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The Irish republic. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1867-18??, August 24, 1867, Image 6

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menced. Amid countless throngs of interested spectators the
army once more returned to its military performances. Ready
and eager for the impending fray—for a battle was about to
bo fought—the brave and impetuous hosts of warlike men
listened with entranced attention to eloquent and spirit-stir
ring speeches which were delivered by Captain J. C. O’Neill,
General McWilliams, Colonels Dunn and Byron, and Major
General Spear. The British army, being conveniently on
hand and bearing the flag of St. George, was then drawn up
in battle array. The Fenian army charged it with a yell,
and routed it instantly. Prodigies of valor were performed.
The rifles cracked, the cannon bellowed and thundered, the
bayonets glittered in the sun, salnjrs clashed, and the dead and
wounded were strewn about the field. This is the usual re
sult of all decisive battles, and on this occasion it was to be
expected. Everything went off in the most satisfactory man
ner, and the managers, Messrs. Fitzsimmons, McGrath and
O’Neil, deserve great credit for their valuable services and
admirable arrangements.
The Annual Fenian Picnic at Chicago.
The fourth annual picnic of the Fenian Brotherhood came
off at Haas’Park on Thursday, lothinst. Inspiteof the lies of
wretched English-born, or English paid, pcnny-n-liners, we
pronounce the picnic, in its main points at least, a great suc
cess. There must have been ten thousand people on the
ground. The day was delightful, the locality charming, and
the railway arrangements were all that could be expected,
especially when it is taken into consideration that the getting
on and off of such a vast multitude was a matter of great
difficulty. Although nearly a hundred cars were engaged,
hundreds of the males were compelled to ride outside for
want of room inside. It was almost a miracle that such
numbers could have been brought back and forward so closely
pressed together, without an accident.
Some five hundred of “ the boys in green ” turned out, fully
uniformed and armed. The military were commanded by
General Spear, Colonel Cosgrove, Adjutant Crowley and
Lieut. Hennessy. These four gentlemen were well mounted,
and presented, in their gorgeous uniforms of green and gold,
very fine spectacles. No less than four U. S. generals, in civic
costume, were present. They were General White, General
Osborne, General Mann and General Beveridge. These gen
tlemen were attended by Messrs. Morrison, Cardwell and
Bussell, who had been appointed to wait on the invited guests.
About one o’clock a substantial lunch of cold meat and Mr.
Conley’s best Rhine wine was spread on the grass. As the
guests were soldiers and men who had been used to the field,
the fight, and the bivouac, they made no croaking complaints
because there were no table-cloths, and a scarcity of knives
and forks. Some half a dozen gentlemen connected with the
various dailies of the city were also present, and partook of
the bumble fare prepared by the Brotherhood, which, if not
got up in so recherche a style as it might be, was tendered in
that true spirit of hospitality which told of the courteousness
and sincerity of those by whom it was given.
We are sorry to have to acknowledge that there was some
slight disturbance, as there always will be at such large
gatherings, but we have failed to hear of any one being
seriously injured. The fact is, that some of those present |
partook too freely of whatever drinks were on the ground,
and as a natural consequence there was some confusion,
but nothing like what some of the Chicago daily papers
have endeavored to make the public believe. In plain
words, there was no fight or row from beginning to end
worth a row of pins, and if only the same amount of disturb
ance had taken place in any crowd not an Irish crowd, the
venomous English hirelings ivho do the reporting (lying) for the
Chicago papers would never have taken the slightest notice of it.
Here we deliberately make a very grave charge against two
at'least of the Chicago papers. When we opened the papers
on the morning following the picnic, we could hardly believe
our eyes as we read accounts of fights that never had exist
ence, except in the brain of the wretched cockney scribbler
who wrote about them. No wonder that Europeans should
still believe that America is doomed to death, and that the
Republic is only a mighty bubble, waiting for the prick of a
tiny English pin to burst it. Now, we hate side-winded allu
sions, or muggy inuendoes. So, consequently, we openly state
it as our deliberate conviction, that the notices of the picnic
in some Chicago journals owed their unfriendly tone to Eng
lish influence—the very same English influence that misrep
resents Americans on all possible occasions, and that carica
tures the slightest difference of opinion in flic halls of lega
tion as mortal combats. What, in the name of God, is to be
come of America if a British spy anil an enemyof America is
to he found whenever they are wanted to do English work?
