The Irish republic. [volume], April 04, 1868, Page 7, Image 7

About The Irish republic. [volume] (Chicago, Ill.) 1867-18??

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Bennett, of the New York Herald, is, so far as we know, the
only man in America capable of taking such a wanton liberty
with the name of the heroic Farragut as that of proposing to
“run”—or rather to “ruin”—him as Democratic candidate
for the Presidential Chair. The impudence of the entire
affair is positively ludicrous. Just read the following, which
we quote from the Columbus (Ohio) Journal:
The telegraphic report, coming from Alabama, that Ad
miral Farragut is talked of as a Democratic candidate for the
Presidency, will be read by those who know the gallant Ad
miral with irrepressible laughter. A more uncompromising
Republican and outspoken Radical is now not living. While
in Columbus, Farragut frankly and freely made known to
many of our leading citizens his political views, and declared
in unmistakable language, his detestation of the policy and
principles of what he termed the Copperhead party!
It is well understood, as well as very generally believed,
that, by a pious process peculiar to the followers of St. Tam
* many, from twelve to twenty thousand bogus (Democratic)
voters are manufactured every year in the city of New York.
We, ourselves, have found out instances which it would not
be very difficult to prove in a court of law. Just think of
twenty thousand false oaths registered each year before
heaven, in order that the gigantic plunder may be preserved
to its present possessors! We learn from a cotemporary
that—
By the arrest in Troy of a drunken man, a search of his
person, and his own confession, it appears that he—one Pat
rick Daley, from Salem, Washington county—and twenty
others had just obtained their naturalization papers. Daley
has been in the country but two years and seven months. It
is believed that few, if any, of the others were legally entitled
to naturalization. Such cases show the looseness, if not the
corruption, with which the business is conducted, and also
prove how easily the Democrats manufacture voters.
Two years, indeed! Why, some of them are not in the
country as many days till they are full-blown American
citizens.
One of the most important bills that has been introduced in
the House of Representatives this session was presented by
Mr. Schenck, from the Committee on Ways and Means, on
the 10th instant, and passed that body by a nearly unanimous
vote, 122 to 2. It abolishes all taxes on manufactures ex
cept those on whisky, tobacco, and three or four others,
sweeping away, it is said, not less than ten thousand petty,
vexatious and oppressive taxes, the collection of which is
effected at a cost altogether disproportioned to the returns.
This is a step, yes, it is more, it is a vast stride in the right
direction. Revenue, to, be collected cheaply and without
fraud and annoyance, must be obtained from the fewest num
ber of articles of general consumption and use possible. The
passage of the bill in the Senate, of which there is no doubt,
will give great and greatly needed relief to manufacturers of
all kinds throughout the country.
According to Mr. Schenck, the five per cent, tax on manu
factures amounted last year to $146,223,000, of which, $61,
429,000 were collected on the articles which it is proposed to
still retain on the schedule, viz.: oils distilled from coal,
fermented liquors, on distilled spirits of all kinds, on tobacco,
snuff) and cigars, and illuminating gas. The measure, there
fore, would result in an aggregate reduction in revenue of
$84,000,000. But it is proposed to put a specific tax on cer
tain manufactures, and a tax of one-twentieth of one per
cent, on sales over $5,000, which, Mr. Schenck believed,
< would result in a return of at least $20,000,000; so that the
total loss of revenue would not exceed $60,000,000. The re
duction in expenditures in the year it is believed will amount
to double that sum, so that our financial exhibit will be none
the 'worse, while a heavy load will be lifted from the
manufacturers and the public.
An Irish Republican Presidential Campaign Club was
organized on Wednesday evening, at No. 90 Fourth avenue,
General Dennis Burke presided. An address is to be pre
pared for circulation, and arrangements are being made to
establish branch associations in every ward in the city. Three
hundred and fifty members have been enrolled within two
weeks’ time.
We quote the following from the London correspondence
of the New York Tribune. It was written on March 14tlx:
The Tuesday has come and gone, and the Earl of Mayo
has made his speech. Weaker speech no mortal ever made,
and, after all, there was no policy to declare. Mr. Horsman
summed it up epigrammatically, but truly, as declaring in
respect to the Church a policy of inaction, as to Land a policy
of procrastination, and on Education a policy of reaction.
