issued by private corporations
under special privilege, granted by law of
March 11, 1900, and prior national banking
laws."
Declare Their Hostility.
The platform of the silver party adopted
at Kansas City, July 6, 1900, makes the fol
lowing announcement:
"We declare It to be our Intention to lend
our efforts to the repeal of this currency
law, which not only repudiates the ancient
and time-honored principles of the Ameri
can people before the Constitution wss
adopted, but Is violative of the principles of
the Constitution Itself; and we shall not
cease our efforts until there has been estab
lished In Its place a monetary system based
upon the free and unlimited coinage of sliver
and gold Into money at the present legal
ratio of 16 to 1 by the independent action of
the United States, under which system all
paper money shall be Issued by the govern
ment, and all such money coined or Issued
shall be a full legal tender in payment of
all debts, public and private, without excep
tion." Combine Against Oold.
In all three platforms these parties an
nounce that their efforts shall be unceasing
until the gold act shall be blotted from the
statute books and tbe free and unlimited
coinage of silver at 16 to 1. sball take Its
place.
The relative importance of the issues I do
not stop to discuss. All of them are Im
portant. Whichever party la successful will
be bound In conscience to carry Into admin
istration and legislation Its several declara
tions and doctrines. One declaration will be
as obligatory as another, but all are not Im
mediate. It Is not possible that these parties would
treat tbe doctrine of 16 to , the Immediate
realization of which is demanded by their
several platforms, as void and Inoperative
In the event that they should be clothed
with power. Otherwise their profession of
faith is Insincere. It Is therefore the Im
perative business of those opposed to this
financial heresy to prevent the triumph of
the parties whose union Is only assured by
adherence to the sliver lssne.
Pacini: Grave Peril.
Will the American people, through Indif
ference or fancied security, hazard the over
throw of the wise financial legislation of the
last year and revive the danger of the silver
standard, with all of the inevitable evils of
shattered confidence and geueral disaster
which justly alarmed and aroused them In
1806?
Tbe Chicago platform of 1S96 Is reaffirmed
In Its entirety by the Kansas City conven
tion. Nothing has been omitted or recalled;
so that all the perils then threatened are
presented anew with the added force of a
deliberate reaffirmation. Four years ago
the people refused to place the seal of their
approval upon these dangerous and revolu
tionary policies, and this year they will not
fall to record again their earnest dissent.
Faithful to Pledges.
The Republican party remains faithful to
Its principle of a tariff which supplies suf
ficient revenues for the government and ade
quate protection to our enterprises and pro
ducers, and of reciprocity, which opens for
eign markets to the fruits of American Jabots
and furnishes new channels through which
to market the surplus of American farms.
The time-honored principles of protection
and reciprocity were the first pledges of Re
publican victory to be written into public
law.
The present Congress has given to Alaska
a territorial government for which It had
waited more than a quarter of a century;
has established a representative government
In Hawaii; has enacted bills for tbe most
liberal treatment of the pensioners and their
widows; has revived the free homestead
policy.
In Its great financial law It provided for
the establishment of banks of Issue with a
capital of 25,000 for the benefit of villages
and rural communities, bringing the oppor
tunity for profitable business In banking
within the reach of moderate capital. Many
are already availing themselves of this priv
ilege. Some Convincing Figure.
Durlug the past year more than $19,000,000
of United States bonds have been paid from
the surplus revenues of the treasury, and In
addition $25,000,000 of 2 per cents matured,
called by the government, are In process of
payment. Pacific Railroad bonds Issued by
the government In aid of the roads In the
sum of nearly $44,000,000 have been paid
since Dec. 31, 1897. The treasury balance Is
In satisfactory condition, showing on Sept.
1 $133,410,000, In addition to the $150,000,000
gold reserve In the treasury. The govern
ment relations with the Pacific railroads
have been substantially closed, $124,421,000
being received from these roads, the greater
part In cash and the remainder with ample
securities for payments deferred.
Instead of diminishing, as was predicted
four years ago, the volume of our currency
Is greater per capita than It has ever been.