Must a miracle greater than that of the loaves and fishes he
performed to open the eyes of the American |>eople? Perhaps
when their country is a prey to anarchy, and when the cry of
joy is once more heard in England, (for it was heard before,
when Lee and .Jackson were winning victories,) the Ameri
can people will see who is their real enemy. If our Ameri
can friends have any doubt as to a great portion of the news
papers, ostensibly American, being written up in the English
interest, let them go into the sanctums and behold who write
up those delectable articles on IIIrish affairs. We say now,
and we will prove it by and by, that a part of the English
plan for creating dissensions and divisions in America is to
send out editors and reporters to manage the American press.
We are always willing that Americans shall criticise us. Asa
people, we have faults, and we are willing to have them cor
rected, and we feel sure it is not in the American nature to
stab in the dark. On the other hand, we do not want English
men to criticise us through American channels, as they have
done and are doing, for there is too much bad blood between
us already. When England was howling for the destruction of
America, the wild Irish met in Dublin and voted to take the
side of the United States; and the Irish in America—among
whom were those Boys in Green, from Spear and Cosgrove
down to the commonest man in the ranks, who were at the
Fenian picnic at Haas’ Park—were fighting the battles of
America, while those same vile cockney scribblers had British
protection papers in their pockets.
We have been pained at this insignificant matter, because
it shows how “ the wind blows,” and what tremendous diffi
culties we have to overcome; but we tell our Chicago news
paper reporters that their slanders have been written in vain,
and if they think the Irish cause is going to suffer materially
by their exposition of the acts of a few drunken rowdies at
a picnic, they are most—mistaken.
Minneapolis, Minn., August 8th, 1867.
Editors Irish Ropublic.
“ Our able and energetic countryman and brother, Col. Mor
rison, visited this city on the 6th inst. The evening was one
of the warmest of the season. A fatal accident had caused
the death of one of our oldest Irish residents. Yet the largest
hall in the city was filled. For an hour and a half the orator
held the audience entranced. Bound after round of applause
testified their appreciation of the truths laid before them,
and at the close thirty-five stalwart Fenians came forward and
joined the circle.
The late freshet carried forty millions of logs over the
falls. This has compelled all the mills and factories to stop.
As a necessary consequence, hundreds of men are idle. This
is the reason why our cause is not supported as it otherwise
would be. But we are in hopes of doing better hereafter.
We will do our utmost to have a proper representation at
next Congress in Cleveland. God speed the right.
Fraternally yours, P. F.”
Sheridan for President.
There is one solution to all our political problems—the
Presidency. That answers everything. It explains the
anomaly of a Congress almost unanimously convinced that
Andrew Johnson deserves impeachment, yet refusing to im
peach him. It explains Henry Wilson’s tour through the
South, and Mr. Seward’s purchase of the Russian icebergs.
It explains the unrelenting hatred of Edwin M. Stanton by
the Democrats, and their obstinate resolution to drive him
from the Cabinet. The denial of Benjamin F. Butler’s superb
ability and his services to the country, and the savage abuse
heaped upon him, result from the knowledge of his popularity
as a Presidential candidate. That the Copperhead papers, for
merly Grant’s worst enemies, are now his most obsequious
flatterers; that a brigade of Jenkinses follow him by night
and day, and publish his most insignificant movements; that
all the financial misfortunes and successes of this country are
equally attributed to Chase ; that the President at once pro
foundly desires, and as profoundly fears, to remove Sheridan
—these are mysteries of which the next Presidency is the
true and sufficient solution. It is very well to talk of Presi
j dential nominations as premature, but they are, nevertheless,
I made. The reconstruction question is settled ; the principles
have been permanently fixed, and the difficulty of their
execution is no longer a national question. Nor is there any
doubt that the Republican party will sweep North and South.
