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The Irish republic. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1867-18??, September 28, 1867, Image 6

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the woods, and thence out on the plateau behind. A general
engagement then ensued, and it was almost impossible to
distinguish anything, with the screams, shouts, cheers, firing
of musketry, and dense smoke which prevailed all over the
field. TW English Hags were captured with shouts of
triumph, and the entire British army surrendered as prison
ers of war, when Manahan gave the signal to cease firing.
The maneuvers were perfect, as nearly every man on both
sides engaged had served in the war of the Rebellion. The
engagement of the two skirmish-lines was beautifully ex
ecuted, and reflected credit on the officers and men. ' The
defeat and capture of the English army were hailed with
joy by the multitude in the woods. There w'as no drunken
ness or disturbance during the day, and everything passed oflf
with good order and quietness. After the sham battle, a per
son from California and others made addresses to the as
sembly, when dancing was resumed, and continued until a
late hour.
Reorganization of the F. B. in Indiana.
Terre Haute, Indiana, Sept. 11,1867.
To the Editors of The Irish Republic.
Gentlemen : I have the pleasure of adding the following
Dames to your list of subscribers:
James Downes, Greencastle, Putnam county, Indiana;
John Sullivan, Reelesville, Putnam county, Indiana; John
Carey, Terre Haute, Vego county, Indiana; Terrence C. Mc
Sweeny, do. The result of one hour and a half’s work in
favor of the good cause by our excellent countryman and
true Fenian, Terrence McSweeny, of this city.
Our Circle here is now perfectly reorganized, and bids fair
to become one of the most earnest and efficient organizations
in the Iloosier State. And, in this connection, allow me
through your columns to return my heartfelt thanks to the
Brotherhood of Terre Haute, for the distinguished, although
unsought, honor conferred upon me in my election as Center
of the Emmet Circle. While I can but admit the superiority
of many others, in regard to the qualities necessary for an
efficient officer in that arduous and sometimes difficult posi
tion, I hope I will not be accused of self-praise or vanity,
when I assert that no heart beats within the Irish breast
more earnestly for the welfare and liberty of green Erin than
mine, and while I represent equally with all the frailty of
the human composition, yet my best endeavors shall prove,
if possible, when the time of action comes, that my friends
were not disappointed in their selection.
I remain, gentlemen, respectfully,
Philip B. O’Reily.
N. B. Mr. John Tobin, from St. Louis, was the acting spirit
in the reorganization of the Emmet Circle, and Mr. T. Mc
Sweeny should receive thanks unlimited for efforts that he
has made in his endeavors to circulate that friend of Ireland,
The Irish Republic of Chicago. P. B. O’E.
-< ■ i
The McMahon Appeal.
[We willingly publish the following letter from Colonel
Mullen, whom we consider one of the very best Irish nation
alists in America. We are quite at one with him in believ
ing that the case of Father McMahon is one deserving of
earnest sympathy and support. And we take this opportun
ity of expressing cur deep regret that the originators of this
movement did not include the other Fenian victims of British
vengeance, who are now suffering the torture of prolonged
death in the “ kingdom of Canada.” It is time that this
favoritism, whether for spiritual or any other reasons, was at
an end. We should only know men, whether lay or clerical,
as true Irish nationalists, willing to struggle or suffer for their
country’s liberty.—Eds. I. II.]
Nashville, Tenn., Sept. 12, 1867.
To the Editois of The Irish Republic.
Gentlemen : The appeal to the friends of Father Mc
Mahon published in your issue of the 7th instant, for money
to be used in effecting his release from the Kingston Peniten
tiary, deserves, and I trust it will receive the earnest support
of every friend to Irish liberty. I regret exceedingly that the
committee thought fit to reiterate the assertion “that his con
nection with the invasion was accidental and compulsonj.”
The evidence on the trial did not show conclusively that he
was compelled to go with, or to remain with, the Fenian
forces in Canada; though I believe there was a plea made
by the defense to that effect. But the reverse would have been
exactly the truth. Father McMahon left his home in Ander
son, Indiana, on hearing that our men were moving through
that State to the frontier. He arrived in Buffalo on the
morning of the invasion, and immediately crossed the Niagara
to join the command of General O’Neill, which was camped
three miles below Fort Erie. I met him at the landing, and
escorted him to camp, where he remained but a short time
before returning to Buffalo for the purpose of procuring some
articles which he expected he would require during the cam
paign. He got back in time to join us as we were about
starting out on the march to Ridgeway. At the time of the
evacuation he volunteered to remain with the wounded It
is a foul slander on General O’Neill and his command for
anj man or set of men to state or insinuate, that we either
forced or compelled Father McMahon to go with us to, or to
{remain with us in Canada. I hardly believe that the' coin
jnand was so anxious to procure a soul-saver as the statement
•of the committee would seem to indicate, pur thoughts were
•centered more on the work we had to do.
By giving the above a place in your columns you will
'oblige, Yours truly, John S. Mullen. I
letter From Washington.