It was $21.10 In 1896. It had Increased to
$26.50 on July 1, 1900, and $26.85 on Sept. 1,
1900. Our total money on July 1, 1S96. was
$1,506,434,966; on July 1, 1900, it was $2,
062,425,490, and $2,090,683,042 on Sept. 1,
1900.
Prosperity, in General.
Our industrial nnd agricultural conditions
are more promising than they have been for
many years; probably more so than they
have ever been. Prosperity abounds every
where throughout the republic. I rejoice
that the Southern as well as tbe Northern
States are enjoying a full share of these Im
proved national conditions and that all are
contributing so largely to onr remarkable
Industrial development..
The money lender receives lower rewards
for his capital than If It were Invested In
active business. The rates of Interest are
lower than they have ever been in this coun
try, while those things which are produced
on tbe farm and In the workshop, and the
labor producing them, have advanced In
value.
Our foreign trade shows a satisfactory and
Increasing growth. The amount of our ex
ports for the year 1000 over those of the ex
ceptionally prosperous year of 1S99 was
about balf a million dollars for every day
of the year, and these sums have gone Into
the homes and enterprises of the people.
There has been an Increase of over $50,000,
00(1 In the exports of agricultural products,
$92,692,220 In manufactures and In the prod
ucts of tbe mines of over $10,000,000.
Big Gains in Trade.
Our trade balances cannot fall to give sat
isfaction to the people of the country. In
1898 we sold abroad $615,432,676 of products
more than we bought abroad, in 1899 $529,
874,813 and In 1900 $544,471,701, making dur
ing the three years a total balance In our
favor of $1,689.779,100 nearly five times the
balnnce of trade in our favor for the whole
period of 108 years from 1790 to June 30.
1897 inclusive.
Pour hundred and thirty-six million dol
lars of gold have been added to the gold
stock of tbe United States since July 1, 1896.
The law of March 14, 1900. authorized the
refunding into 2 per cent bonds of that part
of the public debt represented by the 3 per
cents due In 1908, the 4 per cents due In 1907
nnd the 5 per cents due In 1904, aggregating
$840,000,000. More than one-third of the
sum of these bonds was refunded in the first
three months after the passage of the act.
and-on Sept. 1 the sum bad been Increased
more than $33.000,'00. niakiug in all $330,
578.050, resulting In a net saving of over $8.
379,520. Government Saving Money.
The ordinary receipts of tbe government
for tbe fiscal year 1900 were $79,527,000 In
excess of Its expenditures.
While our receipts both from customs and
Internal revenue have been greatly Increas
ed, our expenditures have been decreasing.
Civil and miscellaneous expenses for the fis
cal year ending June 30, 1900, were nearly
$14,000,000 less than In 1890. while on the
war account there Is a decrease of more
PRESIDENT M' KIN LEV.
than $95,000,000. There was required $8,
OOK.000 less to support tbe navy this year
than last, nnd the expenditures on account
of Indians were nearly two und three-quarters
million dollars less than In 1899.
The only two items of increase la the pub
lic expenses of 1900 over 1899 are for pen
sions and Interest on the public debt. ' For
1809 we expended for pensions $139,394,929,
and for the fiscal year 1900 our payments on
this account amounted to $140,877,316. The
net Increase of Interest on tbe public debt
of 1900 over 1899 required by the war loan
was $263,408.25.
Bonds Speedily Taken.
While Congress authorized the govern
ment to make a war loan of $400,000,000 at
the beginning of the war with Spain, only
$200,000,000 of bonds was Issued, bearing 3
per cent Interest, which were promptly nnd
patriotically taken by our citizens.
Unless something unforeseen occurs to r
duce our revenues or increase onr expendi
tures, the Congress at Its next session should
reduce taxation very materially.
Fifty years ago we were selling govern
ment bonds bearing as high as 5 per cent In
tercst. Now we are redeeming them with a
bond at par bearing 2 per cent Interest. We
are selling our surplus products and lending
our surplus money to Europe.
Kurope Is Onr Debtor.