Tennessee has decided that, by her glorious majority of 30,000
for Brownlow, and in almost every rebel State the registration
returns show that the black vote will be far in excess of the
white. The choice of the next President is narrowed down
to a few leading Republicans, of whom Grant, Butler, Stan
ton, and Chase, have thus far been the more prominent.
Two nominations have just been made which have unusual
significance. The first is that of Grant, by the Union Con
servative Committee of this city, a body of politicians who
seceded from the Republican party last fall, and have since
borne to the Democracy the exact relation which the pilot-fish
bears to the shark. The choice of Grant by this obscure com
mittee is intrinsically of little importance, except as it is a
recognition of his popularity by the office-seekers, who are
notoriously good barometers. Hunger sharpens all the senses.
But the indorsement of the nomination of Grant by the
Democratic papers has meaning: they have ravenously taken
I the hint. The Eastern Argus, of Bangor, Maine, declares
that the Conservative Republicans evidently look “to the
election of a man eminently prudent, of great firmness, de
voted patriotism, and broad, liberal, statesmanlike views, as
the only means of rescuing the Government from the hands
of the revolutionists now in power, and restoring the Union
under the Constitution. There arc a great many of the same
opinion, and who believe that General Grant is the man for
the emergency. We are of this number.” Grant’s inveterate
silence, rarely broken, has unquestionably inspired the Demo
crats with the hope that he is not without sympathy with
their policy—a hope which Mr. Johnson has encouraged by
claiming Grant as a partisan of his administration; they are
the more anxious to obtain Grant as their candidate, because
they are well aware that no Democrat has the ghost of a
chance. Pendleton is vaguely mentioned, in an insincere
way, but Sunset Cox confidentially informs his friends that
to nominate him would be to retire from the contest. The
chances of Seymour would be little better than those of Jack
Rogers, of New Jersey; and as for George B. McClellan,
nobody mentions his name. Nobody knows where he is; he
has absolutely disappeared, and his friends think of adver
tiffing in The Herald: “If G. B. M., who was last seen on
board of a Cunard steamer, waving an eternal farewell to an
ungrateful country, will return to his afflicted friends, all will
be forgotten and forgiven, and no questions asked.” In this
utter dearth of candidates, the Democracy have addressed
themselves to the capture of Grant—like the devil-fish of
Victor Hugo, which lies in wait to strangle and devour.
But the second Presidential nomination recently made has
far more importance. When a leading Republican paper,
such as The Tribune, virtually declares that General Sheridan
is its candidate for the Presidency, that indicates a deep satis
faction with the reticence of Grant on the part of many of
the Radicals. It proves they are alarmed by the support he
has received from the Democracy, although he has not said
one word to show that he would accept such support. Yet it
would be unjust both to Sheridan and his friends to interpret
his nomination as merely an aggressive movement against his
old commander; it means that his bold and straightforward
policy in Louisiana has won for him the confidence of the
whole Republican party, and that those who urge him for
the Presidency do so, in a great measure, upon independent
grounds, irrespective of their perfect willingness to accept
Butler, or Grant, or Stanton, if either of these gentlemen
should be the choice of the party. There is no question but
that many Republicans have been looking to Sheridan as a
possible candidate ever since the New Orleans massacre of
July, 1866, and the action of The Tribune is the most signifi
cant of recent political events. It would become even more
important should the President execute his threat to remove
Sheridan from the command of the Fifth Military District,
for that would arouse the indignation of every loyal man.
