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RURAL MAIL SERVICE I MANUFACTURERS HAVE STARTED BY M'KiHLEY. I A VERY BUSY YEAR. BORROWINfl. LENDINO. PROTECTIVE TARIFF SCUTTLE AND PANIC ARE BRYAN'S POLICY. APPROVED BY BRITISH. History of the Daily Delivery in the Country. Exports Under the Dingley Law Show Vast Growth. Crockery and Glassware Manu facturing Stimulated. Why Richard OIney Supports the Nebraskan. Democrats Said that the Plan Was Im practicable, but the Republicans Have Thoroughly Demonstrated Its Value to Fanners. The Demand for Raw Material Is So Great that Imports of Manufactur ers' Material Have Also Greatly Increased. The British Consul at Chicago Makes a Report to His Government Indors ing the Republican Protec tive Policy. He Always Has Been a Believer in Haul ing Down the Flag and Shirking Responsibilities Falling to the Coun.ry. , Rtn-ai free delivery of mail is the off spring of the MeKinley administration of the Postorfice Department. Its de velopment from au insignificant begin ning of forty-four routes and an nppro proarion for the fiscal year which closed In 1807 to its present magnificent pro portions with the rural routes numbered by the thousands and an appropriation of $1,750,000 voted for its further exten sion taring the present fiscal year, has all been brought about by the MeKinley administration. A laoveuieut to broaden the free deliv ery of the mails was started by Post master General Wanamaker under the Republican administration of Gen. Har rison, ft took the rorin of village free delivery, and was more au extension of city delivery to smaller comnfunitic-s than a free delivery to farmers, but limited as was its scope and successful tliough it was in increasing postal receipts and postal facilities, it encountered Demo cratic opposition. When Mr. Cleveland came Inj his Postmaster General fearing its effect in popularizing Republican prin ciples and disseminating Itepublicnu lit erature, ordered it dropped. It was a Hepnbiican administration that conceived and executed the idea of brightening the home of the farmer, edu cating his children, increasing the value of We land, compelling the improvement of the roads, and bringing the news of the markets and the weather so as to se cure Mm a better price for his crops by delivering daily Iris mail to liini ou his farm. Every Democratic House of Rep resentatives since Ihe idea was first broached of carrying the mails into the rural districts, has declared against it. The Forty -third Congress, with a Demo crat from North Carolina as chairman of the committee on postoffices and post roads, proclaimed the plan impossible, and turned it down. Postmaster Gen era! Bisseil, Postmaster General Wilson and First Assistant Postmaster General Jones in the Cleveland administration, all took up the cry of extravagance and Impossibility of execution. Consequently little or nothing was done to give the farmers access to the mails nntii Clove land went out of office. Woen First Assistant Postmaster General Perry S. Heath took up the rural service under the direction of the President and the Postmaster Genera! in March, 1897. it was languishing to the point of extinguishment, and in a few months more would have been starved to death, like Mr. Wanamaker's village de livery. The official reports of the Post office Department record that it was with surprise that President MeKinley and those to whom he entrusted the adminis tration of postal affairs, learned that there was such a thing as an experi mental rural free delivery mail service In progress. They at once grasped its possibilities and advocated its immediate development end a Republican Congress generonsly seconded their efforts. Under this vivi fying touch, it has grown until there is not now a State in the Union that has not felt the civilizing and educational in fluemcc of rural free mail delivery, and not one that does not desire a further expansion of the service. On the 1st of Juue, 1900, there were 1,200 rural ser vices In actual operation and 2,000 ap plications for an extension of the system In process of establishment by special agents appointed for the purpose. The appropriations for the rural free delivery service have been increased from F50.G80 in the fiscal year 1897-98 to $150, 000 In 1898-99. and then to $450,000 in 189S-1900. and lastly to $1,750,000 for the present fiscal year 1900-01. Three years' experience has shown that Id well-selected rural districts the mails can be distributed to the domiciles of the addressees or in boxes placed within rea sonable distance of the farmers' homes at some cross roads or other convenient spot at a cost per piece not exceeding that of the free delivery