OCR Interpretation

The Pickens sentinel. (Pickens, S.C.) 1911-2016, April 04, 1912, SECTION OF THE PICKENS SENTINEL, Image 6

Image and text provided by University of South Carolina; Columbia, SC

Persistent link: http://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn93067671/1912-04-04/ed-1/seq-6/

What is OCR?

Thumbnail for

Danger of Departing from Path Established f
by the Fathers
Tile i)' tin purpose of government is the protection of life, lilerty and prop
erty. .'llhe safe-guardimg of property rights is essemial to the advancemiet of st
our civilization.
Mten do not always awake to the realization that the just enforcement of
the law is more essential to good governinent than the enactment of new i
statu tcs.
Less than a century and a half ago the Federal Constitution was written'
it become the pattern in its fuidamiental features for our State Constitutions. ec
The world had experimented witli almost every conceivable method of govern- fc
inent for thousands of years before the birth of Our repiblic. Tihe statesmen 1I
who created the form of the new government were essentially students of the s1
vheories of govermlijent and lovers of the liberties of tle Most of pi
Shen had offered their lives and their fortuties in the strugglc for heir country's
i.lependence. No man can justly charge timezi vitst eitler lack of intforma
ion regarding the essential principles of government, or want of lionesty ii
of purpose to create a governieit that would secure to themselves and thir w
children "a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Trandtility, w
Provide for the common defeise, promote the general \Welfare, and secure the t\
ihlessings of Liberty to themselves and their Posterity.' tI
World's First Written Constitution.
They proclaimed to the world its first written Constitution, created a gov
ernment of law in absolute contradistinction to a government of men. gve
framers of the Federal Constitution were familiar with the repeated fail
ures of governments based on the principle of a direct democracy, where the
people were the direct law-making power and in some instances the ultimate
judicial power of the country.
Dangers of a Direct Democracy. st
They knew from the history of the past that those governments had failed p
r heir purpose; that the liberties of tihe people had been destroyed by tile %
.- -rues and excesses which marked the adninistration of I government where i
,e Jaws were nade in the forun by the assembled niultitude, and were not tle g
nature product of selected men especially trained for the work in hand. 11
'They knew that the failure of every direct Democracy was due not to
the lack of honesty or purpose on the part of the aggregate citizenship as
sembled in the forum, but to the fact that they were often swayed by their
'esires, passions, and prejudices, and lacked intimate knowledge of the re- S
suitanit effect of thcir actions,.
No honest man in his individual entity will controvert the Golden Rule S
that all men should do unto others as they would be done by, but it is rarely tI
the case that the assembled populace can divorce itself from its selfish desirc,;
and deal out abstract justice to those who may be temporarily in the minority.
Realizing the danger and excesses of a direct Democracy, the framers of a
our Constitution endeavored to establish a government that would protect the
rights and liberties of the individual aid at the same time reflect ultimateli
the will of the majority i the enactment of the law of the land.
Ours a Representative Form of Government. I
T'o accompllish this end, they established a representative form of govern- P
mieint designed to create a law-making power resp~onsive to the will of the
people, and at thme saimie time they wrote in the Constittution certain checks and
.balances intended to prevent the more brutal force of a majority from (Ie- I
st royiing the liberty amid property rights of the individuald.
it must alwvays be borne in mind that the framers of our Constitution wvere
not attempting to establish freedom of Government, for they created a Gov
ernment with only certain delegated powers expressly given to the Nation by tr
the States, reserving to the States the right to make most of the laws that 11
alfected the liberties of the citizen. The underlying principle of the Consti- i:
.tution~ was to gtmarantee the liberty of the citizen and the protection of his h
)ropecrty rights agamnst the p)ower of the Governmment itself.p
Independent Judiciary Established. I
To guard and protect these rights, an independent judiciary was established a
to see that neither the Exectutive nor thme Legislative branches of the Govern- it
ment encroached upon the guaranteed rights of the individual.
It is evident that thme framers of the Constitution were unwvilling to trust si
a selected legislative body, held in cheek by the veto powver of the Executive; Ii
fearing even then an unbridled abuse of the powver, they established Constitu
tional gtuarantees of liberty that a majority of the people could not trample hi
upon or the Government itself destroy. I
Sonme niay say that a majority of the people wvill not endanger the liberties ei
and rights of the individual. 1 wish that this wecre true, but the history of ii
every government has shmownt that at tunes the people, when unchecked by k1
constitutional guarantees, have destroyed individual rights and individual sI
Jiberty. nl
Unwise Changes Now Proposed.