Washington, D. C., Sept. 11, 1867.
To the Editors of The Irish Republic.
Gentlemen : Following the example of the Brotherhood
throughout the country, the old and respectable “ Washing
ton” Circle—the parent of the Fenian Brotherhood in the
District of Columbia—gave a picnic on the 3d instant, for the
benefit of the suffering families of the Irish patriot prisoners.
On the morning of the 3d everything looked bright and
promising; the weather was delightful, the air balmy and
pure, and all nature seemed to smile upon us, to encourage
and give us hope ; the picnic grounds, too, were admirably
selected, and every friend of the cause here was satisfied of
having a “big thing.” I regret to say, however, we were
disappointed, the attendance being not at all satisfactory,
which reflects anything but credit on an Irish population of
not less than fifteen thousand. Indeed, when I consider the
time given, and the energy displayed by the few faithful men
here towards making it a success; and when I know the
object was, under God, the greatest that ever appealed to the
sympathy and charity of a Christian people, I must confess,
to me, the result appears humiliating. Thank Heaven, the
wives and little ones of the inmates of Portland and Pen
tonville have others to stand by them outside their country
people of Washington!
Messrs. Editors, many reasons might be given for the
wholly disproportionate attendance at this picnic, and I was
about to instance a few of them, when metliought I heard the
manly and dignified voice of our respected President cry out,
stentor-like, “Plold! Stop!! You are too late. You must now
smother your natural indignation. It is too late now to give
expression to anything that would tend to create new an
tagonisms. Just now, the glorious work commenced in
Europe a few weeks since, is about to be consummated here.
Union with honest men should be your cry, for that you should
now labor.” Of course, Messrs. Editors, like an obedient
soldier, I acquiesced without hesitation ; for I remember my
pledge—“obey all orders of your superior officer”—and so
smothered the pent-up recollections of Tuesday, September 3d.
Oh, yes! anything for an honorable union. Let us have it
by all means, but with honestmen. For it all good men should
labor. Unity of purpose, unity of action, and the perfection
of the military branch of the Brotherhood, are the measures
which the experience of the past and the wants of the present
suggest as the only sure and reliable means to effect the great
object for which we pledged our sacred w ord of honor. The
first cause of the successful establishment of the infernal
English power in our country was want of unity. In the
narrow circle of sept, the interest, the honor, the glory of
universal Ireland were lost sight of, and national pride sunk
below the pride of the clan.
The hero of Limestone Ridge—the sincere, honest, unpre
tending John O’Neill—was present at our picnic; and after
repeated calls, ascended the platform, and delivered a very
sensible and neat address ; in the course of which he feelingly
alluded to Luby, O’Donovan (Rossa,) Kickham, Duffy, Burke,
and others; and renewed his promise to be again at his post
when the golden opportunity presents itself. When that
day comes, as come it must, let us pray that the jealousies,
the rivalry, the lack of the inspiring genius of nationality
that paralyzed the aim of the accomplished soldier, Owen
Roe O’Neill, will not be repeated in the case of his respected
namesake, John O’Neill.
As you are admirers of the General, Messrs. Editors, you
will be glad to learn that he is enjoying excellent health,
and is doing an extensive business here as claim agent. His
offices are within a hop, step, and jump of fhe Department of
the Government—211 Pennsylvania avenue, opposite Wil
liard’s hotel—and anyone having claims for bounty, pension,
arrears of pay, prize money, etc., will be fortunate in placing
them in his hands. Why? Simply because he—unlike
others—attends personally, in the Department, to the claims
of his clients; gives verbal explanations of intricate and
disputed points, raised from time to time by the officers of
the Government, thus obviating an endless correspondence,
and necessarily the saving of much time, paper and post
office stamps, and thereby securing his client’s “certificate of
payment” in an unprecedented short period of time.
And now a word with reference to your paper, Messrs.
Editors, and I shall have done.
The subscribers for the Republic in this city are, without
exception, as far as I know, pleased with it. A fewr, however
—and, Messrs. Editors, they are good men and true—think
you would do more good by handling our friends (?) of the
long black coats with a softer glove, and by a lesser reference
to and more moderate expression of American politics. The
undersigned, however, does not agree with these few good
men. 1 fear, Messrs. Editors, those friends of mine do not
see the sad and appalling condition of their country—an in
sult to the civilization of the 19th century, and such as the
fiendish hatred of our tyrant, his eye glaring with hellish
exultation at our destruction, could hope or expect. They
appear to forget too soon the blood of Drogheda, Wexford,
a,nd New Ross, the gaunt and famine-stricken myriads of
Skull and Skibbereen, the destruction of our violated homes,
the decay of our language, and the dark night of intellectual
darkness in which they sought to entomb our nationality. All
these my triends must have forgotten, or they would reason
differently. They have, however, sunk too deeply into my
soul to be soon forgotten. They must be deeply, amply
avenged, and that can only be done by a united advocacy of
the gospel you preach. Go ahead, then, in God’s name! The
life-blood of our country is ebbing fast, and at such a time
it is, in my opinion, folly for Irishmen, with the recollections
of what I have stated before them, together with the recol
lections of the conduct of a Cullen, a Moriarty, a Gleeson, a
Duggan and others, to be influenced in their civil and politi
cal duties by a clergyman or any other man. The opinion
of a clergyman, when he leaves the sanctuary and mixes up
in politics, is, in my opinion, of no more value than that of
any other citizen—perhaps less, from the training and ten
dency of his mind, in regard to his connection with church
matters. Every man is endowed by the Creator with a mind
of his own. Why ? To do his own thinking, to guide him
in forming his own opinions ; and the man who allows an
other to think for him, surrenders and makes little of one of
the greatest faculties of his manhood.
