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In proceeding to quote, which we do from a daily cotem porary, the proceedings of the London Parliament in refer p ence to the disestablishment of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Ireland, we would warn all our friends that while it is an act of justice wrung from our enemies, still, in a ma terial point of view—in a beef and bread sense of the question the decision will do simply nothing for the people of Ireland. The same was true of Catholic Emancipation. Did it clothe and feed the plundered tenant farmers of Ireland? Did it prevent the Crow-bar Brigade from tearing down their houses over their own and their children’s heads, and driv ing them into the poorhouse, the emigrant ship or the grave? , Our people can answer these questions for themselves: THE DISESTABLISHMENT OF THE IRISH CHURCH CARRIED. London, April 3—Midnight.—The House of Commons was densely crowded to-night, both on the floor and in the galleries, long before the hour for the commencement of the proceedings. After several speakers had addressed the House, Mr. Dis raeli said the House had been suddenly called to go into Committee for the disestablishment of the Irish Church. He had to consider the best mode of meeting this movement. He might have moved the previous question, or have met the proposition with a direct negative, denying that any change in the Irish Church was desirable. But having admitted that a beneficial change was possible, that course was im practicable. The Government had, therefore, moved an amendment, the obscurity of which he justified by the maxim of Sir Robert Peel, that “ Ministers should never state their policy in an amendment; if attempted at length it would be cumbrous, and if brief it wrould be ambiguous; but they should seize the salient points and maintain them.” Mr. Disraeli mentioned two points which defeat the resolves, viz.: that the time was inopportune, as a commission was now ex amining into Church affairs, and that this Parliament was morally incompetent to settle the question. He then attacked Mr. Gladstone for his adoption of and urging the crusade against the Church at eight days’ notice. The act of Union was a solemn covenant between the Irish and English Pro testants to be observed in all its bearings. Mr. Gladstone had appealed to the New House, but the New House could not be hoodwinked into giving up their privileges. He at tacked Mr. Cranbourne and his motives, and said the only effect would be to evoke Mr. Lowe from his cave of Adullam and join him in the chorus of reciprocal malignity. But now they had the hour and the man, though somehow the man was not yet here. His remarks were on the defensive. He had never attacked anyone in his life. (Cries of “ Peel.”) He admitted that there was something critical in the affairs of Ireland, but said there was no danger from Fenianism ; that was prostrated so low that no call for revolutionary measures could be made. The Irish had always had his sympathy. He did not despise their sentimental grievance, but the Irish were not a conquered race, nor was tlie Church a badge of conquest. The tory policy was one of concilia tion. They had sought to aid the Catholics in order to strengthen Protest?nts and attain equality. It had been suc cessful. But Mr. Gladstone proposed a change which out raged the feelings of a large and influential part of the com munity. What was to be thought of a statesman who should throw a firebrand into the State, and kindle the direst flames. The plan proposed was simple confiscation. Ritualists and Papists had long been plotting to seize, with the aid of the Liberal party, the supreme power of the realm, and if the present movement should succeed, the crown itself would be in danger. Mr. Gladstone said much of the speech of the Premier was the result of a heated imagination. Ho far as the endowments of the Irish Church were concerned, the Liberals only pro posed funding them for the benefit of the State revenues. Ireland had been for three years in a state of war. The habeas corpus was suspended, and only the great power of England had kept down disaffection. The recent Imperial State letter was a symptom of more perilous affairs abroad, and it was necessary that the Blouse should face this question at once. THE DIVISION—THE GOVERNMENT DEFEATED. Three o'clock, A. M—At 2:15 this morning the debate ended, and a division took place on Lord Stanley’s amend ment to postpone the consideration of Mr. Gladstone’s re solve until the next Parliament. Six hundred members voted, and the Government was defeated by sixty majority. The announcement was greeted by the wild cheers of the Liberals. Four o'clock, A. ilL—On going into Committee, which mo tion was carried, Mr. Gladstone’s resolves were carried bv a majority of fifty-six. in Committee, Mr. Gladstone moved his first resolution, and that the Committee report progress. The Prince and Princess of Wales, the Prince and Prin cess Teck, and other members of the Royal family staved