It is nowv proposed by some that we shall in part abandon the representative -(
government enacted by our Revoitionary fathers, aitd adopt a system that in
the end wvould establish a dlirect democracy wvhen the ultimate powver to umake.
lawvs would be placed directly in the hands of all the people, and the independent
j udiciary iended to protect the Conistitutional guarantees of individual liberty tI
would become subservient to thme w~ill of the majority throtigh pplitical coim
We may forget that Madisoii and IHamilton, soldiers in the war for Ameri- ii
can .Independence, brought their great minds and nmatture judgments to the c<
framing of the Constituition of the United States, btit there is one whose sincere mi
judgment wvill not be doubted as to tIme value of a representative government tI
as conmpared wvith a direct one, eveni by those wvho dloubt the sincerity of p)ur-- Ie
.pose and the honesty of opinion of other men.
.Jefferson's Wise Views.
In speaking of "the~ equal rights of man," Thomias J efferson declared: o4
"Modern times have the signal advantage, too, of having dliscovered t11
the only dlevice by which these tights can be sectired, to wit :Govern- t11
nment by the peop~le, acting not ini person, but by representatives chosen
by themselves." -
The author of the Declaration of Independence, knowing that all poptular
g 'vernmenmt before his time, restiig on thme direct decisions of the people, had
frled and ultimately had reverted into umncontrolled despotism, rejoiced that d
the hour had come when a represetntative govennent cotuld express the will f
of a free people. If is now proposed to abandon thme representative principle ~
of government established by our fathers and revert to the direct action of tI
.the people, to the principle of an Athenian democracy adapted to modern r
Representative Government Only Check on Excesses and Passion. a0
Our representative government was established to guard against the ex- r
cesses which had brought the ancient direct popular government to destruction, tr
and because our government does not at all times immediately respond to public
sentiment, there are some who insist that the principle of government is at
fault and must ,be changed. Trhey do not reflect that at times they may mis
judge real publhe sentiment, that at other times the instrument of the govern
ment (the representative tyhom the people canm change at recurring periods) t11
is at fault and' not the basic principle of the government itself,
My experience as a legislator leads me to believe that the Congress of the mi
United States will always ultimately responid to the enlightened and matured
sentiment of the people. .th
With the chmanging~ tides of pumblic sentiment, we have repeatedly experienced cc
changes in the exercise of the taxing powers.
We have seen the legislative branch of the government in direct response
to public ,sentiment fn recent years enact railroad rate legislation, pure food w
laws; prov.ide for the publicity of campaign ftundl. national quarantine, irrigate v
the arid West and build the Tsthmian Canal. Can it he trumthfullhy said that di
the Comrress has failed ultimately to place on the stattute books the laws that
a majority of the American people were In favor of as a result of their perma- f
nent and deliberate judgment? ef
(Continued on Next Column.) fe
The most humiliating paradox in <
,merican politics to-day is the shrink- t
ig attitude of some of our own people a
nward the presidential possibilities of r
outherni men.
1he civil war, the memories of which d
irnished the nursery for this indefensi- '
le sectional abasement, is 50 years at P
ur back. Ninety per cent of the Amer- f
an voters who elect a president re- <
iember this war and its dividing rancor I
nly as history. With outstretched <
inds, having given every proof of view
ig Mason and Dixon's line as no more b
political barrier than the Mississippi
r the Rockies, the dominant generation t
t the North invites the South, its pub- s
c men, by right of citizenship and by t
ght of demonstrated ability, into full 1
llowship in the: nation's counsels.
South Wanting in Boldness
What has been the answer of the s
outh-at least, the answer that may be
terpreted by the silence or the diffi- f
mnce of hundreds of thousands of rep- r
sentative Southerners?
Obsessed by the ghosts of half a cen- i
try ago, guilty of ati embarrassment <
d a self-consciousness that is nothing t
lort of arrant sectional cowardice, 1:
ere is a feeling among many South- f
ners that the wraiths of the sixties I
ill statid between the South and the i
hute llouse--te South and that par- 1
ipation in the nation's voice, the na- s
t's destiny, to which the nation is t
ger to admit. us.
