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per and unquestionable objects either of public indignation
or legal punishment. —-<<«»!> The British Navy on Guard. iromthe Chicago Evening Journal. Horrible! Just think of it—there is an armed steamer somewhere “ without proper papers.” Five British vessels have gone in search of her. Of course, she is a Fenian. Great Britain can hear of nothing else; waking, the British lion sees a Fenian sportsman behind every bush, and smells a barrel of gunpowder under every hillock, and sleeping, he dreams of horrible traps to compass his destruction and un dergoes a nightmare of terror. To Great Britain everything looks suspiciously and frightfully green. In one place ever so many tons of blasting powder disappear in broad daylight from a magazine, carried off, without doubt, in a green pail. In another town, certain barracks are carried by assault, and a vast number of arms taken. But the most monstrous thing is that mysterious armed steamer “ without proper papers.” Britannia, who rules the wave, turns almost green herself at the thought. Shall British commerce be scourged by pri vateers bearing the flag of the Irish Republic? Shall vessels as difficult to handle as the Kearsarge go prowling about to be hunted by British Alabamas? Merciful Heaven forbid ! “ A guilty conscience needs no accuser.” John Bull knows in his inmost soul that it would serve him just right if the \ ankees should accidentally let a few swift steamers, well armed and manned, slip out to sea to raise the green flag, and plunder and burn British ships. It would be a just retribution. If British commerce should be driven from the seas, if British ships should be refused insurance and forced to change their nationality, if the carrying trade of the world should be put in other hands, and if British war vessels should be mainly employed for years in roving up and down the seas, and chasing swift pirates, it would be no more than England deserves. Every rumor of an unknown cruiser any where, therefore, throws England into a panic. We have nt)( reason to suppose that a Fenian cruiser is actually afloat, but iit would be the easiest thing in the world to build or buy one, to equip and man it, and to slip out of an American port, just as British pirates escaped seizure during the war. Simply because it would serve her right, England expects it, and undergoes a panic wlienever a vessel without proper papers ” is reported. [Everybody can see our advantage, except those “leaders” who are so successful in showing the Fenians how not to , io it] Who Are the Miscegenators? Correspondent of Chicago Tribune, In , vhe beautiful village of Pulaski, Giles county, Tenn., resides a high-born, hot-blooded, chivalrous young merchant named r^!*dn Lambeth, formerly a rebel, now a Democrat, and alw VF* an outspoken and stern theoretical opponent of miscegent In the same romantic village also resides a pretty veil ;§irl, named Lucy Reynolds; and, although there are m. W charming white girls in this place, no one possesses so 1 twmy attractions for the said Calvin Lambeth as Lucy. Hence \ J®r iTOQnths past he has been in the habit of opening his st«, *dQQr at unusual hours, and of saying to Lucy, “ Come ii -mv pcetty parlor;” and as Lucy was frail and Lambeth wa * jgftUfWrt,>3.he did not decline the invitation. Moreover, as she wd .OQt.impally “ go home ’till morning,” it was evident that tl. ^ course of .true love ran smooth, and that the “ war of races ” *tf>uld never,commence between the proud Calvin and the lovei T >Luqy. But the colored coi H«auflity<felt themselves scandalized by Lucy’s conduct. Posi- cf the young men of color were conscious of a tv ’iauge pf jealousy,; and a leading man among them told Lucy frankly tbtfVJfcc .should discontinue her visits to Lambeth’s t- tore at. apmvmal Uvwurs, or she would he punished. Lucy, witl. ' palpitating heart., told Lambeth, and Lambeth resolved on *■ defense of his rights. Must he, a proud Caucasian, be depi 1*ed of the tender embraces of a pretty African ? Never. 1 « not this a white man’s govern ment? He therefore declare d that he would kill Carter on sight. Accordingly, early laf't Tuesday morning he sallied forth, with a club in one hand an.d a pistol in the other, in •tearch of the disturber of his felicity. Carter, for a time, avoided him. At eleven o’cloc k, however, having been re inforced by two or three other gc *od Democrats, young bloods !lli:e himself, he approached a gr< tcery where Carter was, and was about to shoot him when he was driven away by the , town authorities. But at one o’cl ock he again caught Carter in'his brother’s grocery store, and immediately placed him self in front of the store, pistol in hand and cocked, to wait < for him to come out. A colored nran named Fields, warned Carter of his danger, whereupon La ,mbeth fired two shots at Fields; but without effect. These shots were the signal for Lambeth’s clan, and in less than thn « minutes