in the Royal gallery during the entire debate. We select the following passages from an able sketch of “ The Irish (Established) Church Question,” which appears in the journal from which we have already quoted : The doctrines of the Reformation, which three centuries ago were embraced by the great bulk of the English people, have never made any considerable progress among the Irish. A Protestant Church, established by law, was forced upon Ireland by the English Government, but the great majority of the Irish have always remained steadfast in their attach ment to the Catholic religion. Penal laws without number, expressly framed to destroy Catholicism in Ireland, and in former times rigorously enforced against the members of that communion, have proved utterl^ powerless to alienate the people from the Church of their fathers; and the dis proportions of numbers between the Catholics and Protest ants is greater to-day than it has ever been. In the latter part of the seventeenth century an estimate was made by Sir W. Pretty, of the relative strength of Protestants to Roman Catholics in Ireland. Including all classes of Protestants, the result he arrived at was: Roman Catholics, 800,000; Protestants, 300,000. In 173G it appeared that the popula tion consisted of 1,417,000 Roman Catholics, and 502,000 Protestants. A century later, in 1834, the first year of any accurate enumeration of the people of Ireland, it was found that those who were represented by >Sir William Pretty by 800,000 and 300,000, had come to be, respectively, 6,400,000 Catholics and 1,500,000 Protestants. This disproportion was afterwards slightly changed in favor of the Protestants, the respective numbers being, in 1861, when the last census was taken—Roman Catholics, 4,500,000 and Protestants 1,300,000. But this apparent increase of the latter is attributed to the great exodus of the Irish to America during the intervening years, as the emigrants were almost wholly belonging to the Roman Catholic Church. The relative numbers have not been materially altered since the last-named year. In a debate in the House of Com mons in 1865, Mr. Dilwyn, the member who brought forward the motion, estimated the population of Ireland at 5,800,000, of whom not more than 600,000 were of the Protestant faith. The above figures represent the whole Protestant population of Ireland; but when the Presbyterians, the Wesleyan Methodists, and the members of other non-conformist bodies, are deducted from the total, and the question narrowed to a comparison of numbers between the Roman Catholics and the members of the Irish Established Church, the dispropor tion will appear still more striking. From a parliamentary return ordered by the House of Commons, on the 6th of May, 1863, we find that while in 1861 the number of Roman Catholics in Ireland was somewhat over four millions and a half, the number of members in the Established Church was only 691,872, and that consequently the proportion in that year was 100 Catholics to a fraction over 15 members of the Establishment. And this is about the proportion at the present time. One of the principal arguments insisted upon by the advocates of the Irish Establishment is, that the Church is a missionary Church, her mission being the con version of the Catholics of Ireland from Popery to Protest antism. But if the figures just given are worth anything, they prove beyond all doubt that, as a missionary agency, the Irish Church has been a complete failure. It is conclu sive on this point to quote the fact that the disproportion of numbers between the Catholics and the Protestants in Ire land is greater to-day than it was 150 years ago—and that notwithstanding the heavy deductions which emigration to th e New World has made in the ranks of the former during the last twenty-five years. Let us now see what provision is made by law for the spiritual instruction and care of this comparatively small part of the population of Ireland. The Hierarchy of the Irish Church consists at present of two archbishops—the Archbishop of Armagh and the Archbishop of Dublin—and ten bishops. The beneficed clergy are about 1,400, exclusive of deans, prebendaries, and other ecclesiastical dignitaries. The number of parishes in Ireland is about 2,400, most of which have their parish churches; but in some of these parishes there is often not a score of Protestants, while the Roman Catholics in them are counted by hundreds or thou sands. Every parish in Ireland is provided with a clergy man ; but as the number of clergymen is not equal to the number of parishes, in numerous instances one clergyman has the spiritual care of two or three parishes. In certain parishes where divine service is regularly performed in the places of worship belonging to the Establishment, the con gregation might be counted upon the fingers, and there are cases in which, besides the clergyman and the clerk, no worshipers present themselves when the edifices are opened for the performance of the service. Meanwhile, in these same places, the