Tie consequences of this abnegation of c
mmitnon manhood could not be more I:
reefully portrayed than in the words c
the Constitit on's Washington corre
ondent, in a dispatch discussing the
esidential status resulting from the
a~vey-Wilson-\Vatterson episode. "If
, writes our correspondent, canvass
g the possibilities of Oscar Under
ond, the brilliant Alabamian, along I
it oilier Southerners, "pays the penal- <
tOf being a Southern man, it will be I
ic South and not the North to ex- f
:t it."
South's Political Stage Fright
That is also an accurate delineation t
New Leader
From the South
"'The President's veto, of course, de
royed the Free List Bill, as well as
I the other features of the Democratic
atform. The special session, however,
as not without far-reaching results. I
s chief accomplishments were a reor- q
inized Congress and a resurrected
emocratic majority under a new lead
ship. It also emphasized the new I
irt which the Southern States are now U
laying in national affairs. With a I
outherner as Chief Justice, a Southerner :
i majority leader in Congress, and
outherners as prominent candidates for I
te Democratic presidential nomination
-Clark, Underwood and Wilson-the
aition Is certainly more united than at I
tiy time since the Civil War. No man
!joices more over this changed situa- I
on than Underwood. HeI is even more I
terested in the solidarity of the forty
ght States than in the union of the I
emnocratic party."--Burton J. Hen
ek in McClure's Magacine, February,
kla bama's
Mr. Underwood's service to the coun- I
y during nine terms in the National I
ouse of Representatives has been most I
stinguished, and has made his name a r
>ulsehold wvord in the homes of thei
:ople. For more than 20 years lhe has
:en in the very front of his party's I
Lttle line, a leader from his youth, anidi
'er faithftil to his party's principles I
id1 candlidates. No Democrat can findi
flawv in his political record ; no charge
desertion in any campaign ; no accu-i
tion of serving special interests can <
against him.
I lis congressional colleagues respect
in for his sincerity, his high sense of
>tnor, his sagacity andl his acknowl- I
Igedi ability, and this in itself is an
fallible proof of his merit, for nonet
low so well the capabilities of ai
atesman as those wvho have served I'
any years wvith him and nloted his ;
mnduct in (lays of peace and those of
>litical storm.--Cinicinnati En quircr, I
ctober 23, 1911. i
(Contintied from
The respotnse may not be as rapidl, br
lre is certainly not as tuch dlanger 0o
Cannot .a committee of the Conigri
itiate legislation, within the limitations
*sses, and abuses, protect the rights of
aj ority, as well oi bettert than the partis
at they may acconiplishi one result, ar
avo a wake of dlestruction as to collate
It is trute that under the system pro
>ters wouild first have to b~e obtained.
ten lie has signed petitions to please ot
e- paper, to dletermtineo what thought
e average tian who sae;is a petition.
eople Suffer More From Failure c
Lack of Proper
Should I stop to criticise our governme
r more froth the failure to enforce the
from the lack of proper legislation.
tund oni the statute books, that if fai,
c complain against ; but it is so much
an to insist that our neighbor shall go
ady have.
If there are evils in our government
ganic form. It is due to the failure
id justly perform the dutties impose<
id the way is clear, The people shouk
sponsibility the tunfaithful servant and
tie to the trust imnposedl upon them.