It might be condensed into a still shorter sentence as a policy
of impudence. Lord Mayo would have the world believe
that the law of landlord and tenant in Ireland is a perfectly
just law. Then he proposes a commission of inquiry into
it, the result of which he announces beforehand will be to
prove that nothing can be changed. Then he goes on to
suggest one or two changes to be effected in advance of the
inquiry. The Church is to be let alone, though it is too
rotten for even a Tory Secretary to defend. Finally, to pro
mote education the Government will establish and endow—
that is, pay out of the public money—a purely Catholic
university.
Not even Mr. Disraeli would have dared to come before
Parliament with a statement so jejune as this, but for the
understanding, to which I have before referred, that neither
partv wanted to deal, this session, with Ireland, and that the
Opposition would not attack at the risk of a dissolution in
case of a victory. All that is said and not said, has there
fore but one meaning, to postpone action. But the Liberals
have changed their minds, or at least they are beginning to
doubt whether a dissolution and the enormous expense of
two elections in two following years, would not be a more
endurable evil than the prolongation of Disraeli’s reign.
The Ministry shows no frankness. Why should the Opposi
tion show favor? I hear, accordingly, that there is a chance
of a vote being passed which will be equivalent to a vote of
want of confidence. Mr. Gladstone, it is said, will go down
to the House on Monday prepared to demand from the
Ministry either that they shall adopt some tangible policy
for Ireland, or yield to those who will. I cannot say that
this is a thing resolved, but it is a thing contemplated, and
long before you read this you have learned that the Irish
debate ended without result.
From London we learn by the Atlantic cable, that on the
evening of March 23d, Mr. Gladstone introduced to the House
of Commons the resolutions on church reform in Ireland, of
which he gave notice last week. These resolutions are three
in number, and are in substance as follows:
First: That in the opinion of this House the Irish Church
should cease to exist as an establishment; due regard being
had, however, for personal interests and the rights of
property.
Second: That no new personal rights should be created,
and that the Commission on the Irish Church should limit
its operations to matters of immediate necessity, pending the
final action of Parliament upon the whole question.
Third: That a petition should be presented to the Queen
praying that the Church patronage of Ireland be placed at
the disposal of Parliament.
When they had been read Mr. Disraeli said the Govern
ment would be ready to meet the consideration of the resolu
tions in the House by the end of the present month, and it
was agreed that the debate on the subject should commence
on the 30th of May.
At the American Embassy in London, on the afternoon of
14th March, an address was presented to Mr. Adams by a
deputation from the British Branch of the International
League of peace and liberty. It is a testimonial especially
noticeable because it comes from very radical men. Mr.
Beales is President of the branch, and delivered an address,
which commends the statesmanship, firmness and courtesy
shown by Mr. Adams, thanks him for his faithful efforts, and
begs him to tell America that England rejoices in her victory.
Mr. Adams read a written reply as follows:
“ I am happy to receive you, gentlemen, and to hear from
you an expression of the friendly sentiments which Jyou en
tertain towards my countrymen and myself. It is no part of
my province, nor my wish, to draw any line of distinction
between individuals or classes in the community in which
you make an influential portion, nor yet to enter into ques
tions which belong particularly to yourselves. It is enough
for me to be assured of your good will, and to have reason to
believe that it is now generally entertained. As to myself,
having had the satisfaction to receive the full approbation of
my country for the action which you likewise commend, it
naturally follows that the compliments you pay to me are
even more deserved by the authority without which I should
have been powerless. If such be the ruling spirit on both
sides, I am at a loss to perceive the reasons for your alarm
about unsettled questions. Where the will is good some way
to an arrangement is sure ultimately to follow. In my belief,
the sum of all true diplomacy is to be found in the Christian maxim
of doing to your neighbor as you would have him do to you. If all
nations were to carry that rule into practice, there would be
no wars and few controversial dispatches.
“ I pray you to accept my earnest wishes for the health
and happiness of each and every one of you.'’