Catholic churches are crowded with devout worshipers. The incomes of the parochial clergy arise partly from tithe rent charges, together with glebe land and houses, and partly from a house tax on houses in cities and towns, the proceeds of which are known as “ ministers’ money.” The total annual revenue of the Established Church in Ire land is about £600,000, of which £400,000 is tithe rent charge. Originally the direct payment of tithes was univer sally enforced; then a law was enacted providing for com position for tithes; but this plan was attended with so much difficulty in the collection of payments, and gave rise to such serious disturbances of the peace, the enforcement frequently provoking outrage and bloodshed, that, thirty years ago, an act was jrassed by the British Parliament abolishing compo sition for tithes, and substituting in their stead a fixed pay ment of three-fourths of their amount, to be made by the landlords, or others having a perpetual interest in the land. The new arrangement, however, has by no means lessened the odiousness of the tax in the eyes of the Irish people. The landlord pays the rent charge, but the burden falls upon the tenant in the shape of an increased rental. The pay of the ministers of the Irish Church is extremely unequal, the incomes of the archbishops and bishops being very consider able, while those of the lower clergy is frequently very small. Many of the Irish prelates have died enormously rich, made wealthy by savings from their incomes. The appointments by the archbishoprics, the bishoprics, and other offices of ecclesiastical dignity and emolument, are most of them in the hands of the British Government, and'are too frequently made, not on the ground of merit and personal fitness for office, but in reward of political services rendered to the Government, or in furtherance of political party ends. In aggravation of the gross injustice involved in the forcible seizure and the appropriation of the property of the Roman Catholics of Ireland for the support of the church of a small minority of the people, the British Parliament has from time to time passed laws of the most severely penal character against the Catholics, for the express purpose of exterminating the Catholic religion in Ireland. Speaking of those laws, the celebrated Irish orator and statesman, Edmund Burke, said “ they were as bloody as any of those that had been enacted by the Popish princes and states ; and when they were not bloody, they were worse; they were slow, cruel, outrageous in their nature, and kept men alive only to insult in their persons every one of the rights and feelings of humanity.” Among other disabilities Roman Catholics were excluded from corporate offices, and from Parliament, were forbidden to marry Protestants, and to possess arms, etc. Before the enlightened and tolerant spirit of the present age these disgraceful enactments have passed away, but the monster grievance remains—the policy in which they had their birth and sought their justification still prevails, although plainly doomed, as Mr. Gladstone’s resolu tions show. Of the Protestant Dissenters in Ireland, the Presbyterian body is by far the most numerous and influential. The chief strength of Irish Presbyterianism is in the province of Ulster, where the members of that communion number over 500,000. In the other three provinces of Ireland their numbers are insignificant, being in Leinster about 12,000, in Munster 4,000, and in Connaught not more than 3,000. Next to the Presbyterians in point of numbers came the Wesleyan Methodists, and there are small bodies of Quakers and Mora vians in Dublin and the parts adjacent. How the “ nest of political problems,” the raising of which Mr. Gladstone, three years ago, declared would be the certain consequence of disturbing existing ecclesiastical arrangements in Ireland, is to be dealt with in the final settlement of the question, remains to be seen. While the majority of the Irish people are opposed to the maintenance of the large endowments now appropriated to the support of the clergy of the small section of the population, the Irish Roman Catholics repudiate a desire of having those endow ments handed over to their Church, or of receiving any pecuniary aid from the State. Should the Irish establish ment then cease to exist, the result will be to place the en dowments in question at the disposal of the State. mb. Gladstone’s motion on the irish church. The following are the resolutions moved on Friday, 3d April, by Mr. Gladstone, in the English House of Commons, respecting the Established Church in Ireland, and carried (against the Government) by a majority of 56 : 1. That in the opinion of this House it is necessary that the Established Church of Ireland should cease to exist as an establishment, due regard being had to all personal inter ests and to all individual rights of property. 