The People and the
You tell me the people cannot elect ho
at the masses of the people are far b<
easures, and arc far more likely to s
When you say that the voter cannot s
e will of the people in his office, and
untry, I say you reflect on the very f
isjudlge the honesty and the intelligence
Our Constitution was born in the hour
as ripe In the hearts of nmen. For a c<
ar, greed, and Intolerance; through th<
saster, It has protected the lives. liberty
Let us elect honest men to public ofice
r the true Interest of the Constituti1
Feet It may have on their personal fort1
r a change of the fundamental nrinctlph
f the manner in which the North views
lie situation. We use Underwood only
s an illustration, though his magnificent
ecord as House leader during the spe
tal session would, as our correspondent
eclares, have assured his nomination
with a sweep"--had he lived at the
JorthI To the North, it makes no dif
erence where Underwood, or any other
ne of the galaxy being discussed, was
orn. The representative Northerner
oes not bridle at mention of Bull Run
r Gettysburg. It remains for the South
c develop political stage fright over
hese diminishing chapters in our his
ory. The last smouldering embers of
ectional acrimony were stamped out by
lie Spanish-American war. The last
arriers between North and South were
runibled before the achievements of
oc Wheeler, of Fitzhugh Lee, and of
iany of the younger generation on both
The most convincing evidence of this
act is the manner in which the nation
eceived the announcement of the broad
nd patriotic action of President Taft
i elevating Justice White, a Confed
rate veteran, to the Chief Justiceship of
lie United States Supreme Court. A
rotesting snarl -ose here and there
rom the irreconcilables. And the voices
lost bitter in denunciation of that
riundice cane from-the Northern
ress I It is only essential for the occa
ional freak firebrand to rise and at
.mpt to wave the "bloody shirt," to be
uried with ridicule, not only by his
onfrares, but as well by the news
apers of all sections of our common
Not a Question of Expediency or
In the face of these cumulative facts,
here are some in the South who still
uestion if, "on account of past of
enses," it is "discreet" or "expedient"
or a Southern man to offer himself for
residential honors I We insult our
elves, we debase our manhood, we sur
ender the rights the North is so willing
o concede us, when we permit our
for President
The argument that lie lives too far
;outh to ie available is without weight.
lie country has reached that state of
nion-has been so closely drawn to
ether by railroad and telegraph-that
labaia is brought to the door of New
(ork. Massachusetts and Texas are near
eighbors and even the two Portlands,
4 Maine and Oregon, stand within easy
ailing distance of each other. So far
s any feeling of sectionalism is con
erned, or any prejudice against the se
ection of a Southern man for the presi
lency, Underwood is, like Lincoln, a
ative of Kentucky, and therefore as
auch Northern as Southern, was born
luring the Civil War, and grew to man
iood after the old bitterness between
forth and South had died out. He is
.big, brainy, coutrageous man.--Balti
sore Sun, July 26, 1911.
Jnderwood Presi
dential Timber
Mr. Underwood wvould make an ideal
'residlent. He is a broad-gauged, level
eadled citizen; he doesn't slip his cere
ral cogs and go off at a tangent as a
abid exponent of revolutionary dogmas
.i an effort to popularize himself ; lhe is
miformly courteous to all men ; lhe be
eves in, redlucimg the high cost of liv
rig in this country, not talking about it;
le does not believe in destroying the
Iidtistries of the United States while at
lhe samne time lie is a thorough believer
ai the primciples of tariff for reventue
There is no flub-dub about Mr. Un
erwood. ,He doesn't believe in shams.
.e is a big, brawny, brainy statesman,
,ithout his lightning rod out to attract
lhe D~emocratic nomination for the pres
lency, and largely on that very account
c is, liable to be the very man that will
et in the way of the bolt that may
levate him to the White House.-J. WV.
~lennier, in the Timses-Desnwcrat, Mus
egee, Okla., October 28, 1911.
First Colunmn.)
tit is probably more permanient and
enacting hasty, ill-considered or bad
'ss, composed of representative men,
of the Constitution, guard against ex
the minority, voice the wishes of the
in friends of a measure whlo, in order
e2 temiptedl to reach so far that they
ral matters the measure touches ?
s of Petitions.
)osed, a petition b~y a percetntage of
lhtt let every mani ask himself how
get rid of the person who presented
nld (deliberation will be exercised b~y
f Law Enforcement Than Frorn
nt, I would say that the people stiffer
laws on the statute books than they
hlow many remedial laws are to be
ly enforced wvould remedy the evils
easier to cry out for new legislation
to jail for violating the law we al
as it exists today, it is not in its
of those in office to honestly, fairly
I upon them. The remedy is plaitn
dIrive from the places of power and
elect those who will lbe faithful and
nest and faithful servants. I tell you
tter judges of men than they are of
sleet an honest man than an honest
elect a public official who will reflect
be faithftul to the Constitution of his
rat principle of free government and
of the American people.
when the love of liberty and freedom
ntury it has withstood the storms of
tenmpests of discontent, danger and
and property of our people.
men who have the courage to stand
they represent regardless of what
mes. There then will be no demand
is of our ovenment.
course, as a people, to be so interpreted
It is not in human nature to accord
respect, where self-respect is absent
ilow, then, can we expect the remainder
of the nation to continue to respect us,
when we grovel in the dust of a by.
gone era, and let go by default the
rights inherent im American manhoodl
For virtually half a century the South
has.furnished the hewers of wood and
drawers of water for the - Democratic
party. It has, faithilly with each re
:urrent four years, furnished the Democ
racy's army and its line officers-cheer
Fully yielding command to other sections,
With a smile, it has steadily forsworn
the political loaves and fishes, content,
for the sake of the party, that they go
to doubtful States-time and again to
States most of us knew at the time were
steel-riveted Republican.