The censure of the President would be justly interpreted as
the highest compliment to the integrity and ability of Sheri
dan’s patriotic course. What that course has been we may
briefly examine. After Sheridan’s brilliant rides around
Richmond, a series of cavalry operations which effectually
broke up all railroad communications with the Confederate
capital, and insured the capture of Lee and his whole army,
he was assigned, in May, 1865, to general command west of
the Mississippi and south of the Arkansas rivers. This ap
pointment intrusted him with the control of Louisiana and
Texas, and from the first Sheridan’s policy was to build up
a loyal party in the Southwest, and to trample out the unex
tinguislied fires of treason, which, in 1866, Mr. Johnson had
carefully fanned into flame. It was comparatively easy work
to rule Louisiana till July of that year, when he found it
actually necessary to prohibit the organization of Confederate
batteries and brigades. But they were organized, and played
their part in the riots of July 30. We all know that terrible
story, but it was not till months afterwards that the part
Sheridan had taken was made fully known to the American
people. Then the publication of his official correspondence
with the President, the Secretary of War, and General Grant,
disclosed the suppression and mutilation of his dispatches to
suit the policy of a corrupt Administration, and the bitter
opposition he had met with from Andrew Johnson. Never
was a man more systematically tempted. Immediately after
the massacre the President addressed him a series of leading
questions, which were in effect: “Was not this riot caused
by the Radicals ? Are not Herron, Monroe, and Abell, blame
less ?” Sheridan answered with an empathic—No ! He told
the President precisely what the President did not want to be
told—the truth. Three days after the affair he sent this word
to Grant: “It wras no riot. It was an absolute massacre by
the police, which was not exceeded in murderous cruelty by
that of Fort Pillow. It was a murder which the Mayor aud
police of the city perpetrated without the shadow of a neces
sity. Furthermore, 1 believe it was premeditated.” The
investigation of the causes of the massacre by a Military
Commission, and by the Congressional Committee, conclusive
ly proved'all that Sheridan declared; and in March, 1867, he
carried out his convictions by removing Monroe, Herron, and
Abell from office, and putting loyal men in their stead. In
Texas the condition of affairs was even worse than in Louisi
ana. Massacre was chronic there, and so treasonable had the
State become that in April General Griffin was compelled to
forbid all elections by civil authority. Freedmen were shot
down at the very doors of the civil courts, whose judges
refused to punish the murderers. Union men were killed
with impunity. Sheridan undertook to change all this, and
the President’s reply was the threat of his removal. But that
gallant soldier never swerved in his impartial course. In
June he removed Governor Wells, a corrupt Radical, pre
cisely as he had removed unrepentant Rebels. In the mean
while he was pushing on registration, and working for the
reorganization of his department upon a permanently loyal
basis. But he fought his way step by step. The President was
against him; the Cabinet, Stanton excepted, was against him.
All that he did was done in the very teeth of the Administra
tion, and his success must be estimated by the strength of the
opposition. Had Sheridan been decently sustained, there
would never have been a July massacre; loyal men wrould
long ago have filled all the offices, and we should not have
waited till the other day to see Throckmorton of Texas removed
from the office which he had occupied solely in the interest
of the Rebels.— Wilkes' Spirit of the Timet.
State of Parties in Mexico—Juarez and Escobedo.
Affairs in Mexico approach a crisis. The war of interven
tion has terminated, or exists only in its smouldering embers;
but the political cauldron seethes and foams, and no one can
tell what may come of it. Two parties are gradually form
ing themselves. In our case, the rebellion changed the po
litical issues, and obliterated the old party lines; a similar
result has occurred in Mexico. It is no longer the party of
the Church; the latter, in losing its immense temporal pos
sessions, has lost also its overshadowing power. The contest
against the French invaders, with its five years of desolation
and of suffering, has given birth to a new party, showing
considerable strength for the moment—as new parties, though
destined to be ephemeral, are apt to do but without any
element of permanence. If Escobedo’s letter to Gomez be not
a forgery—and we have seen no sufficient reason for doubting
its authenticity—then it is evident that the economical
purchaser of Maximilian, availing himself of an accident
which has brought his name prominently before the Mexican
people, aspires to be the leader of this new party. He has
nothing, in his own merits, military or political, on which to
found a claim to be a candidate, against Juarez, for the I resi
dency ; and, as all men do who have no merit of their own,
lie appeals to the prejudice of the hour as aflording the best
chance for office.

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