in many of the cities of the United States. In the vast majority of communities where 1t has been tested, the rural free delivery ser vice has obtained so strong a hold that public sentiment would not permit its dis tontinivanee. It has been a revolution, nd revolutions do not move backward. It costs very little more than the old colonial style of postal service which it supersedes, and it invariabljr brings a large and compensating increase in the amount of postal receipts turned Into the treasury. But even if it does cost more than the obsolete old plan, are not the farmers entitled to some of the benefits of the government which they help so lib erally to support by their taxes? The country can well afford to continue and extend a system wtiich mnkes better citi- ("us and happier homes and contributes rgely to the mental, moral and material dvaneement of all the people. Rural free delivery of mail has come :o stay, and the Republican administra tion which brought it into being will stay with it. Trade Expansion in South America. According to the Manufacturer, the prcseut disturbances in China harve em phasized the necessity of American man ufacturers developing an outlet for their goods in Central and South America above what they now control. Produc tion has reached a point of development that manufacturers are seeking every outlet for the production of their mills and works. Quite a nnmber of the lead ing exporters are looking south for new fields of enterprise. This is as it should be, for the mure goods that are manufac tured nnd exported the greater the pros perity and chance for wage workers at borne. Growth of Foreign Commerce. Our foreign commerce under a Republi can administration in 1900 was worth $2,244,193,543; under a Democratic free trade adminisrratioo in 1895 it was worth Only $1,539,508,139. an increase of seven hundred million dollars a year in favor f the Republican party. The manufacturers of the United States are making their greatest record in this closing year of the century. Busy workshops, smoking chimneys, factories running on double time aud, in some cases, the full twenty-four hours with three shifts of hands, are an evidence of this; but exact proof is found in the re port of the chief of the bureau of statis tics, just issued, which shows an enor mous increase in the importation of the raw materials which they use in manu- ' facturing and an equally enormous in crease in the exportation of finished man ufactures. Importations of manufactur ers' materials in the fiscal year 1900 ! were more than double those in the fiscal year 1894 and, during the three fiscal years in which the Dingley law has been in operation, have exceeded, by more than $100,000,000, the Imports of raw materials in the three years in which the Wilson law was in operation, while the exportations of finished inannfac tnres, in the three years under the Ding ley law. have exceeded, by more than $300,000,000, the exportations of manu factures in the three years -under the Wilson law. Evidence from Official Sources. Here are the official figures showing .1 : ,....--.. , LUC I : ii " ' i I a i lull ui uiouuiaLiuicin jn.i- terials and exportations of manufactures in the fiscal years 1895, 1890 and 1897, all of which were under the Wilson low tariff, contrasted with those during the fiscal years 1898, 1899 and 1900. which were under the Dingley tariff. The Wil son tariff, it will be remembered, went into operation Aug. 28, 1894, and the Dingley tariff on July 20, 1897, so that the fiscal years ending June 30, 1895, 189(5 and 1897, were practically all with jn the operations of the low tariff and those of 1898. 1899 and 1900 were prac- tically all within the operations of the Dingley tariff. Imports of manufacturers' materials and exports of manufactures under the Wilson and Dingley laws, respectively: Imports of materials Exports of for manufacturing. manufactures. Per ct. Per ct. Wilson law of total. of total. 1895.. 5191,119,810 26.11 I83,59.743 23.14 1898.. 209.368,717 26.85 228,571,178 26.48 1897.. 214,916,625 2S.10 Total. $615. 405,152 Dingley law 1S98.. 204.543.917 33.20 1899.. 222.013,239 31.85 1000. . 302.264,196 35.57 5689,452,312 200.697,354 24.02 83)3,675,558 28.13 432,284,366 81,57 Total. $728,821,352 $1,061,657,278 The above table Is worthy of careful study. We have been hearing, for years, from Democratic orators first, that free raw materials would help the manufac turers, and, second, that a protective tariff destroys our chances In foreign markets, yet it will be seen by this table that the importations of "Articles in a crude condition for use in domestic in dustries" amounted, in the three years under the Wilson free trade law, to $015,-. 