Let Us Claim Our Birthright
For 50 years we have eatep . in the
political kitchen. Consistently, we have
waxed cheerful when denied even the
dubious privilege of the second table.
And to-day, when the clock of destiny
strikes, when the door of opportunity is
wide ajar, when the North actually lives
tip to that prophetic utterance in the
Senate of Ben Hill, "We are back in the
louse of our fathers, and we are here to
stay, thank God i"-a few of us are still
>)lushing and stammering, still vearing
olitical sackeloth and ashes, still up to
Ie old "easy mark" game of doing all
he drudgery, with none of the cakes
md ale! Let's end this disgraceful
farce I We furnish, have long furnished,
the electoral votes, the powder and shot,
the niuslitions, of the Democratic party.
Let's assert those equal rights and privi
leges as American citizens, as the re
mnainder of the nation fraternally hids
11s to do. Let's cease the stultification
of informing the nation, by our actions,
that ve cannot bring forth a man capa
ble for the presidency. For the sec
tional cowardice, here and there mani
fested, is equivalent to that shameful
aind ungrounded admission.-Thc Con-.
rtitution, Atlanta, Ga., January 21, 1912.
"Naturally the ncn who have led the
Democrats in the House of Representa
tives so successfully under trying con
ditions are freely mentioned at the pres
ent time as possible candidates for the
presidential nomination by the Demo
eratic Convention. These leaders are
Lhanip Clark, Speaker of the House,
and Oscar Underwood, a new and
coming man. -
"Both are Southerners, by the way, but
im my mind there is no reason in these
days of broadening views and lessening
prejudices why a Southerner should not
be nominated and elected to the presi
dential chair of the United States. In
fact, there are many reasons wh it
should be so."-London cable of WVilliami
Randolph H-earst in the Nrew York~
American, Monday, September 25, 1911,
Takes Up
The years since the Civil War have
rolled too fast and far to permit it to
be conceivable any longer that the cir
cumlstanlces of Southlern birth should
constitulte in Northern judgment a dis
qualification in any degree whatever.
liothI as to nomination and as to elec
ion the Southlerner will be rated in 1912
ml his individual merits. As far as thlis
pairticular Southerner, Mr. Oscar \V.
Underwood, is conlcernedl, it is agreeable
to nlote thle absence of geographly ini
the regard in which lhe is held in all
parts of thle Union-New York Sun
Rumors generally believed to have
emanated froml'the camps of men who
either are or have been conlsidered as
Demlocratic presidential possibilities, tihat
Mr. Underwvood, of Alabama, could not
commnand the support of the Northl be
cause of the fact thlat lhe is a South
erner, are not only poppycock, pure and
simple, but thley place tile men of the
North in a false position in tile eyes
:> the people of tile South and tend to
revive sectional feeling which has been
)uriedi for miany years. Tile effects of
suchl rumors are nlil inl tile North be
:ause the people of the North know thley
ilave nlot one iota of truth, but people
inl tile South are apt to take them mlore
seriously, and thlere is where they may
)rove harmful, not only because of thleir
-ndency to cause dissatisfaction on the
>art of Southern Democrats, but be
:au~se of the effect tihey may have ill
~ivinlg r-ise to sectionlal prejudice through
raise representations of conditions which
:Jo .not exist. No Northerner would
lesitate to support Mr. Underwoodl be
aause he comes from the South.--The
4trgus. Albany, New York, November
23, 1911.
We have been humbugged and scared
ff lon~g enoughl by tile bogy of North
~rn prejudice against a Southern candi
late. Underwood stands for just those
hings which recent Northern majori
ies hlave declared they want-a revi
ion of, tile tariff downward and tihe
lest ruction of special privilege. His
ilalities of leadershlip hlave been tested
md approved. In his personaliij he
s solid, clean and sane, with tile couir
ge of a igihter and the clairvoyance of
trule .reformer, and if the South pre
ents him as her candidate and the party
-atifies her choice this fine, strong char
eter of a new day in our annals will
atchl both the sentiment and the 'sober
udg~nmnt of tile North, sweep away the
ast remaining debris of the dead old
v'ar and its dead Issues and carry
'nouqh States In that section to give u~s
he Presiency.-Live Oak, Fla., Demo
rat, reprinted in the Montgomnerv Ad
'eriter. January 1/. 1912.'
