OCR Interpretation


The Irish republic. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1867-18??, May 25, 1867, Image 8

Image and text provided by University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign Library, Urbana, IL

Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn94054745/1867-05-25/ed-1/seq-8/

What is OCR?


Thumbnail for 8

THE IRISH REPUBLIC
* Liberty—Her Friends Our Friends, Her Enemies Our Enemies,’
CHICAGO, ILL., MAY 25, 1867.
Notice
Clubs will bear in mind the following rules:
Papers to clubs are to be sent to one address and then dis
tributed by the receiver.
The reason why clubs receive newspapers at reduced rates is,
that it takes no more time to wrap and address 20 copies for
one person than one copy.
Where clubs require the name of each subscriber on each
paper, full rates must be paid.
What is the difference to us in a club of ten who require ten
papers wrapped and addressed separately, and ten single sub
scribers ? No difference in the labor, and the ten single sub
scribers are charged $1 each more than those in the club. This
is an injustice to the subscribers and a loss to us. We trust
our club friends will bear this in mind, and live up to the reg
ular requirements. Send the name of one person for each
club to whom the papers will be sent, and after they are re
ceived by this person be must distribute them. By informing
the postmaster in each town that the package of papers are for
so and so persons he will distribute.
Where members of clubs remove to other towns, by notify
ing us we will send them their papers, but in all such cases we
expect them to pay the difference between club rates and single
subscriptions, unless they join some club in the town to which
they remove.
N. B. We again call attention to the offer to clubs of 30 or
over at $3 each per year. Not Icsb than a year, remember.
This will be withdrawn alter the 4th of July, and the regular
rates adhered to. We request our friends to notify us of any
delay or mistake in the reception of their papers, and assure
them that we will do all in our power to make things right. •
Can we have an Independent Press ?
Our people are forever crying out against intoler
ance, and on close investigation it will be seen that
there is no nation more intolerant than our own.
This intolerance, in its most malignant and hateful
form, is shown towards men of our own race who
have the hardihood to break away from the ma
jority, and to bring forward new and advanced
ideas for their general consideration. Victims our
selves, to*the longest and blackest intolerance and
persecution in the world’s annals, the consistent
course should be the most unfettered liberality to
wards men who think tit to differ honestly from us
in all movements looking towards the restoration of
our shattered nationality. The contrary is the case,
however, and to-day there are no men so hated and
calumniated, by a portion of our people, as the men
who have given their years and talents and youth
to the cause of their country. There are Irishmen
at home and abroad, and their name is legion, who,
for some petty pers onal difficulties with prominent
men in our movement for Irish liberty, feel a de
moniacal delight in every reverse to our cause.
Indeed this is nothing new in our history. From the
days of O’Rourke to our own this blot on the race
has never been effaced—that of men sacrificing their
country for personal malice. Let an officer of the
organization have a personal quarrel w ith a member,
or vice versay and ten to one but the aggrieved party
will from that moment become hostile to the whole
movement, to be revenged on his enemy. Pulling
• down the temple to kill his enemy, even though his
•whole race is crushed in that fall. All these things
are the fruits of slavery. Our hereditary foe has
been sowing the seeds of disunion, and distrust,
among us for centuries, using all means, spiritual
and temporal, to accomplish his purposes, and all
men attainable, native and foreign, to propagate his
doctrine.
How far the enemy has succeeded in subduing, by
cunning and fraud, the spirit which he could never
subdue by persecution and force, those who have
worked in the Fenian organization, at home and
abroad, can testify. It is not too much to say that
Irish nationality was a corpse, shrouded and ready
for the grave which England has dug for her, when
theFenian organization called itbacktolife again,and
breathed the breath of hope into its darkened soul.
Had another generation passed, without some such
organization springing into life, Ireland, as Ireland
of old, would be known no more ; for a race of
slaves would till the land, whose highest duty
would be to “ pray for the Queen and all
the royal family that they might lead quiet and
holy lives.” Fenianism then has saved our nation
from burial. The great majority of the Irish peo
ple seven years ago, and a good majority of sleek
satisfied slaves to-day, would, to please their foreign
masters, fold up three thousand years of History in
Manchester calico, blow out the lights, and so con
sign our glory and our shame, our sorrows and our
joys, our blood and our tears, and, greatest of all,
our future hopes, to the tomb of oblivion.
During the eight years of our organization’s ex
istence it has had to contend against Irishmen
alone. Neither the British Government,nor the peo
ple of England, have ever given us the least trouble,
until within the last year. So far we have been fight
ing the slaves whose freedom would come with our
success. Whatever defeats the organization has
suffered it has suffered at the hands of Irishmen.
England has played us against each other now, as
she has often done before, for our own enslavement.
She has met us, in the shape of Bishops and Priests,
huiding their anathemas against us as blood-thirsty
infidels. She has met us, in the shapes of plethoric
Parsons, denouncing us as butchering papists, ready
to cut the throats of all our Protestant brothers.
She has met us in the goodly form of the extermi
nating landlord and the cringing shoneen. She has
met us in the shape of the lowliest slave who delved
the barren earth for a miserable sustenance, and in
a thousand other forms, but never in her scarlet
robes until the last few months. She has also
met us in the shape of a cowardly Irish press that