One result of our selling to other nations
so much more than we have bought from
them during the past three years Is a radical
Improvement of our financial relations. The
great amounts of capital which have been
borrowed of Europe for our rapid, material
development have remained a constant drain
upon our resources for Interest and divi
dends and made our money markets liable
to constant disturbances by calls for pay
ment or heavy sales of our securities when
ever money stringency or panic occurred
abraad. We have now been paying these
debts and bringing home many of our se
curities and establishing countervailing
credits sbroad by our loans and placing our
selves upon a sure foundation of financial
independence.
In the unfortunate contest between Great
Britain and the Boer states of South Africa
the United States has maintained an atti
tude of neutrality in accordance with Its
well-known traditional policy. It did not
hesitate, however, when requested by the
governments of the South African republics,
to exercise its good offices for a cessation of
hostilities.
Did What We Conld.
It Is to be observed that while the Sonth
African republics made like request of other
powers, the United States Is the only one
which compiled. The British government
declined to accept the Intervention of any
power.
Ninety-one per cent of our exporta and Im
ports are tow carried bv foreign ships. For
ocean transportation we pay annually to for
eign ship owners over $165,000,000. We
ought to own the ships for our carrying
trade with the world, and we ought to build
them In American shipyards and man them
with American sailors. Our own citizens
should receive the transportation charges
now paid to foreigners.
I have called the attention of Congress to
this subject in my several annual messages.
In lhat of Dec. 6, 1897, I said:
"Most desirable from every standpoint of
national interest and patriotism is the effort
to extend our foreign commerce. To this
end our merchant marine should be Improved
and enlarged. We should do our full share
of the carrying trade of the world. We do
not do it now. We should be the laggard no
lunger."
in my message of Dec. 5, 1899, I said:
"Our national development will be one-sided
and unsatisfactory so long as the remark
able growth of our inland industries remains
unaccompanied by progress on the seas.
There Is no lack of constitutional authority
for legislation which shall give to the coun
try maritime strength commensurate with
its Industrial achievements and with Its
rank among the nations of the earth.
"The past year has recorded exceptional
activity in our shipyards, and the promises
of continual prosperity In shipbuilding are
abundant. Advanced legislation for the pro
tection of our seamen has been enacted. Our
coast trade, under regulations wisely framed
at the beginning of the government and
since, shows Its results for the past fiscal
year tinequaled In our records or those of
any oher power.
Need of the Canal.
"We shall fail to realize our opportuni
ties, however. If we complacently regard
only matters at home and blind ourselves to
the necessity of securing our share In the
valuahle carrying trade of the world.
"I now reiterate these views.
"A sabject of Immediare Importance to
our country Is the completion of a great
waterway of commerce between the Atlantic
and Pacific. The construction of a marl
time canal Is now more than ever Indispen
sable to that Intimate and ready communi
cation between our eastern and western sea
ports, demanded by the annexation of the
Hawaiian Islands and the expansion of our
influence and trade in the Pacific.
"Our national policy more Imperatively
than ever calls for Its completion and con
trol by this government, and it is believed
that the next session of Congress, after re
ceiving the full report of the commission ap
pointed nnder the act approved March 3,
1899, will make provisions for the sure ac
complishment of this great work.
Wonld Restrict Trusts.
Combinations of capital which control the
market in commoSities necessary to the gen
eral use of the people by suppressing nat
ural and ordinary competition, thus en
hancing prices to the general consumer, are
obnoxious to the common law and the public
welfare. They are dangerous conspiracies
against tbe public good, and should be made
the subject of prohibitory or penal leglsla
tlon. Publicity will be a helpful Influence to
check this evil. Uniformity of legislation In
the different States should be secured. Dis
crimination between what is Injurious and
what Is useful and necessary In business
operations Is essential to the wise and effect
ive treatment of this subject.
Honest co-operation of capital Is necessary
to meet new business conditions and extend
our rapidly Increasing foreign trade, but
conspiracies and combinations intended to
restrict business, create monopolies and con
trol prices should be effectively restrained.