eighteen white . men formed in line before the grocery, armed with shotguns and pistols, and commenced firing irclo the grocery. There were eight colored men in the hous e, a few of whom had i pistols, .and they defended themselves as best they could. At this juncture some peaceable citizens,, at the risk of their lives, prevailed on the white men to d esist, provided that the i negroes would make no further resistance. This the negroes readily assented to, and when they supposed that all was , 0ver, and were standing huddled together, and off their • guard, Lambeth and his clan suddenly fired a volley into them, killing a man named Orange Rhodes, and wounding five others, some of them severely, and one of them, it is feared, mortally. Thus ended the riot. Twelve of the young men were arrested and bound over in the sum of $1,500 each, but that they will ever be pun ished is not at all probable. -- Fair and Moderate. The London Saturday Review—from which the following passage is quoted—is par excellence the organ of the extreme English '/Tories. Like a great many other papers, it pub lished at the close of the last month, a review of the events which’occurred during the year 1867. This, as a matter of course, is written from an exclusively English point of view. The tone of the article is, generally speaking, excessively lugubrious. Most people, from Russia to Abyssinia, have been treating the old humbug “lion” with either contempt uous indifference, or positive defiance, while not a few “Fenian murderers” have shown an unmistakable desire to knock the ravenous animal on the head. In fact, it has been a year of reverses for the blessed British empire. Darkness everywhere, except in the West. America, after all the kicks and cuffs, and burnings and robberies of the Alabama, has been exceedingly friendly. Read this, Americans, and Irish Americans, and then judge of Johnson and Seward, and Sumner, as their damnable doings deserve :] Towards foreign powers the Government of the United States has shown itself tolerably fair and moderate. On the eve of every election the arms taken from the Fenian ma rauders into Canada are once more stated to be returned to them, and the endeavor of the President to place the law of naturalization on a new basis may perhaps be ascribed, although a change is really necessary, to a wish to catch the Irish vote. Still, the attitude of the United States towards England has not been unfriendly. Although the subject of the Alabama claims has been kept alive, it has not been pressed; while the prudence and caution of Mr. Adams in not urging the alleged right of American filibusters to play at Fenianism in Ireland and England with impunity, has been so great as to call down on him the wrath of those more enthusiastic of his countrymen who think that every Amer ican should be at liberty to do anything he likes that may tend to destroy so absurd and Old-world an institution as the throne of Queen Victoria. Liberty in France. Paris Correspondent of the N. Y. Times. Nine young men have undergone their trial as being mem bers of a secret society. The society issued printed and manuscript proclamations, or circular notes like other consti tuted authorities. The proclamation set forth that the Ern perorfs reign was founded upon, and maintained by, crime— that he made France the instrument of oppressing nations— notably Italy and Mexico—and that as the United States drove him from the latter country, so ought he to be chased from France, wThich he ruled as a Gortschakoff, a Mouravieff and a Bismarck; that he has destroyed the industry of France, and brought nothing but poverty to fire-sides. Further, that as the empire was now in ruins, it behooved every Frenchman not to be buried in the ashes, but to rise as one man, and take their own affairs into their own hands. It appears that this society meant business, as the members had commenced to lay in stores of powder and ball. Some of the mernbex's had been delegates at the Peace Congress at Geneva, and returned with the conviction, that all European thrones should be done awmy with, and a United States set up instead. _ MEETINGS, LECTURES, ETC._ The Law of Nations and the Rights of Citizens. We insert with pleasure the following able address of Miles J. O’Reilly, Esq., delivered at a late mass meeting in Detroit, Michigan, held in defense of the violated rights of the adopted citizens of America. On being called, Mr. O’Reilly said: Mr. Chairman: Why is it that on your referring to the affair of Martin Ivotza every man in this assembly applauded the act of Captain Ingraham in rescuing an embryo citizen who had simply declared his intentions? Because, without going through the dry routine of red-tapeism, awaiting in structions, he vindicated promptly a cardinal principle of our institutions. Why did Congress pass a vote of thanks to that subordinate officer ? Because he had done his duty. If so, why, when fully naturalized citizens are immured