405,152, while in the three years under the Diugley protective tariff they amount to $728,821,352. Look also at the narrow column, which Indicates the percentages of the total imports which these raw ma terials form, and yon will see that they form a much greater proportion of the to tal imports under the Republican system of protection than under the Democratic system of free trade. Why? The an swer is simple enough. Under the Dem ocratic low tariff, absolute free trade in -omo particulars, many manufacturers were compelled either to close their works or reduce their output owing to the heavy importation of manufactures from abroad under the low tariff rates. Hence the small consumption of raw material in manufacturing. This differ ence of more than $100,000,000 in the quantity of raw materials imported in the three years means a difference of several hundred millions of dollars in the amount of goods manufactured and hundreds of millions in the amount of money paid to ivage earners in the various manufactur ing lines. J Failures Are Fewer. The total liabilities of firms that failed :n the year ending June 30, 1900, was $90,879,889. In the year 1890 the fail ing firms owed $220,090,834. It will thns be seen that the amount lost is only tbout one-third what it was in 1895. It te'ls die story of prosperity. JONES AND HIS How Did He Get His Trust Stock and What n; Fay for It? The composite chairman of the Popu list Democracy, Senator Jones of Arkan sas, is still resenting with considerable heat the charge that since he is such an important officer of the American Cotton Company (capital $7,000,000; John E. Searles, lately treasurer of the sugar trust, grand mogull, it must be that he is a high priest in the trust temple, or. at least, that he is a reckless, abandoned plutocrat. To do Mr. Jones entire jus tice, we suppose that the American Cot ton Company is not a vicious trust which deserves to be destroyed, any more than a number of other corporations of $". 000,000 capital in the hands of former officers of more monopolistic trusts. Pre sumably the American Cotton Company will make all the money it can. will make dividends, indeed, upon its $7,000,000 .of stock. Mr. John E. Searles can be trust ed to look after a little tiling like that, even if Mr. Jones devotes all of his at tention for the next three months, or for the next three years, for that matter, to Populist Democratic politics exclusively. The phase of Mr. Jones' connection with the American Cotton Company which we would like him to explain is this, rather: How much of the $7,000, 000 of the stock of the company has he got. how did he get it. and what did he THE POLITICAL SfTUATJ Q WHO IS MARK HAM! ? Who is this Marcus Hanna, oa. That people call him great? Is he the man w.ho holds the helm Which guides the ship of state? Ts he like old Goliath tall Like some steeple in the sky. Or, is he that awful wicked man Who winks the other eye? Tut, tut, my son, he's just a man Like good old Reuben Blue, Who has bis way of doing things, And "knows a thing or two!" But why does Bryan hate him so, And Popocrats berate? Is it because he's old and slow. And isn't up to date? Oh, no, my son, yon bet your life He's not so very slow, For when bis shoulder's to the whec. . The cart is bound to go. The reason why the Ponocrats Now tremble at his name, Is 'cause he did it to 'em once An's goin' to do the same Again this fall, and bury deep Bill Bryan and his host In 'some dark place where Tagal clans Forever more will roast, Where boiling oil, bolos and spears And Aguinaldos dwell place, my son, so hot and bad, Its name I must not tell. 8. L. G. Plenty of Money Circulating. President McKinley's letter of accept ance called attention briefly but effective ly to the per capita circulation of money in the United States. This per capita circulation marks the high water of American prosperity. It is now $20.85 for every man, woman and child in the country. To show its growth, in spite, of the predictions of the calamity free silver cries, this table is appended: Circulation Tear. per capita. 