2. That, subject to the foregoing considerations, it is ex pedient to prevent the creation of new personal interests by the exercise of any public patronage and to confine the oper ations of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners of Ireland to ob jects of immediate necessity or involving individual rights, pending the final decision of Parliament. 3. That a humble address be presented to Her Majesty, humbly to pray that, with a view to the purposes aforesaid, Her Majesty would be graciously pleased to place at the dis posal of Parliament her interest in the temporalities of the archbishoprics, bishoprics, and other ecclesiastical dignities and benefices in Ireland, and in the custody thereof. With reference to the above, the London Observer says : “ We understand that in the event of the Government being defeated on the motion of Mr. Gladstone relative to the dis endowment of the Irish Church, Mr. Disraeli will recommend Her Majesty to dissolve Parliament, with the view of per mitting the country to express an opinion on a subject of such grave importance. The attempt to deal with a question of so much importance by an abstract resolution of the House does not meet with the approval of several leading members of the Liberal party, and considerable difficulty has been ex perienced in deciding upon its precise terras. While on the one hand it may be inconvenient to take the sense of the House on an abstract resolution, it will be contended on the other that the last session of a moribund Parliament is not fit to deal with such a question, and that the whole subject ought to be remitted to the consideration of a Parliament elected upon a broader basis of the English Reform acts of last session and the Scotch and Irish Reform bills to be passed during the present session. Such is the Ministerial argument in the matter.” Here are the comments of the London Times : “The Com mons,” it says,” have resolved that this cancer of the empire (the Irish Church) shall be removed. The rejection of Lord Stanley’s amendment, to postpone consideration until the next Parliament, and the adoption of Mr. Gladstone’s resolu tion to go into Committee, are merely the first steps of the operation. The national will is soon to be expressed and it will be in no uncertain sound. It will insist that the work so happily begun shall be thoroughly performed. This morn ing’s vote is the dawn of a reunited empire. Now Ireland may take confidence, from this vote, that she is sustained by the vast balance of opinion of the United Kingdom. The wrongs of ages are to be ended and right done amid the ac clamation of the nation. This must guarantee peace.” (Must it?) THE PENAL LAWS. The lion, member for Birmingham never addressed a great meeting without representing the Church as a frightful grievance. It was constantly asserted that the penal laws were passed to enable Protestants to insult, oppress, and annoy their Catholic countrymen. That was totally opposed to the truth. The penal laws existed in Ireland two centuries before the Reformation. They came from Rome ; and there was a great meeting at Kilkenny, at which the same laws which were afterwards put in force were enacted with the sanction of the three archbishops. There was a deputation and memorial sent to the then Pope, John XXII., complain ing of the tyranny suffered by the Irish under the English penal laws. They were maintained, brutal and insulting as they were, entirely as a political engine of government; and when the Reformation came they were converted to Protestant use. Protestant rulers and governors found them ready to their hands, having been used for two centuries before by their Catholic countrymen. The mention of them always gave him the idea that the person speaking of them preferred the irritation of the disease to the cure (hear, hear). He trusted the representatives of England and Scotland would not take the symptoms of Irish disease from the statements of professional agitators. The noble lord concluded by urging the importance of settling this question in a manner which would tend to the preservation of the prosperity and happiness oLIreland, and put an end at once and forever to the agitation which has marked her history during several years.—Lord Hamilton's Speech. THE CLERKENWELL PRISONERS. 31 Carnaby street, Golden square, London* W. To the Editor of the Nation. Sir: As three of the prisoners—namely, Anne Justice. Barrett, and O’Neill, committed for trial at the Central Criminal Court, London, for willful murder in connection with the Clerkenwell explosion, are totally destitute of means, to obtain counsel for their defense at the forthcoming trial, and as evidence may be adduced to show that they are not guilty of the acts imputed to them, every lover of fair-play should not hesitate to respond to this most urgent appeal for pecuniary assistance. I therefore trust yon will, through your valuable paper, give publicity to this, which, I am confident, will not be sent to the prisoners’ countrymen and countrywomen in vain. Subscriptions will, I hope, be le ceived at the office of this paper, and acknowledged by the committee. James Lyons, Secretary.