in loathsome dungeons, treated like beasts, without even the assignation of allegation of crime, for months, in Great Britain, does the superior officer, the commander-in-chief of the whole army and navy, stand with folded arms, pondering the situation? How dare he hesitate ! Why does Congress dare insult the intelligence of this nation, by thus trifling with our liberties, while hundreds of our people are writhing in pain of body and agony of mind, at the behests of the most insidiously refined brutal aristocracy, or rather oligarchy, the world ever saw, by telling us and them it will pass an act defining what constitutes a citizen! As well might Congress pass an act defining what Congress is. What created Con gress? The Constitution. What created and provided for a President and defined his duties? The Constitution. What creates the citizen? The Constitution. Why define at this late day what every nation understands fully? and well understood, when they acknowledged the independence of the only nation established on a written constitution. But why talk about passing an act at this time giving its own citizens the right to expatriate themselves, pandering to European monarchs, especially the Queen of Great Britain, to enable her and her government to extricate themselves from acts of the most outrageous barbarity that ever dis graced humanity, perpetrated on our own citizens, and sought to be justified on an effete local law made, not by the people, nor emanating from the people, like our Constitution, but made by the old Norman barons for their serfs and to insure and secure their perpetual services, and extended most pecu liarly in the reigns of George II. and III. to the children and grandchildren? Mark the time and the circumstances under which these extensions were passed. When the Irish, forced into exile by their cruel code, whipped them at Fontenoy, forcing the monarch to cry out bitterly, stamping the palace floor, “cursed be the laws that deprive me of such soldiers!” and when this nation hurled forever Britain’s monarch and his cursed laws from the virgin soil of America in our revolution. And now at this late day, when they dared put in force, and our citizens are actually suffering worse than Neapolitan barbarity under these infamous enactments, so openlyr and shamelessly made, in view of the whippings they received inducing them, our representatives, who misrepresent us in Washington, want to pass laws to facilitate their extrication from these mon strously absurd positions, instead of doing their plain duty in the premises. The O’Donoghue says that the British Parliament is be come so corrupt, it is no place for an Irish gentleman; and every visitor to Washington declares that the conduct of many members of Congress round the bar-rooms and brothels of the city is frightful. If this be true, what can we expect? Now, the people of Great Britain are struggling to get control of their Parliament; and we, that control onr Congress, should take warning in time, lest we lose control of and are disgraced by that body, and insist at once that any servant of any rep resentative district so acting be instantly compelled to come home and resign the positioh he disgraces. The nine hundred thousand inhabitants of Michigan can easily look after their eight representatives ; and as “eternal vigilance is the. price of liberty,” and as the liberty of the citizen is pierced in its most vital point, parties, men and politics must be hurled to the w inds, and whoever stands in the way or opposes its on ward march must be swept before an indignant and outraged people. Is it thus a people in chains, and nobly struggling for liberty, acts? Why, sii*, when Britain, taking advantage of yoilr necessities, brought about by herself, demanded Mason and Slidell, forty thousand men in the city of Dublin publicly met and swore, “by the pale head the executioner held in his hand in Thomas street, bv the unwritteh tomb stone in Bodenstown’s church-yard, if you go to war with America you can’t have a man from Ireland.” They sought to give backbone to your minister at Washington,.but failed* These men knew and vindicated the law of nations, better than your sickening, sentimental Unhides In Washington, whose prevision is blinded to the deep design of those Euro pean powers, especially, if not solely, England, in assuming to give an air of importance to this doctrine, upheld and insisted on by them or it, though admitted an absurdity, with a view of effecting a combination at no distant day against this country ; when, by the practical assertion of such a right by this coalition, they would demoralize the bravest army that ever existed, composed as yours would be of men from all these nations. Greely says, if they insisted on this doc trine during the rebellion they could have demoralized our army. That was not their game, so long as we were destroy ing each other. Again: Some have the audacity to say that the Irish are trying to