A dispatch dated London, March 26, asserts that Captain
Deasy, who was, in company with Colonel Burke, rescued
from the police at Manchester on the occasion of the riots
in that town, has been arrested at Salford, and lodged in
jail.
The Australian correspondent of the New York Tribune,
writing from Melbourne on January 28, says:
Prince Alfred, the second son of Queen Victoria, left our
hospitable shores on the 4th, and it is probable that the feel
ing of relief experienced was mutual. Undoubtedly, the
good citizens of Melbourne were glad to get rid of him, for
he did not exhibit much of the dignity of royalty, and set
an example by no means to be commended to the contempla
tion of the rising generation. When His Koyal Highness
landed no demonstration of respect and loyalty was too ex
travagant; when he left, the influential Australasian spoke
thus of him : . ,
“ The future of the great off-shoots of Britain offers a prob
lem to the minds of English statesmen, beginning to be
studied, but the solution of which has not extended beyond
the opinion that it is undesirable to allow them to become
antagonistic republics like that of North America. It is
possible enough, therefore, that had these colonies been bent,
like the children of Israel of old, upon asking for a king,
and Prince Alfred not invincibly opposed to a southern seat
of empire, the world might have witnessed in those days the
astonishing spectacle of a second British monarchy. Were
any such idea as this entertained, however, when the Galatea
left Europe, a grave mistake was made in failing to send a
Mentor with the young Telemachus. If it was intended by
this visit to create among the colonists an ardent desire to
have a royal court established in their midst, the choice of
courtiers was, to say the least of it, unfortunate. The central
figure, however acceptable as a distinguished visitor, lias
certainly not impressed the people of \ ictoria with a belief
in his capacity as a ruler, or his determination strictly to
perform the thousand harrassing duties appertaining to a high
station. He has failed lamentably in the kingly virtue of
punctuality, while of that dignity of demeanor which is said
to befit the prince, we have had but few examples. But if a
resident Prince Alfred would not be enthusiastically accept
able, so far as Victorian opinion goes, what would be thought
of a Court composed of Newrys and Yorkers? Our colonial
youth are not backward in what, in common parlance, is
termed “ fastness,” but we believe they might take lessons in
rapidity from these scions of the British aristocracy. With
these for our noblemen, it would become a matter of curious
speculation as to who would be our noble women ! No; if
simple-minded Australian colonists were intended to be con
verted into eager lovers of aristocracy, the wrong men were
sent to innoculate them with the passion.
My lords and ladies and most grave statesmen of bonnie
old England, consider this gravely. It may bring to your
minds the impertinence of certain American colonies in days
long ago. And verily here are more of your children pre
suming to think for themselves, actually daring to scan with
a critical eye a prince whom you have sent to them as the
chosen representative of your virtue, intelligence and royalty,
and to weigh his qualities, good and bad, in their colonial
scales, and, worst of all, to find them wanting. Audacity
supreme ! Insolence insufferable! Miserable, simple colo
nists, beware what you do! You are rising a smile of con
tempt from my lady of the Court, and a violent oath from
my lord,”
On which our excellent cotemporary, the Tribune, writes
an able editorial, which concludes as follows:
The people of Australia, if they are to have a Prince
Resident, may well desire to have one who will not break the
peace which it is his official business to preserve—who will
not set a dangerous example of licentiousness and debauchery
—who will not maintain an extravagant and disorderly Court
—who will not waste the wealth of his people in riotous
livings, and who will not give those faculties which should
be employed in the service of the State to the wild pursuit of
frivolous pleasures. It appears pretty plainly that the Duke
of Edinburgh is not the young man who is wanted; and it
is equally clear that since he is not wanted he will not be
forced upon a proud, and reluctant, and powerful colony.
The Campaign in Connecticut.—The special corre
spondent of a daily cotemporary, writing from Hartford on
March 25tli, says: The Fenian Head Center of the State,
Richard McCloud, has taken the stump for Grant and victory.