had not the manliness to take the side of the enemy
openly, but who “ dammed us with faint praise”
from a seemingly friendly stand-point.
A national press is the greatest engine for good
or evil according as it is directed. In the hands of
bold, uncompromising men, it is the lever that up
sets tyranny, and establishes liberty on the ruins of
thrones. In selfish and cowardly hands it demor
alizes the nation, feeds it on lies, flatters it to
destruction, and paves the way for despotism.
For years we have felt the want of a journal
whose principle would be to speak the truth, and
correct error, even at the risk of arraying ninety
out of every hundred against it. We do not mean
to say that there are not Irish Journals ably con
ducted, and, from their ownsstandpoints, boldly
and honestly 'carrying out their principles. All
papers that we know off are owned by individuals,
and started as legitimate and honorable business
undertakings. It follows then that the first duty
of such papers is to attain the largest circulation.
This cannot be done by boldness. It is done by a
cautious pandering to the tastes of its readers, and
never advocating a great truth, or a great principle,
where either would be likely to offend any member
of its supporters. This is not the fault of the press ;
it is the fault of the people, who will not tolerate
expressions distasteful to themselves.
The Irish Republic, w-as started to speak
boldly, regardless of consequences. It assumes that
truth is indestructible and has nothing to fear from
assault or criticism. It is “the galled jade that
winces.” Therefore it was to be a Journal where
men could write their thoughts on all things, that
either might read and compare notes. It does not
follow that, because men support a paper on gene
ral principles, they are to require a strict compli
ance with all their notions. There can be no
honesty, nor virtue, when intolerance allows no
liberal margin. We have been forced to this ex
! planation in consequence of the many “ lessons of
admonition” we have received since our first
issue. Had those “ warnings” come from the timid,
or the cautious, we would have received them with
that respectful reverence duo to our grandmother’s,
when they warn us against progression. But com
ing from men whom we regarded in advance of
ourselves we are a little stunned. Is The Irish
Republic to be what it pledged itself in its Pros
pectus, to become—or must it trim its sails to catch
the popular breath ? The Irish revolutionists of
America must answer this, if there are any such
in our sense of the word. We have been working
for years for liberty, and boasting of progression
and enlightenment. It is time to test the truth and
sincerity of our people in these matters, and we
propose the test.
The directors and stockholders of this paper
prefer to talk bold truths to ten thousand than to
to preach inanity to the million.
, There are five millions of the Irish race in Ame
rica. Are there ten thousand willing to support a
Journal that, in addition to advocating the inde
pendence of Ireland, will also advocate universal
liberty ? Are there ten thousand men in America
who, while supporting the friends of liberty every
where, will attack her enemies wherever found ?
If there are such men Ave want to know it at once.
Not only can ten thousand such men support a Jour
nal of freedom, and spread its doctrines in the face
of all opposition, but actuated as they must be by
the highest and purest motives they can work out
the Independence of Ireland. Ten thousand men
of this type can save a nation. And if Ave cannot
count this number of true revolutionists in five
millions of our race, how are we to accomplish our
national regeneration ?
If after all our years of labor and sacrifice, a cer
tain number of our friends are not able to bear plain
talk without flinging The Irish Rebublic back in
our teeth, why our Avork has so far been thrown
aAvay. We are still confident—so hard it is to
shake our faith in the people—that there are enough
of men left to raise the banner of Ireland and
Liberty in the face of all opposition.
. Should the Avorst come, and that avc find out that
our paper is printed for the next generation, Avhy
Ave can let men take our places whose cool philoso
phy will teach them to tell als much truth as will
suit their purpose, and suppress the remainder.
The Irish Republic as far as we are concerned,
will go to our people with truth on its lips and Avill
spare no man, and no party, that are false to Ire
land and Liberty. There are a certain miserable
portion of almost every race whose blind enmity
is the highest recommendation of every honest
man. So far are they sunk in the sloughs of igno
rance and slavery that never in their wildest dreams
do true men ever hope of advancing them to the
high ground of independence, or of receiving from
them anything but stupid opposition directed against
those Avho would raise them from their degra
dation. An absolute or complete unity of the Irish
race, or of any other race on earth, is a sheer im
possibility. Revolutions, and all great whirls of
the world onward, have always been accomplished
by the intelligent, and self-sacrificing minority, who,
like the advance guard of grand armies, heAV the
forests, bridge the rivers, and storm, and die in the
breaches, that the heavy columns may come on, and
pass over their lifeless bodies to victory.
Again we say if there is nothing to be said in the
columns of The Irish Republic but what will
please our old grannies, Avhy its establishment was
uncalled for. We have had vehicles enough to
convey compliments and eulogies from the living to
the dead. If our people Avant all our great dead,
from Ollamh Fodla to Daniel O’Connell, trotted
out continually, to sIioav to the world Avhat we were,
Avhy, avc suppose, Ave can be tomb searchers, as
well as others. If, on the other hand, they Avant
“ to see themselves as others see them,” they must
allow the utmost freedom of expression to Editors
and correspondents. The intolerance of readers
makes a subservient press.
Scene at Headquarters, War Department.—Enter Garry
owen.
General Spear.—Garry, can you tell me why the War De
partment is like a pole with a sharp instrument on the end
of it?
Garryowen.—Yes; ’cause there’s a Spear at the head of it.
Exit Garry Owen, double-quick.

xml | txt