intrigue this Government into a war with England. Poor, short-sighted, miserable dupes, they should see that, on the contrary, they are warning you in advance of a con tingency that must come, and is coming, and therefore demands a prompt settlement and acknowledgment, now, of the doctrine from one nation that won’t nor can’t fight you, and who dares to bully you into an admission of an absurdity —a bully who, like all bullies, is a coward when not per mitted to argue longer, but compelled to fight or disgorge his captives. Why, sir, in the event of a war with the United States she can’t compel a man from Ireland to fight for her ; this attel lays down clearly in his treatise on the Daws of Nations; for, when Ireland was visited by a calamity “ famine,” she did not exhaust her treasury to save her people, acting the part of a parent; but, on the contrary, permitted the exportation of provisions, guarded by armed men, to be taken from her shores—enough to save the people, while that people were starving—and when she did not do her duty, the United States did its duty, and fed the Irish people ; therefore, says Vattel, in substance, “If the unnatural parent should go to war with the friend that fed you, you are not bound to fight for her against that friend. You are released from the obli gation as subjects, and the nations are bound to unite their arms to prevent her taking a man from Ireland,” Again, sir, the mass of the English people are becoming too enlightened to permit themselves to be dragged into a war to sustain an antiquated absurdity long since exploded, attested and confirmed by the thousands that availed them selves of that fundamental law—the very essence of your political life and institutions. Nay. more, sir, the English Republican Brotherhood are no longer to be hoodwinked by that cursed incubus and vampire that has so long fattened on their sweat and toil and blood. But, says our Senator Howard, this question must be settled by treaty. We want that Senator to understand and be in formed that we will permit no compromise of our character or dignity as a nation by entering into the solemnities of a treaty, to beg of Britain to abolish a monstrous absurdity. No ; in the language of Henry Clay, the pretension must be surrendered or settled at the cannon’s mouth. Why, sir, it is but a few years ago since, alarmed at the almost total annihilation of our commerce by this same oli garchy’s intrigues, Mr. Lincoln appointed a commission for the purpose, who ascertained that three-fourths of our com merce was diverted from American bottoms, and what was not before properly understood,one-third had been di verted to Brit ish bottoms, for nearly thirty years, by the intrigues of these gentry, woven into the treaty consummated with old Hickory Jackson. And now, sir, after intriguing us into adesolating civil war, steadily pursued since 1835, and while steadily engineer ing it, endeavoring to make the lands of the so-called empire of India, (which they openly and flagrantly robbed ) produce sufficient cotton to enable them to do without our American staple, when and by the time they had successfully disrupted our Union, as they hoped. But we know the story the sad and sickening story—of their intrigues and duplicity during that internecine conflict; and sadder still, we, the Irish, who have known and suflered long by reason, of them, see the cloven foot again in the many missionaries perambulating the land, North and South, among the people whose homes and hearth-stones they so lately left desolate and lonely, os tensibly as voluntary peace offerings, to promote that loving friendship that should exist between Uncle Sam and his Saxon Cousin, while they are sedulously intriguing for future combinations against her growing power, constantly exciting her jealousy and stimulating her avarice. And in this con nection tell me, pray, what unseen agency induced that great railway borrower, Robert J. Walker, to advise us borrow $250,000,000 of a foreign loan ? or were those men to mortgage our industry who warned their subjects not to touch our bonds a few years ago ? No, sir ; we insist and demand, as true citizens, that every citizen held in British bastiles, without any charge, be in | stantly released without cavil or argument. Then, sir, will confidence be restored to this people. Then, sir, a thrill of joy will nerve the arms and steel the hearts of those whom malice and a venal press would fain persuade you are enemies of true peace ; but whom you will then learn are real friends of our institutions, acting always as sentinels, warning you of dangerous intrigues, and preventing their culmination by unmasking the conspirators against the peace and prosperity of every nation on earth. But if we permit our servants to 8top and reason with those robbers, I, for one. warn you of the consequences in a few short years from now, when you will learn to your bitter cost the value of the citizens you may now despise.