Pest Friends of Labor.
The best service which can be rendered to
labor is to afford it an opportunity for
steady and remunerative employment and
give It every encouragement for advance
ment. The policy that subserves this end Is
the true American policy. The past three
years have been more satisfactory to Ameri
can worklngmen than many preceding years.
Any change of the present Industrial or
financial policy of the government would be
disastrous to their highest Interests.
With prosperity at home and an Increas
ing foreign market for American products
employment should continue to wait upon
labor, and with the present gold standard
the worklngman Is secured against payment
for bis labor In a depreciated currency. For
labor a short day Is better than a short dol
lar. One will lighten tbe burdens, the other
lessens the rewards of toll. The one will
promote contentment and Independence, the
other penury and want.
Speaks for Good Wage.
The wages of labor should be adequate to
keep tbe home In comfort, educate the chil
dren, and, with thrift nnd economy, lay
something by for the days of infirmity and
old age.
Practical civil service reform has always
had the support and encouragement of the
Republican party. The future of the merit
system Is safe In Its hands.
During the present administration as oc
casions have arisen for modification or
amendment in the existing civil service law
and rules, they have been made. Important
amendments were promulgated by executive
order under date of May 20, 1899, having for
their principal purpose the exception from
competitive examination of certain places in
volving fiduciary responsibilities or duties
of a strictly confidential, scientific or execu
tive character, which ir was thought might
better be filled by noncompetitive cxamina
tlon or by other tests of fitness In the dis
cretion of the appointing officer.
Value of Merit System.
It Is gratlfjlng that the experience of more
than a year has vindicated these changes In
the marked improvement of the public ser
vice. The merit system, as far as practicable,
is made the basis fr appointments to of
fice In our new territory.
The American people are profoundly grate
ful to the soldiers, sailors and marines who
have in every time of conflict fought their
country's battles and defended Its honor.
The survivors and the widows and orphans
of those who have fallen are Justly entitled
to receive the generous and considerate care
of the nation.
Few are now left of those who fonght In
the Mexican war, and while many of the
veterans of tbe Civil War are still spared to
us their numbers are rapidly diminishing
and age and Infirmity are Increasing their de
pendence. These, with the soldiers of the
Spanish war, will not be neglected by their
grateful countrynjent. The pension laws
have been liberal. They should be justly
administered, and will be. Preference
should be given to tbe so'dlers, sailors and
marines, their widows and orphans, with
respect to employment in the public ser
vice. Kept Faith with Cnba.
We have been In possession of Cuba since
the first of January, 1899. We have re
stored order and established domestic tran
quillity. We have fed the starving, clothed
the naked, and ministered to the sick. We
have Improved the sanitary condition of the
island. We have stimulated industry. In
troduced public education, and taken a full
and comprehensive enumeration of tbe in
habitants. The qualification of electors has been set
tled and under It officers have been chosen
for all the municipalities of Cuba. These
local governments are now In operation, ad
ministered by the people. Our military es
tablishment has been reduced from 43,000
to less than 6,000.
An election has been ordered to be held on
the 15th of September under a fair election
law already tried in tbe municipal elections,
to choose members of a constitutional con
vention, and the convention, by the same
order, is to assemble on the first Monday of
November to frame a constitution upon
which an Independent government for the
Island will rest. All this Is a long step In
the fulfillment of our sacred guarantees to
the people of Cuba.
Plant for Porto Rico.
We hold Porto Rico by the same title as
the Philippines. The treaty of peace which
ceded us the one conveyed to us the other.
Congress has given to this island a govern
ment In which the Inhabitants participate,
elect their own legislature, enact their own
local laws, provide their own system of tax
ation, and In these respects have the same
power and privileges enjoyed by other terri
tories belonging to the United States and a
much larger measure of self-government
than was given to the Inhabitants of Louisi
ana under Jefferson. A district court of the
United States for Porto Itico has been estab
lished and local courts have been Inaugur
ated, ail of which are in operation.