1870 $17 50 1875 17 10 1880 19 41 185 23 02 1890 22 82 1895 22 93 1900 20 50 COTTON GALE. give for it? Is his an eminent one in the board of dire? investors? Did ..... par in "cash rimiey' nptue. undoubtedly 'inartere. used ir .s a bait to catcb Junes himself pay for the stock thai he holds? F part of K. i . possession of it. or any ro the fact that he is in- fluent:';! .n Ii.:1 liiiaiici' committee at thf United States Senate, and by virtue ol his position there could do his company or Mr. Searles", or almost any company of the kind in which he or Mr. Searles might have an interest, a very important service at a very critical time? We have never known a gentleman o1 1 Mr. Jones' financial prospects to grow rich suddenly except by some means ol this kind. In other words, and to be plain, it is fair to infer, until Mr. Jones denies i"t. that he is "it," neither o.n ac count of his cash, nor his property,' noi some invention of demonstrated value, but rather on account of his "pull" or his swing. We say that it is fair to infei this until Mr. Jones denies -it, becaust Mr. Jones, by reason of his unjust at tacks upon leading Republicans puts himself very much in the public eye anc invites attack from any quarter. Mr Jones has no business to live in a glass house with perfect safety if be is going to keep throwing such large stones. M'KINLEY ON THE WAR. The Government Will Carry Libert Into All Its Domain, At the exercises in connection with the j presentation by the Navy Department U j the city of Canton. Ohio, of a canuon ; captured at Santiago, the President, af ter repeated culls, responded as follows j on July 4. 1900: "My Fellow Citizens I will not con sent to prolong these exercises beyond making acknowledgment for your gen erous call and expressing as well the pleasure which 1 have had in participat ing with my neighbors aud fellow citizens in the observation of this anniversary one of the most significant, if not the most significant, in American annals. The sacred principles proclaimed in 1770 in the city of Philadelphia, advanced tri umphantly at Yorktown. made effective In the formation of the Federal Union in 1787, sustained by a united people in every war with a foreign power, upheld by the supreme sacrifices of the volun teers of 1801, sealed in solemn covenant at Appomattox Court House, sanctified within the last two years with the best blood of the men of the North and the men of the South at Manila and San tiago and in Porto Rico Still animate the American heart, and still have their force and virtue. (Loud and enthusias tic applause.) Aiid adhering to them as we have always adhered to them at any cost, or at any sacrifice, we find ourselves after one hundred and twenty-four years formed into a more perfect union, stron ger and freer thnn ever before, strength ened in every one of its great funda mental safeguards, and mightier in its power to execute its holy mission of lib-, erty, equality ana justice, summoning the precepts of the fathers, we will main tain inviolate the blessings of free gov ernment at home and carry its benefits nnd benediction to our distant possessions which lie under the shelter of our glorious flag." (Enthusiastic and long-continued applause.) Exports Increase $600,000,000. We exported $1,394,479,214 worth of merchandise in the year ending June 30, 1900. That was undo a Republican administration. In the year ending June 30. 1895, under a Democratic adminis tration, we exported goods worth $793, 392.599. The increase favoring the Re mihlican policy is almost exactly six hun dred million dollars in the year. Advantages of the protective tariff sys tem accruing to the workingmeu of this country is shown in a report of the Brit ish vice consul at Chicago to his govern ment, in which he deals with the china, earthenware and glass trade of Chicago, lie points out that the high tariff on goods of this character has enabled Americans to start factories for the man ufacture of these goods, and more will soon be built. In his report the vice consul says: "For vears the British potter has been the supplier of the American market, and he still continues to lead, but with the general increase of the production in the United States, and the rapidly grow ing competition from Japan, this lead can only be maintained by a strict watch being kept on the market and the nature of the goods demanded, as well as the prompt filling of orders. Chicago buyers go over once or twice a year to Europe o buy for the local market and the arge district supplied from that city as a dis tributing center, and it should be the aim of producers to get in touch with them. Imports increased 13.05 per cent in 1899. as compared with 1.898. and the value 1,518,598 from 1,837,452. "There are no potteries in the consu lar district of Chicago, the chief ones being in New Jersey and East Liverpool, Ohio, nnd the output last year was 2. 