These are my ideas, Messrs. Editors, and from them you
will at once see how far I go when the life of my country is
at stake.
Steps are about to be taken to form a number of new
Circles in this city, and in Georgetown and Alexandria, Ya.
General O’Neill also proposes to commence at an early day
the organization of several military companies. O’C.
The Alabama Claim|— Mr. Seward’s Ultimatum.
From the Chicago Tribune of 14th September.
Mr. Seward’s letter to Minister Adams, which we publish
herewith, presents a resume of the case of the United States
against Great Britain in the matter of the Alabama claims,
upon which we believe that the country will make a firm
stand. Divested of legal niceties, it shows that the hostility
of the British Government and its subjects, taking form and
outward expression at the firing of the first gun in the late
war, gave the most efficient aid and encouragement to the
rebels throughout the struggle, and resulted in the destruction
of ninety-five American merchant vessels, with their cargoes,
valued at ten millions of dollars, by cruisers built in British
ports, armed with British guns, manned by British sailors,
entertained and supplied in British harbors in all parts of
the world. In view of this devastation, which we would not
have tolerated a moment if we had not been engaged in a
life and death struggle, and which the British Government
would not have allowed to occur but for the same reason, we
have simply proposed an arbitration. The proposition was
rejected in gruff terms, so long as our civil war continued.
When the war was ended the sentiment of the ruling classes
of Great Britain changed, and the proposition to arbitrate
was accepted. Our Government then proposed to put the
papers in the hands of the arbitrator just as they stood, em
bracing the question of the untimely recognition of the
rebels as belligerents, without, however, insisting that the
arbitrator should pronounce upon that point. This is ob
jected to by the British Government in what seems to be very
decisive terms, but no more decisive, perhaps, than those in
which Earl Russell refused to arbitraie at all.
In our opinion Mr. Seward should have insisted en a de
cision of the recognition question by the umpire, instead of
leaving it to his discretion. But inasmuch as the record has
been made up differently, we are content to abide by it, and
to take the position, (1) that the case shall go to Court as it
stands, or (2) that the claims shall be paid, or (3) that the
United States shall levy on British property to satisfy them.
We believe that we can collect ten millions of dollars and
costs without going off this continent. WTe believe, further
more, that if Great Britain shall not accept the very easy
terms which have been proposed to her, five years will not
pass by until the experiment will have been made.
America and Great Britain.
[We particularly call the attention of our readers to the
following lecture, by the Rev. Newman Hall, and to the sub
joined answer to it by Mr. T. O’Neill Russell. Mr. Hall’s
lecture is of the greatest significance, and shows unmistakably
the tremendous eff orts England is making to save herself from
the ruin which is fast overtaking her. She knows she must
either fight America soon, or swallow such a very big “leek,”
that the disgrace of the latter alternative would be almost as
dangerous as a war. A war with America will leave her a
wreck—a mere shadow of her former self—with every sod of
foreign earth torn from her, and a young Republic only two
score of miles from her western shores. Paying the Alabama
claims will show her hands to the world, and prove she is a
coward as well as a tyrant. Mr. Hall is one of the most
eminent and eloquent of the nonconformist ministers of Eng
land. When such men as he could be hired by his Govern
ment to come out here and utter falsehoods so monstrous and
so barefaced as are contained in this lecture, what straits
must England be in, and what further evidence need men
desire of her perfidy ? If Irishmen do not band together and
checkmate England on this side of the Atlantic, she will have
the entire American people poisoned by her lies, and deceived
by her cunning.—Eds. I. R.]
Rev. Newman Hall, D. D., of London, England, lectured
on Monday evening, 16th instant, in the spacious Second
Presbyterian Church, which was filled with a deeply interested
The exercises were opened with a finely executed voluntary
from the choir, followed with prayer by Rev. Dr. Bulgamie,
of Scarborough, England. The choir and congregation then
joined in singing, with powerful effect, the national hymn,
“ My country, ’tis of thee.”
Lieutenant Governor Bross then came forward and said, in
substance, that he had been requested to introduce the learned
gentleman who was to address them, and he was proud to do
it. It gave him pleasure to say that when our nation was
struggling in a civil war, the distinguished gentleman stood
by us, and, though a cloud had covered ub, he had looked

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