The generous treatment of the Porto
Rlcans accords with the most liberal thought
of our own country and encourages the best
aspirations of the people of the island.
While they do not have instant free com
mercial intercourse with the United States.
Congress complied with my recommendation
by removing, on the 1st day of May last,
85 per cent of the duties and providing for
the removal of the remaining 15 per cent
on the 1st of March, 1902. or earlier If the
legislatjre of Porto Rico shall provide local
revenues for the expenses of conducting the
government.
Island Is Profited.
During this Intermediate period Porto
Rican products coming Into the United
Slates pay a tariff of 15 per cent of the rates
under the Dingley act and our goods going
to Porto Rico pay a like rate. Tbe duties
thus paid and collected both In Porto Rico
and the United States are paid to the gov
ernment of Porto Rico and no part thereof
Is taken by the national government.
All of the duties from Nov. 1, 1898, to June
30. 1900, aggregating the sum of $2,250,
523.21, paid at the custom bonses In tbe
United States upon Porto Rican products,
under the laws existing prior to the above
mentioned act of Congress, have gone Into
the treasury of Porto Rico to relieve the
destitute and for schools and other public
purposes. In addition to this, we have ex
pended for relief, education and Improve
ment of roads tbe sum of $1,513,084.95.
Military Force Cat Down.
The United States military force In the
Islands has been reduced from 11,000 to
1,500, and native Torto Ricans constitute for
the most part the local constabulary.
Under the new law and the Inauguration
of civil government there has been a grati
fying revival of business. The manufactures
of Porto Rico are developing: her imports
are Increasing; ber tariff Is yielding In
creased returns; her fields are being culti
vated; free schools are being established.
Notwithstanding the many embarrassments
incident to a change of national conditions,
she Is rapidly showing the good effects of
her new relations to this nation.
For tbe sake of full and Intelligent under
standing of the Philippine question and to
give-to the people authentic Information of
the acts and alms of the administration, I
present at some length the events of Impor
tance leading np to the present situation.
The purposes of the executive are best re
vealed and can best be judged by what he
has done and is doing.
Every Move for Peace.
If will be seen that the power of the gov
ernment has been used for the liberty, tbe
pence and tbe prosperity of the Philippine
peoples, and that force has been employed
only against force which stood la tbe way
of the realisation of these ends.
On tbe 25th day of April, 1898, Congress
declared that a state of war existed between;
Spsln and the United States. On May 1,
1808, Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish!
fleet in Manila Bay. On May 19, 1898. Ma J.'
Gen. Merritt, V. S. A., was placed In com.
mand of the military expedition to Manila,
and directed among other things to lmmedl
ately "publish a proclamation declaring thai
we come not to make war upon the people
of the Philippines nor upon any part or fac
tion among them, but to protect them in.
their homes, in their employments, and Inj
their personal and religious rights. AH per
sons who, either by active aid or by honest
submission, co-operate with the United
States in its efforts to give effect to thiol
beneficent purpose will receive the reward
of its support and protection."
Some Fortunes of War.
On July 3, 1898, the Spanish fleet In aft.
tempting to escape from Santiago barboa
was destroyed by the American fleet, and oa
July 17, 1898, the Spanish garrison In the
city of Santiago surrendered to the com4
mander of the American forces.
Following these brilliant victories, on thoj
12th day of August, 1898, upon the Initiative
of Spain, hostilities were suspended, and oj
protocol was signed with a view to arrangj
lug terms of peace between the two govern
men is. In pursuance thereof I appointed a
commissioners the following distinguished!
citizei3 lo conduct the negotiations on thai
rail of the United States: Hon. William rJ
Day of Ohio. Hon. William P. Fry of?
Minnesota, Hon. George Gray of Delaware
and Hon. Whltelaw Reld of New York.
Forced Into Conflict.
In addressing the peace commission before!
Its departure for Paris, I said:
"It is my wish that throughout the oefoJ
tlatlons Intrusted to tbe commission tbe pur
pose and spirit with which tbe United States'
accepted the unwelcome necessity of was1
should be kept constantly In view. Wsl
took up arms only In obedience to the dlo
tates of humanity and tbe fulfillment of Ugh
public and moral obligations. We bad no
design of aggrandizement and no ambltloaV
of conquest.