000,000. The sale of American crockery has increased immensely, and is only checked by the works having all they can do. The improvements in the last few years in American pottery, especial ly at East Liverpool, have been great, and there are now sixty factories, but of these only ten are turning out first-class work, and none can equal the best for eign products, but it must be remembered that the demand for the more expensive article is limited. "The high tariff, 00 per cent, which assures the American product of a mar ket, has had the effect of increasing the number and size of the American fac tories, and with a rise in the price of the British article they will still further in crease. "The American earthenware takes a place near that of the English and is su perior to the coarse German earthen ware, and the product of most potteries is heavier than the former aud is more durable than the latter. The colors are not so well put on as in the British, aud the whole article is. as a rule, . coarser, and yet underglazed patterns and float blue have not been made successfully, and, with the process the same, purchas ers will not take the American article. Every manufacturer in the United States procures specimens of ertch new British design, and copies are made if it is thought likely to take in the market. The manufacture of china in the United States is not yet competing with the United Kingdom, but is improving rap idly. "Cut glass, for the manufacture of which there are one or two small fac tories in Chicago, has a large sale, and the American article is said to. be vastly superior in design, cutting, shape, polish and luster to any other, and it is claimed that the polishing by acids has a great superiority over the hand polishing. Bo hemian glass till has a good market, but it is found that the British glass is made too fine, and the thin stemmed goblets are not g'Hd ffr the rough treatment they receive in the United States. American or Belgian cut glass is preferred. The demand for glass w-hich formerly came from I.eith and Edinburg, has now turn ed to the United States, which also ex ports cut glass to Great Britain and Ger many." Demand for Hog and Cattle Products. Through the Republican policy Of open ing the mills and of restoring confidence to general business, practically every workman in the United States has be come able, since 1896, to have all the fresh meat he wants. The fact that the city workman can afford to eat more roast beef, chops, hams, veal cutlets, bacon, pork, sausages, etc., than he could in 1890 means of course that there must be more money in the farmer's business of raising corn to feed to cattle and hogs. Take the many other products derived from cattle and hogs, which had been raised on corn, like lard, glue, gelatine, isingla-ss, curled hair for mattresses, etc., brush bristles, felts, soap, glycerine, am monia, fertilizers, hoofs for button mate rial, cut bones for knife handles, etc., poultry foods from dried meat scraps, al bumen for fixing colors and finishing leather, neatsfoot oil, etc., all these have naturally more extended uses when times are prosperous than when they are not. For instance, lard nearly every cracker made Is about one-eighth of It lard. In prosperous times the families of work men go on picnics, travel, eat oyster stews, and do other things which great ly increase the consumption of crackers. As a result of sneh increased demands for the products from slaughtered hogs and cattle, which in turn means better demand for com, there has been an en hancement in the value of live hogs and cattle as follows: Jan. t 1897. Jan. 1. ISOO. 'Tattle $507,929,421 $689,486,200 logs 100,272.770 245,725,000 Total $074,202,191 $935,211,200 American Railway Supplies Abroad. A 4,000-ton steel rail contract has just been booked in Pennsylvania for the Cape Colony government railways. This follows another order of 3.000 tons of rails delivered before the war began. An other recent shipment is 3,000 tons, which have . been sent to Borneo. This is good commercial expansion. Once a Deficit, Now a Balance. There is a Burplus of $81,229,771 In the United States treasury. Five years ago, inder the Democratic free trade policy, litre was a deficit of $42,805,228. Mr. Richard OIney has done a publU service to the entire country by forcing every voter to face the fact that Mr. Bryan's election means scuttle. Mr. OIney was oue of an administra tion which withdrew from the Hawaiian Islands. He would repeat the act. We are in the Philippines. Mr. OIney would leave. President McKinley's adminis tration has protected American citizens from massacre and American women from outrage in China. Mr. OIney de nounces its acts as the. acts of the "weakest and silliest of administra tions." The administratiou has demand ed the open door in China, and when Manehu reaction and massacre threat ened to close aud bolt the door Presi dent MeKinley has thrust in the wedge of 5,000 victorious American troops to keep the door open from Chinese intol erance or European aggression. But this is a part of that policy