A Bill of Direct Benefit to the Farmer, Who
Hopes Were Dissipated by a Repub
lican President
[To accompany H.R. 4413.]
The Committee on Ways and Means, to who ferred the bill (. R.
4413) to place on the free list agricultural mwn e erred ing, cotton
ties, leather, boots and shoes, saddlery and harness, fence .Wreo baggis, cerals,
flour, bread, timber, lumber, sewing machines, salt, and other arties,' caving
had same under consideration report it back to tle house ithout aviidg.
ment and recommend that the bill do pass.
It was expressly stated in the Democratic platform of 1908 that the belated
promises of tariff reform made at that time by the Repubica Party were a
tardy recognition of the righteousness of the Democratic position oa tis ques
tion, but that tile people could not safely intrust tle execution of this im
portant work to a party which is so deeply obligated to the highly protected
interests as is the Republican Party
* * * * * * * * * * *
By this measure agricultural tools and implements of every kind are placed
on the free list, in order to remove or to prevent any Possible discrimination
against our farmers in the prices of these necessary articles, and to place them
on an equal footing with their competitors elsewhere in the world. Our do
mestic manufacturers of agricultural tools, implements, vehicles, and dachin
ery have grown to great proportions and are largely nized into great trusts
and combinations. These organizations are selling toeirproducts al over the
world, meeting and overcoming all competition. They need ct protection,
and, as a rule, ask for none. For a number of years they sold many of
their products in foreign countries at lower prices than at home, and
so recently as 1907 agricultural associations in public resolutions protested
against this practice. The imports of these agricultural impleoents are in
significant; the value of all such imports, free and dutiable, in 1910, amounted
to $122,302. The exports of these implements have become a matter of more
importance than the domestic trade, the figures indicating am increase from
$3,859,184 in 1890 to $28,124,033 in 1910. This foreign business will be greatly
aided by the removal of duties from lumber, as provided for in this bill. g
It is of the greatest importance to our producers of cotton and other agri
cultural commodities that the materials necessary for bagging, sacking, baling,
or otherwise packing these commodities be made free from duty, so that they
may be available to the producers at the most favorable prices Possible, with
out shelter for the exaction of unreasonable prices by trusts and combinatiohs
of manufacturing interests. The bill, therefore, places all such materials and
articles on the free list, including cotton bagging and cotton ties, jute and jute
butts,. hemp, flax, seg, tow, burlaps, and other materials or fibers suitable for
coverings, and bags or sacks made therefrom, together with all hoop or bandblef
iron or hoop or band steel for baling any commodity and wire for baling
agricultural products. All these coverings and materials for makinc g
are essentials in the transportation of agricultural prdut o thig mcovetns
The products can not receive the benefit of ayproect ito these markets,
and for this and other reasons it is unfair andunus proteconmtnue dutieso
coverings for agricultural produce. These duties haves anoycontmaedburend
farmers and .have served principally to incraetiavoanydndbdnd
and combinations. res teprois of exacting trusts
62d Congress, 1st Session. H. R. 4413. An Acttopaenthfrels4
agricultural implements, cotton bagging, cotton tiest pleahe bonothe free ss
fence wire, meats, cereals, flour, bread, timber, lum:b cer, bootsn manes soes,
and other articles. eswn ahns at
B it oeAnced by ithe Senat easem ouse of Repreenttives of the United
the passage of this Act the following articles shall be emt fro dty olwhng
imported into the United States:eexmtfo duyw n
Plows, tooth and disk harrowvs, headers, havsesbeprgiutrldil
and planters, mowvers, horserakes, cultivatoartrs, renachns, agrcutua cotton
ginls, farm wagons and farm carts andl all other a griul a impens d coton
kind and description, whether specifically mentionegrin or mlmnt whether
in wvhole or in parts, inlcluding repair parts.norotwhhe
.Bagging for cotton, gunny cloth, and all similar fabris maeil,' rcvr
ings, suitable for covering and baling cotton o oe rins wholeras or over-o
ow, ale milltsvvste, cotton tares, or an othe osedemial e or essital for
coverinig cotton; and burlaps and~ bags or sacks com sdwo or r sintable fo
jute or burlaps or other material suitable for bagngs wl or parttra
Hoop or band ironl, or hoop or band steel, cttoegtlpnhd rnt
ptnched, or wholly or partly manufactured inito hoop to ties, punched or not
coated withl paittor ty oother preparation1,io witoop wtorutc buce o r fasten
strawv, anld other agricultuiral products. iieo aighy
Grain, buff, split, rou~gh and sole leathler, band, bend orbligdatr ot
and shoes made wholly or in chief value of leatlnler belting frmeatte hides
anld cattle skinls of whatever weighlt, of cattle of tle bovie from.cattl hindng
calfskins; and harness, saddles, and saddlery inst vrine specrs, menishding
unfinishled, composed wholly or in chi value ofleathler; and leathe cutnishedor
shoe uippers or vamps or other forms suitable for c -leso int manc-tit
tured articles.rcovron tom uf
Barbed fence wire, wvire rods, wide stranlds o r oe iewvno
nmanufacttured for wire fencing, aind other kinds of wirersuitable fovencing
including wire staples.eorenig
Beef, sneol, muton <lresbe rkr'eand meats of all kinds, fresh, salted, pickled,
bacon, hanms, shloulders, lard, lardl conmpoun<dsr andreslar substitutes;and
sausage andl satusage meats. ea
.Buckwheat flour, corn meal, wheat flour and semolina, ry florban
middlings, and~ othler offals of grain, oatmeal and rojled oats, and all urparen1
cereal foods; and biscuits, bread, wafers, anld siml arile, o pepaen.
.Timber, hlewn, sided, or squared, round timber use1 fricles nor sweetened
ing wvharves, shlingles, laths, fencing posts, sawved hoards, panksrdealsuind
othler lumber, rough or dressed, except boards, planks, (heals, and' other sum
ber, of hignum-vitae, lancewood, ebonly, hox, granadilhai maognoewum
satinwvood, anld all other cabinet woods. ,m oay oeod
Sewing machines, and all parts thereof.
Salt, whether in bulk or in bags, sacks, barrels, or other packages.
Passed tile Ihouse of Representatives May 8, 1911.
Attest: SOTr TRIMtLE,
FORCE Mr. Joh~n Temple Graves will be in
hThe Repblicans cannot agree with town soon to make us a speech. He
his tariff views; tile ,country, we are was in Birmingham the other nigh an
sure, will never put him io the presi- The -g--ca rne a g itrvie
dency, but assuredly he must be con- g-eadpitda neve
ceded .to be the ablest, tile strongest, the~ with the former Georgian, in which thlat
most influential Democrat in C2ongress genltlenman discussed Mr. Underwood as
to-day, anld he has shown a marvelous a presidential candidate Mr.Gae
c-apacity for leadership. His party asso-- said: "Mr. Foraker used to be ry bit-e
ciates stand solidlly behind hlim, and that terly opposed to the South, bu t softened
could not have been said of any other a great dleal after his elevation to the
mlan in~ recent years whlo led the Demo- Se'. te. I asked Mr. Foraker if incae
crats in the House of Represen tatives. Mr. Underwoodl is nominated for Pres
The shrewd Republican politicianis tht liewisla tSother maifncetoyo
who predictwodlthat tspeltemocrat in "'Absolutely none,' said. Mr. Foraker.
btherl ihsinglb splctin int aes dohan 'O orse, I cannot vote for him, as I
bitthrly nowghting fa t in dleswood's a kaRepublican, hut if any Republican
months are no harmaze r a nder oo ' shoul get tup and denounce him because
fyinufce.s ase hamonucceedd a un- he is from the South, I would take the
everybody else failed; it seems liktely at ipem Undeweloming asfense.'"
that with the prestige of stuccess he will fro at reads wose anoigc as tdoes
grow larger and1( more powerful as time romwa the Sohs intaotr att
passes. We dletest his political princi- imat the apelation ofothe d
pies, bitt it would be folly to deny his Foraker.-Montgomery (M1~ /0
strenigth and capacity-The Post Ex- iertiser, reprinted in the tl,
press, Rochester, N. Y., June 21, 1911. Alra..--l&,anua1., "

xml | txt