The Johnsonians admit the advantage we enjoy in organiza
tion. They say that they are a month behind us. This is
true, and it is important. Our canvass of every town and
district in the State is quite thorough, and shows at intervals,
a constant accumulation of strength. We have not speakers
enough, so great is the desire of the people to hear. They
should be sent on from Washington at once. Instead of
Honorables filing into the Senate Chamber to listen to Im
peachment there, let them file into Connecticut and try Im
peachment here. The truth is, Impeachment set this State
in a blaze, as it did New Hampshire; and it will be carried
by Impeachment, if the Senate gives evidence of an honest
intention to dispose of it with reasonable dispatch. The
truth is clear that the Johnsonians are in an actual minority
in Connecticut at the present time, and will be declared so
by the election results, unless their vote manufactories change
the figures in the meantime. These are running day and
night. The largest run is at New Haven, where the largest
voting grist is to be ground from the foreign material. But
our people are confident that even these cannot overcome our
gains in the country.
Abyssinia. — According to latest accounts, things were
looking anything but “beautifully blue” for the English in
vaders. The following telegram, which we take from the
New York Herald, shows that Theodore will fight, and may
probably conquer:
Antalo, Abyssinia, March 6,
via London, March 28, 1868.
The Commander-in-Chief and officers of the English ex
pedition advancing for the liberation of the captives have
become convinced, from positive information from the ex
treme front, that king Theodore is prepared and means to
fight.
Major General Napier is now aware that the royal native
army is placed in a very strong position, situated between two
rivers, near lake Hiak, the watershed of the country being,
it is said, in this region.
The fortress and palace of Magdala are distant two days’
march in the rear of the king’s headquarters.
Deep ravines encircle the Abyssinian camp.
In this camp, and on the line towards Magdala, Theodore
has 15,000 warriors, the works and camp being defended by
six large guns.
On the east and south of lake Hiak—Hiak means “ sea ”
or “shore”—are high and steep mountains; the lake being,
it is said, about forty-five English miles in circumference.
The river Mille flows past to the east, the river Bashilo run
ning rapidly to the west, and somewhere between the two;
on Christianized soil, regarded as holy, the king is said to be
posted.
General Napier has six thousand English troops posted
here, (Antalo,) the capital of Enderta, and one of the princi
pal towns of the Tigre territory. The General will move to
Ashangi.
To-morrow the advance brigade moves, and the General
leads by choice.
Baggage of every description has been reduced two-tliirds
by order.
Forage for the cattle—of which a large number are required
—is scarce.
The roads are very bad and difficult to travel, the country
being for the most part dry, of volcanic formation.
The Queen’s soldiers are suffering from dysentery and
fever.
The Arabs of Algeria seem to be about as “ happy and
prosperous,” under the foreign domination of France, as the
people of Ireland have been under that of England:
The last reports of the famine in Algeria are awful to read.
The old horror of the siege of Jerusalem has come again. A
wretched mother has cooked and eaten, with the surviving
children, the fruit of her womb. Another authenticated in
stance of cannibalism is recorded where the least to be pitied
victim of the famine was the full grown man who was eaten.
An incident (says the Courrier deVAlgerie) took place lately
at the market of Affreville, near Milianah, which might have
been attended with deplorable results. A great number of
Arabs, supposed to be as many as 1,000, ail at once made
their appearance there ostensibly for the purpose of buying.
They were ragged in their attire, but each man caried under
his burnous a matrak, (a species of large knife). They soon
crowded all the avenues of the market, the only representa
tives of European authority and public force on the spot
being the deputy-mayor, the garde-champetre, and two gen
darmes. About 10 in the morning, when business was at
its height, the Arabs, acting like one man, suddenly precipi
tated themselves on the stalls of the persons selling articles of
food, and in an incredibly short space of time, bread, meat,
vegetables, fruit and grain disappeared before this famished
horde. The European dealers took to flight, while those of
the Arab and Jewish races manfully defended their property
as best they could, using their tent-poles, and resisting the
assailants bravely. The deputy-mayor and the few men at
his disposal aided the dealers, and at length succeeded in
quelling the disturbance, and even made some arrests. The
j band of strage Arabs disappeared as suddenly as they had
come, and avoiding to do anything more than seizing on
articles to eat.
The Cretan Commission at Athens has addressed an appeal
for help to all sovereigns of Europe, and to the President of
the United States.
The Russian fleet humanely continues to carry non-com
batants to Greece.