on which Mr. OIney urges Mr. Bryan's election, be cause "so far as the injurious conse quences of past courses can be averted or mitigated something may be hoped from those not primarily respousible for them." "From their official authors aiid justl fiers uothing but persistence in' thesa courses can reasonably be expected," says Mr. OIney. lie is right. If re sistance to American authority comes on American territory President Me Kinley will suppress it. Where the flag has been hauled down, as in Hawaii, he will replace it, and the American peo ple will vote to keep it there. Where citizens are in peril President MeKinley will protect them, in all iauds. Where their claims to just jndeiuHity. as iu Turkey, have been systematically neg lected by a previous administration, of which Mr. OIney was Secretary of State, President MeKinley will insist on pay ment. Mr. OIney objects to this policy. The American people approves. Vermont demonstrates it. That New England State stands for the flag and all it pro tects. Mr. OIney demands a policy of scuttle. To' him this "outweighs" all else. He admits that panic will come with Bryan; but better, he says, iu substance, "Scuttle and Panic" than "Sovereignty and Security." We accept the issue. We trust Mr. Oliiey can be induced to accompany Mr. Bryan on his platform campaign to urge scuttle with a vigor and plainness of speech his chief, his leader and his guide dodges. Mr. Bryan talks of a "stable government" in the Philippines. Mr. OIney objects because we "forcibly expelled Spain from her Philippine pos sessions." Mr. OIney returned the Ha waiian Islands to one tyrant. He is ready to return the Philippines to an other. The American people is not. Mr. OIney is a lawyer. He knows that the legal choice lay between Spanish sov ereignty and ours. He prefers Spanish.; American voters do not. Mr. OIney talks of much else, but his heart is in a policy of scuttle. He denounces the Dingley tariff. Perhaps he thinks voters prefer the tariff his chief signed and which brought depression, desolation and deficits. He complains of "the most intimate relations between th United States treasury and the money market." As he looks at our credit on a 2 per cent basis and British bonds seeking a market in New York he per haps hopes to persuade the country that, those were better aud more prosperous, days "when Mr. OIney approved .secret contracts with money changers dictating, their terms at the White House, when, our bonds had to be sold in London at usurions rates to buy gold and prop tho sinking credit of the treasury, which, cowered before bankers who to-day have no word in its policy. Mr. OIney has done well for the Re publican party. He has recalled ro tho public those dire days of a Democratic administratiou of which he was a part when our railroads were in the hands of receivers, our factories closed, our treas ury empty, our credit gone and our Hag disgraced. He demands again days of pauie, of a free trade tariff, of crash and failure, of breaking banks and bankrupt firms. These "calamitous possibilities." which were calamitous certainties under the Cleveland-Olney administration, are "outweighed,' says Mr. OIney. by the certainty of a policy of "scuttle" from Mr. Bryan. Under him citizens will no longer, in peril, see the flag coming with salvation in its folds, brought to Pekia by "the weakest and silliest of adminis trations;" the flag will come down in the Philippines, and it will be withdrawn, a Mr. OIney withdrew it in Hawaii, though In Cuba Mr. OIney is willing to break national faith aud protests against this island being "alien territory." Trust a proslavery Democrat to grab Cuba and to insist, as he does, that it must be come an "integral part of the United States," which the Republican party did not accept as to annexed territory when urged for slavery aud will not when urg ed for scuttle. Mr. OIney is a Democrat. He needs a party. He has no other, ft would ha strange if he did not support a Demo cratic candidate unless he were a public peril. A public peril he admits Mr. Bryan is, but since Mr. OIney must sup port him, in spite of this, it is of grave public service that he has made plain te all men that Mr. Bryan not only means disaster -at home but disgrace abroad a policy of scuttle, surrender and retreat, Philadelphia Press. France Disapproves of MeKinley. It appears that President McKinley's letter of acceptance has met with a very frosty reception iu France. President McKinley's ground with respect to the Philippines does not moot the approval of the French press. All the better rea son for sustaining the President. France's attitude during the Spanish war has not yet faded from memory.