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The Impeachment Trial.
From tho New York Tribune. •* TTIE MANAGERS’ ARGUMENT. ^ , Washington, Monday, March 30, 1868. To Major General Benjamin F. Butler, of Massachusetts, belongs the honor of having presented the opening argument in the greatest constitutional State trial of modern or ancient history. To-day at ten minutes before one o’clock the Gen eral entered upon his great task. The Chief-Justice of the Lnited States and fifty-three Senators formed the court and jury. One hundred and ninety-five representatives and dele gates, about one thousand citizens, and the representatives of the principal nations of the world, composed the audience. The scenes were not unlike those of the preceding days since the formation of the Court. The Senate met at eleven 0 clock and went on with the usual routine business of legis lation until half-past twelve o’clock, at which hour the Presi dent pro. tem. of the Senate declared the chair vacated for the Chief-Justice of the United States. That official, clad in T the silken gown of his office, entered at about the sametime, escorted by Pomeroy, and ascended the steps to the presiding officer’s desk. A few raps with the gavel brought the Court to order, and immediately afterwards the stereotyped procla mation of silence was made by the Sergeant-at-Arms. Almost simultaneously the Managers appeared at the main entrance of the Chamber, leading from the House, and were announced by one of the officers of the Court. They entered in the fol lowing order: Messrs. Bingham and Butler, arm in arm, Messrs. Boutwell and Wilson, Logan and Williams. The other Manager, Mr. Stevens, entered a few minutes before by another door, and had taken his seat at the Managers’ table when his associates arrived. The counsel for the Presi dent then entered by the door on the right of the President’s desk leading from the room assigned them to the Senate Chamber. Ex-Attorney-General Stanbery and Mr. Everts entered first, then Judges Nelson and Curtis and the Hon. Mr. Groesbeck. The members of the House of Representa tives were next introduced, and entered, headed by the Hon. E. B. Washburne of Illinois. The members as they entered deployed on both sides of the aisle, and took the chairs which had been prepared for their accommodation. The foreign embassies were well represented; Minister Thornton, the French and Russian Ministers, and other foreign diplomasts attended. The Chief-Justice, the central figure in the imposing tab leau, was the very impersonation of dignity, strength, learning and law. When he entered all eyes were turned on him, and many expected that he would make a declaration of the opinions which rumor yesterday and last night ascribed to ‘ him, relative to his duties and authority as presiding officer ; but he said not a word, and the Secretary of the Senate began to read the journal of the last day’s session. This was finished at ten minutes to one o’clock. Mr. Chase, turning to the ^ Managers, called on them to begin in support of the articles of Impeachment. General Butler arose. The galleries became hushed into breathless silence. Senators and representatives leaned for ward in their seats, anxious to hear every syllable of his ex ordium. Slowly advancing a few steps from the table, with a bundle of printed sheets in his hands, he bowed first to the Chief-Justice and then to the Senate. Slowly, distinctly, and in measured tones, be began: “Mr. President and gentlemen of the Senate: The onerous duty has fallen to my fortune to present to you, imperfectly as I must, the several propositions of fact and law upon which the House of Re presentatives will endeavor to sustain the cause of the people against the President of the United States, now pending at your bar.” As he proceeded his voice gathered volume and intensity. General Butler’s delivery is not the best in the world; but his tones were generally clear, and were heard with distinctness in every part of the Chamber. He read his speech from beginning to end, and this detracted merely front the thrilling effect which it might otherwise have had. He addressed the Senate throughout, seldom turning to the Chair, but for the most part looking Mr. Stanbery straight in the face. The reading of a written speech—especially in Congress, where written ones on important subjects are not uncommon—is generally a dull, tedious infliction, provoca tive of yawns and weariness, and inattention ; but this one by Mr. Butler to-day was an exception. Throughout he was eagerly listened to, and at many portions of it his audience hung upon his words in rapt attention. His gesture was effective and good; his personal appearance that of the dig nified gentleman ; his argument close, and to the point; and 1 but re-echo the general expression, even of his opponents and the opponents of impeachment, when I say that it was one of the best efforts ever put forth in the United States, even in the palmiest days of the oratory of the Republic. In the first portion of his address, when he reached the sen tence, “You area law unto yourselves,” he pronounced it with an emphasis and gesticulation which arrested and riveted the undivided attention of his audince. When he began that portion bearing on the New Orleans riots, he ground it out between his teeth like the screeching of a hundred saws, commingled with rumbling of an artillery carriage across a rugged pavement. His allusion to all our woes coming from our acting President was enunciated with an exquisite touch of mingled pathos and sarcasm. “ I throw around him the mercy of my silence,” was uttered in a cruelly severe tone of contemptuous irony. At five minutes to three o’clock Senator Wilson interrupted Mr. Butler, to move that the Senate take a recess of ten minutes. