EX-CONGRESSMAN 1j, TALBtRT SEEKS
THE OFFICE OF UNITED STATES SENATOR
A FULL AND ABLE SUM
MARY OF HIS MAIN
PLATFORM PLANKS
To the Voters of the Sta*e of South
Carolina:
I have entered the race for the ofllco
of I'nlted States Senator and wish to
say no man ought to aspire to public
office without first having examined his
mind and heart to ascertain whether or
not he has a o-oper conception of the
responsibilities he proposes to assume
and also convince himself that nothing
will be wanting in his determination to
execute every obligation that may be
Imposed upon him. He should thor
oughly weigh his motives, and his fi
delity to the people, who may choose
him to serve them. He should consid
er well his abiding devotion to all
that relates to the well being of those
concerned in his administration of
official duty, nnd his courage to do
manfully whatever may devolve upon
him. Such considerations as these ap
ply with great force to every candi
date for office, but in a special way to
those aspiring to the United States
Senate from the State of South Caro
lina, the state of which Robert Y.
Hayne said in one of his speeches, "If j
there he one state In the Union that
will challenge comparison with any
other, that state is South Carolina."
For the time that one may hold this
office he must practically separate
himself from all those private busi
ness affairs to which he may have been
accustomed. He is inhibited from the
practice of any profession nnd receiv
ing compensation, reward, fee or
promise thereof for the same. Nor is
he allowed to receive any reward or
compensation for services rendpred
during his incumbency. It Is contemp
lated that he shall devote himself ex
clusively to the service of the state.
This Is as it should be for he should
enter upon his high commission with
singleness of purpose, and look for
his reward In the approbation of the
people for worthy services rendered
in their behalf, and the "satisfaction
that always proceeds from the con
sciousness of duty well performed,
with tho hope of receiving that wel
come plaudit, "well done thou good
and faithful servant."
It seems to me to be. not Inappro
priate In the outest thnt public atten
tion be directed of these, and kindred
considerations, that there may be a
due appreciation of the requisite qual
ifications of this lofty station, and the
many obligations, expressed and im
plied, that are Involved In its conduct.
Just here I desire to say that I shall
conduct myself In this campaign as I
have always tried to do, nnd make my
fight upon principal and merit, with
out any wanton or undeserved nttncks
upon my opponents. I am running for
the position, nnd not against any one
of them, except as the necessity of the
cnse may from time to time demand.
I am opposed to combinations and con
spiracies, and the corrupt use of mon
ey In elections, nnd t'hnll demand upon
ey in elections, nnd shall depend upon
public questions, as I shall present
them to you In this campaign for your
support for the position to which I
aspire.
It was Intended by the fathers that
this government of ours should rest
upon the foundation of free and Inde
pendent suffrage, and be forever main
tained by the virtue nnd morality, the
patriotism nnd Intelligence of the
American people, and that those cal
led to administer its affairs should
not secure and hold office through de
scent, or by trickery, and combina
tion. If wo shall ever reach the point
where votes, equivalent to vows, can
be cajoled, or coerced, bought, or
bullied, Impawned, or Intimidated,
where unshackled manhood cannot
fearlessly nssert Its highest preroga
tive in the selection of political
agents, nnd the decision of popular
Issues, or where citizenship shall be
come so enslaved ns to abandon Its
dignity and Integrity, where the pol
ling-place shall dcgetieratc into the
market overt, and ballots shall be at
vendue, or men shall be driven llke|
cattle, without choice of their own,
then Indeed may patriots tremble for
consequences, and then indeed will
begin the downfall of our free Insti
tutions. That Is a mean and com
pltble ambition that, wo(tild geek,-open
preferment by unhply combinations,
and the corrupt use'or* moWey.bV,'lhfs
renresen tat ions- in their publfd.pler,
and that'Is a. despicable voter, (whose
suffrage can ' be purchased with' a
price.'* Yet the growing tendency to
expensive- c.?*BnpnJ>m,i. ,T;vl the . use of
money, to promote official aspirations. ;
and secure election results, concern,
and orovVfVfe? 1 the' righteous 'Indigna
tion of the good people of this and
otherv?tate. I hope to see the time
when it will be possible for any man,
possessing tho qualifications other
wise, high, low, rich or poor, to hope
fully aspire to any-official position
without respect to his financial condi
tions or surroundings. If the lack of
wealth is to be an embargo on patriot
ic ambition, if only the rich and well
to-do can be candidates; If no poor
man, however worthy and capable,
need, apply for recognition at the
hands of his countrymen; if, in cotry
petition for public office, the possjea*
sion nnd use of money are to be tho
controling factors then Indeed may we
look for what an eminent jurist has
described as "the submergence of the
liberties of tho people In the sordid
despotism of wealth". While I am
perfectly willing to pay my assess
ment when my pledge is filled as a
candidate for the United States Sen
ate, and do not complain of it, yet
it does Beem to me that some means
ought to be devised to limit the ex
pense account of candidates for office
and thereby open the door to any de
serving man, who may desire to sub
mit his aspirations to the suffrage of
tho people, so that men of merit and
of character, although without money,
would have an equal chance with those
who are fortunate enough to possess
both. It seems to me that this matter
- worthv of very serious consideration
as it is the great question whether the
dollar or the citizen shall rule this
country, for as it is a man no matter
what his qualifications are otherwise,
will be unable to become a candidate
unless he Is able to meet all the de
mands made upon him In reference
to the financial side of the question.
Again the addition to the great and
growing danger of the money power,
and Its corrupt uses, we are not un
mindful of the equally great danger of
the gigantic monopolies and trusts,
now formed and being formed
throughout the land and country. We
should and must have laws to protect
us against the abuses of these great
organizations. We must not capitu
late the sway of avarice, nor the
demonstration of corporlte power. We
must have operative and effective laws
to prevent conspiracies and combi
nations In restraint of trade In order
to secure to the great body of people
the enjoyment cf commercial liberty
and opportunities of free competition.
It la a principle worthy of all accep
tlon that "perpetuities and monopo
lies are contrary to the genius of
free government." hence It should
never be allowed. Of late, the gov
ernment has met reverse in the crim
inal case, against both the packers
and the sugar trust officials. An
acquittal In one, and a disagreement
in the other. Now It, seems to be
pretty clearly demonstrated that the
government will not be able to estab
lish guilt in any other case of this
kind. The administration should de
mand some new anti-trust legislation.
The net result of twenty years of the
Sherman law has been absolutely
nothing, then there should be some
thing more substantial enacted. 1 de
sire the investment of cnpital in our
State, and wecome the Introduction
of every legitimate business concern
with the hope that It may do well and
prosper among us, and we in turn de
rive bneflts therefrom. I would do
nothing to disturb or check our In
dustrial progress, nor cause well di
rected capital to halt at our borders.
We certainly have an Inviting field
for every worthy enterprise; at the
same time we are expected to have
laws designed for the protection of our
people against corporative greed We
want capital to come, but we are not
expected to extend unfair and extra
ordinary solicitations to It. I ua-.V'
no war upon legitimate captializati'.n '
or corporations which are Decesrnry
and useful in the promotion and y.<i< ?
cessful operation of the many deserv
ing enterprises of the country, iru I
lng railroads and all common car?
riers. I recognize that the.''- *r<- great
Interests and vast concern* beyond Ihn
compass and individual effort or or-1
dlnary partnership. A proper com
bination of the resources of wealth
and skill Is Indispensable to the prop
er conduct of the great Industrial,
manufacturing and commercial busi
ness of the country. I would not
impair, much less destroy, any proper
corporation In the exercise of Its busi
ness not- harmful to the well-being of
the masses of the people. Senseless
clamor against Just and moral accuml
latlon of wealth should meet with no
encouragement.. Nb legislation can
fully equalize human conditions, but
no man nor set of men. should have
the power ,to .oppose the people, or
grind the faces of tho poor, nor. in
any way to deprive their fellowmen
Of the privilege of Working for or
or earning their bread by the expendi
ture of the brawn, or by the employ
ment of their brain. If you give the
trusts and monopolies unlimited
license and unrestrained power to
work their ways and will without
hendrance, the masses will then
bo reduced to servitude and slavery.
It is against the genius of our insti
Itutlons and the conscience of a free
people that aggregated capital and
the artificial creation and the feder
ation of corporations should be allow
ed to. use their tremendous power to
oppress mankind.
This leads me to some observations
In regard to the relations existing be
ween labor and capital, the two great
factors In the history of our common
country. I have no patlenoe with
any effort on the part of any man to
disturb the peace of any community,
or to divide our people Into hostile
classes anywhere, and there should
be no antagonism between the corp
orations and the people, neither should
there be any estrangement between
labor and capital. Neither can thrive
without the other. It is meant that
they should go hand In hand. They
are interdependent one upon the
other, and have mutual claims for
consideration. There Is no necessi
ty for conflict between them if they
can be led to see and understand the
relation they sustain to each other,
and that their true interests are one
and the same. It is the province of
statesmanship and the duty of all
good men to foster the harmony and
co-operation of these great factors of
our civilization, it Is desirable that
every aver e should be opened up for
the enjoy nt of honest labor, and
It Is true ?W as It was of old that
the "larbor la worthy of his hire."
And while on this subject I will say
that I favor legislation that will for
ever protect child labor everywhere,
and will always favor legislation that
will protect the laboring man in every
particular, without infringement upon
the rights of others.
I shall advocate the election of
United States Senators by a direct vote
of the people, together with all State
olllcers, and possibly every other ofll
cer from the President of the United
States down to coroner and constable
In the counties I believe is the people's
rule. No man should be above the
people. The judiciary, State and
National, should be taken somewhat
from the arena of politics. The judi
ciary is, or ought to be, the great bul
wark of liberty for the people, but as
Gladstone, the greatest man that ever
lived since Jefferson died, in the last
speech he made, begged the people
to snatch the crown from the King
and place with the people where It
belongs?"so mote it be."
Then one of the most Interesting
subjects that has In recent years at
tracted public attention throughout
the country is the betterment of our
public highways. Its correct deter
mination and wise treatment will re
sult in great benefits to the people.
The blessings coming from good roads
can hardly be overestimated. The
vast and diversified Interests of the
States, Increase in the value of farm
lands, the easy transportation of
farm products, the reduction of ex
penses, the improvement in rural
travel, the stimulation of local trade,
the upbuilding of ?.ountry communi
ties, facilitating their intercourse with
county sites and trading points, the
prompt and convenient delivery of the
malls over the R. F. I), routes, with
untold incidental advantages to farm
life?all of these, and other utilities
that might be mentioned, are pro
moted by the systematic consruc
tlon and Improvement of our county
roads. The subject Is no longer com
mon place or local, but has risen to
the dignity of great economic Impor
tance, challenging the earnest consid
eration of well Informed and enter
prising people all over the United
Stat*H. A burning national question It
has become, so much so that there has
been established In the United States
Departement of agriculture an office
of "public road enquiry," from and
through which much valuable Infor
mation has been obtained from time
to 'Irne. It has Issued many publi
cations in which are discussed the
best methods of building roads, nnd
the best materials for their consruc
? on, the laws and policies of dlffer
' .? States, the system that experl
< -.'<? has .shown the most Judicious
and economical, and other phases of
this great and progressive movement.
Any administration that shall success
fully encourage, any legislator who
shall wisely construct such a means as
will meet the demands of the situ
ation, will deserve and receive the
highest commendation of the whole
people, and build an enduring monu
ment, making the material prosperity
fo the States and progressive civiliza
tion of the age. It will require some
taxation of course, but such as will re
turn ten fold to the taxpayer. One dol
lar of taxes will make a return of
ten In the way of good roads, and the
results therefrom, and then the people
may say themselves, through their
State and National Representatives,
how much tax they shall pay, as It
seems that both State and National aid
to good roads will he invoked, and It Is
right It should be so too.
Good roads while bringing many oth
er blessings, will prove a great fac
tor in building up country schools, and
from them to college, and this brings
me to a point where I may say some
thing of tho great importance of edu
cation in our Southland. One reason
I that education is of more importance
In the South than ever before, is, bo
fore the war the Southern people had
come to rely upon their slave labor,
and upon that had become rich and
Independent, looking to the North for
skilled labor, artisans, teachers, edi
tors, and tven preachers of the gos
pel, etc. The war knocked these props
from under them, bringing them face
to face vith other problems, and
throwing uiem upon their own efforts,
raising up their own artisans, teach
ers, editors, preachers, &c, hence the
great necessity for more education. In
the vast optimism of the universal law
there exists no such thing as failure.
Good and good only, can be the ulti
mate product of the manifold opera
tions of civilization, so that good has
come from this source. Another re
sult then of the bloody war was the
raising of Southern character to a ful
ler understanding of its own powers,
as well as deficiencies, and to a spirit
of emulation of the thrift, energy, in
dustry,.and the Ingenuity of other and
more progressive people along certain
lines. By these traits, the Southern
people have learned that a greater des
tiny than that of cotton growing for
the rest of the world has been appoint
ed to them by the Supreme Director
! of human affairs?that a loftier career
still than agriculture only, or refined
Statesmanship even, or the Indolent
ease of dilettante scholarship, Is with
in the grasp of their power. Then the
Southern people have taken advantage
of this Inspiration as can be seen by
her institutions of learning all over
the country, from the country schools
on up to the graded school and col
leges. Yes, they have cast off from
their proud neck the yoke of usurpa
tion, and their once bowed crest lifts
Itself more grandly than ever before
In exultation at having triumphed over
the combined forces that stood to
crush their pride during the dark days
of reconstruction. Thank God there
is life in the old land yet, and a hope
burning brighter in her breast, coupled
with a double determination never to
give up or die. Die she never will, so
long as one of her sons and daughters
live. Then it is our duty to foster our
institutions of learning by not only
liberal appropriation by States, but If
necessary, supplemented by National
aid also. And in this connection, I
want to say that I am In favor of all
our schools and colleges, and while 1
would not take one brick from our col
lege walls, yet I am In favor of more
liberal appropriations for our common
schools. I want to live to see the day
when our common school system will
be so amended, reformed and support
ed so as to give every white boy and
girl in the land high, low, rich or
poor, a common school education,
which will be a protection to our
country against the danger of popu
lai Ignorance, vulgarity and vice, a
common start In life which will ena
ble them, having gotten a taste for
learning, to go forth and get higher
education in God's grent university, If
In no other, that is to say let a broad
highway be opened up by an Indispen
sable minimum of a common school
education from the humblest man's
door to the summit of American citi
zenship and society.
Now, as to the Tariff, I will say that
I favor Tariff fcr revenue only, favor
ing revision downward, along the lines
of the measures enacted by the Demo
crats in the House during the extra
session of Congress, together with the
excise bill passed by the lower house
of Congress, also a graduated tax, thus
placing the burden of taxation upon
the Bhoulders of those more able to
bear It, and taking It from those who
are less able to do so, and by placing
the necessities of life upon the free
list, and placing higher duties upon
the luxuries of life. 1 heartily ap
prove of the Democratic measured
passed by the lower house of Con
gress, which placed so many articles
upon the farmers free list, believing as
I do that these measures would ben
efit the great agricultural classes of
Olir country. I do not ask for spc-cial
privileges for the farmers, but I claim
Justice for them. The farmers are
the most useful and the most conserv
ative of all our cltlzcitB. Their labor
supplies us with food and clothing,
and to them we turn when the riots
and bloodshed of our cities render the
future of the republic gloomy and un
certain. From the bitterness of clnss
antagonism, from the greed of the
rich who oppress tho poor, and from
the desperation of the poor who would
despoil the rich, we turn to the rural
homesteads of this land, and there wo
find a rugged independence, tempered
with a reverence for the law, which
constitutes the nation's best and wis
est safeguard. Around those hnm
ble firesides, even in this age of solf
iHhness nnd greed, the love of country
is above the lovo of self, and second
only to tho fear of God. A ropubllc
which practices injustice against
homes like these, which multiplies
their burdens like the tariff duties
are doing today, and drives their Im
poverished and discontented occupants
to the factory towns and cities, invites
its own destruction. Then again, tho
financial system of this nation is so
adjusted as to be utilized by a few, and
should be vitally changed so as toj
oiler to every class some bene"?. yet
our bankers would favor, by their ac
tion in New Orleans, the money trust
Payne \ldrlch bill, tho most vicious
and pernicious ever proposed by sen
sible men. God forbid Its ever becom
ing a law in this civilized country of
ou rs.
I am in favor of the adoption, In
some way, with certain restrictions
and qualifications, of the Initiative,
Referendum, Recall policy, provided
none of its provisions shall apply to
the State or national judiciary?which
department I believe should be kept
as far as practicable out of the arena
of politics and political scrambles of
all kinds. By a wise and conservative
plan, under this system, the people
will be enabled, if necessary, to obtain
a more direct control of the govern
ment than they have ever had. When
the nineteenth century closed only one
State had the Initiative and referen
dum. Now several have It, and a good
many cities art working under the
same. Tho recall did not come Into
existence till 1905, but now the coun
try It seems Is dotted with communi
ties where It Is In force, and Is active
ly used. All these three propositions
are importations from Switzerland,
where the Initiative and referendum
have been In force for half a century,
the recall not so long. Of course
States and cities adopting them can
alter them to suit the local taste, and
the existence of this plan In one State
or city may not be the same In anoth
er, according to conditions and cir
cumstances, but the fundamental prin
ciples are the same. The whole ob
ject of the initiative and referendum
Is to allow the people to retain a hold
upon legislation, nnd of course it
would not be practicable to legislate
generally by this plan, but sometimes
in exceptional cases, It would enable
the people to protect themselves
against unjust enactment of unjust
laws. The Initiative would enable a
certain percentage of voters, by peti
tion, to have Introduced through their
representative, certain measures, and
the referendum would enable a cer
tain percentage of voters also to ask
that certain measures passed by legis
latures be submitted back to the peo
ple for ratification or adoption. Of
course the rate of percentage might
vary according to conditions, and If
a majority declare against It It falls
to become law, or If approved, It be
comes law. The recall enables a cer
tain percentage of voters, said per
centage to be governed by law as to
number named, the right to demand
that certain ofilclals appear before the
people to be determined whether he
shall be retained or removed, and as
the majority votes so It would be.
These things would seldom happen,
but It would be a protection given the
people where needed, for Instance
where strong nnd soulless corpora
tions are controlling legislation
against the will and interest of the
masses. South Dakota, I believe was
the first State In the Union to adopt
this policy, and its laws on the sub
ject are pronounced models of their
kind along this line by compentcnt
Judges. From Information gathered,
this policy is working well In the
State of Oregon. I notice In one of my
papers that the purpose of this very
policy was explained in a very force
ful manner by the highest court In
that State In a case known as Oregon
versus Pacific States Telegraph and
Telephone Co., f>2, Ore. 162.
Said the Court, "By the adoption of
tho initiative and referendum Into our
constitution the legislative department
Is divided Into two separate nnd dis
tinct, law-making bodies. There re
mains, however, but one legislative
department of the State. It operates,
of course, differently from before?
one method by the enactment of laws
directly through that sourco of all
legislative power, the people, and the
other, as formerly, by their repre
sentatives, but the change thus
wrought neither gives to nor takes
from the legislative assembly the pow
er to enact or repeal any law except in
such manner and to such extent ns
may therein be expressly stated. Tho
power thus reserved to the people
merely took from the legislature the
exclusive right to enact laws, at tho
same time leaving It a co-ordinate
legislative body with them. This dual
system of making and unmaking laws
has become the settled policy of tho
State, and so recognized by decisions
upon the subject." Then it seems
thnt In this Instance this plan of op
eration has been tried and proved to
be satisfactory.
Another measure I will advocate In
placing the old helpless and crippled
Confederate soldiers on tho dependent,
Invalid, federal pension rolls. Now,
some may object to this, but the late
war was a war between tho States,
a family fight and It seems to me to hi
nothing but right to do this to offset
the drains from the South to pay
Northern prisoners. These old soldiers
can look nowhero else except to the
States for aid and relief. The fate of
war has made It thus, and wo must
not forget them. We recall with pride
the spectacle presented when they
sprang to arms In 1861. Not ns mer
cenarios, hired to light for pay were
they, but patriots, constrained to
struggle, and to dlo if necessary, for
principles, for what they conceived to \
be right and just. Unrivalled in the
chronicles of war is the record which
they made. Half-clad and half-starv
ed they fought as only heroes could
fight, winning victory after victory
from the enemy, though outnumbered
two to one in almost overy battle,
yielding up the strife at last, but not
till they had swelled the pension rolls
with the names of twice as many pen
sioners as there were soldiers In the
Confederate army. Dear to us are
their empty sleeves, their wooden legsJ^j
nnd their locks of white. We ennnofl
enrich them with gold, but we can
crown thjem with honor, and give
them to eat and to wear the few days
they are yet with us, and keep on
honoring and loving them, for we
should love them till our hearts, like
broken drums, have beaten their
music out forever. Let them have,
without stint, what is due them in the
way of pensions from the State for
their valuable and patriotic services.
Crushed by fate, but sustained by
love's sweetest welcome, we see these
dear old soldiers after the conflict was
ended, start upon their journey home
ward, only to find ashes upon ashes,
where once stood their humble homos,
loved one scattered, and many of them
gone, slaves emancipated, property de
stroyed, and military force In posses
sion of the lands. But undaunted by
adversity and hardships, we see them
start work nnd life again, and they
continue to presevere, and strive till
beauty once more takes tho place of
ashes and desolation, and the old
South, like the butterfly emerging
from the Chrysalis, bursts asunder
the bonds of humiliation and appar
ent defeat and leaps Into the radiant
and triumphant Dixie of today, as a
result of the efforts of these old sol
diers. Then, since the feeling of an
imosity and sectionalism has at last
died away between tho North and
South, it does seem that a magnani
mous spirit In the bosom of the North
ern people would be willing that these
old heroes should receive some recog
nition at the hands of the national
government. I was the first to Intro
duce a bill in a Southern State to pen
sion them by states, and hope to be
the iirst to ask recognition for theui
from the national government.
Now, in conclusion, it may be said
that I advocate new ideas. Well, it
seems to me that it will take some
new things to get such men as Lorlmer
and Stephenson out or the U. S. Senate
It looks like a recall would be appli
cable in these cases. Our forefathers
mixed up a jug of politics and left It
In the closet for us. with Instructions
for us to take a do?e of It occasional
ly. Well we have been taking It. and
It was good, but they did not suppose
that there would be these gigantic
trusts and monopolies to deal with,
and that seats in the U. S. Senate
j would be bought and sold In the mai?
ket, hence it may he necessary In snritqfij
Instances to pour everything out of
the jug, scald it. out, and try something
else awhile in order that the people
may still rule the roost. There are
many other questions too numerous
to mention here that will be discussed
at the proper time on the stump.
W. .1. TALBEBT.
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