"Through the long course of repeated rep-'
resentatlons wblcb preceded and aimed te
avert the struggle and In the final arbitra
ment of force this country was Impelled sole-!
ly by the pnrpose of relieving grievous
wrongs and removing long existing condi
tions wblcb disturbed Its tranquillity, which
shocked tbe moral sense of mankind sod
which conld no longer be endured.
High Sense of Doty.
"It Is my earnest wish that the United
States in making peace should follow thai
same high rnle of conduct which guided It
in facing war. It should be as scrupulous
and magnanimous in the concluding settle-!
ment as It was Just and humane in Its
lnal action. Our aim In the adJustJ
ment of peace should be directed to lasting
results and to the achievement of the com
mon good under the demands of civilization
rather than to ambitious designs.
"Without any original thought of complete
or even partial acquisition, the presence and!
success of our arms at Manila impose uyon
us obligations which we cannot disregard.1
The march of events rules and overrule
human action. Avowing unreservedly the;
purpose which has animated all our efforts,'
and still solicitous to adhere to It, we cant
not be unmindful that without any deslr
or design on our part the war has brought!
us new duties and responsibilities which we
must meet and discharge as becomes a great
nation on wnose growth and career, front
the beginning, the Ruler of Nations has
plainly written the high command od
pledge of civilization."
Shirked No Responsibility.
On Oct. 28, 1890, while tbe peace commis
sion was continuing Its negotiations In Paris,
the following additional instruction wa
sent:
"It Is Imperative upon us that as victor
we should he governed only by motive
which will exalt our nation. Territorial ex
pansion should be our least concern; that
we shall not shirk the moral obligations at
our victory Is of the greatest.
"It Is undisputed that Spain's authority la
permanently destroyed in every part of th
Philippines. To leave any part In her feeble
control now would increase our difficulties
and be opposed to the Interests of human
ity. Nor can we permit Spain to
transfer any of tbe islands to another
power. Nor can we Invite another pow
or powers to join the United States In sov
ereignty ever them. We must either hold
them or turn tbem back to Spain.
Only One Honorable Course.
"Consequently, grave as are the responsi
bilities and unforeseen as are the difficul
ties which are before us, the President cast
see but one plain path of duty, the accept
ance of the archipelago. Greater difficulties
and more serious complications administra
tive and International would follow any
other course.
"The President has given to the views ot
the commissioners the fullest consideration,
and in reaching tbe conclusion above an
nounced. In tbe light of information com
municated to the commission and to the
President since your departure, he has been
Influenced by the single consideration at
duty and humanity. Tbe President Is not!
unmindful of the distressed financial condi
tion of Spain, and whatever consideration
tbe United States may show must coma
from Its sense of generosity and benevoW
ence rather than from any real or technical
obligation."
Could Not Abandon Them.
Again, on Nov. 13, I instructed the com
mission: "From the standpoint of indemnity, both
the archipelagoes (Porto Itico and the Phil
ippines) are insufficient to pay our war ex
penses, but aside from this, do we not ow
an obligation to the people of the Philip
pines which will not permit us to return
them to the sovereignty of Spain? Could sa
justify ourselves in such a course, or could
we permit their barter to some other power
Willingly or not, we have the responsi
bility of duty which we cannot escape.
The President cannot believe any
division of the archipelago can bring us any
thing but embarrassment In the future. That
trade and commercial side, as well as ths
indemnity for the cost of the war, are ques
tions we might yield. They might be waived
or compromised, but the questions of duty
and humanity appeal to the President so
strongly that be can find no appropriate an
swer but tbe one be has here marked out." 1
Terms of the Treaty.
Tbe treaty of peace was concluded on Dee.
10, 1S98. By Its terms the archipelago,'
known as the Philippine Islands, was ceded'
by Spain to the United States. It was alse
provided that "the civil rights asm aoUtleai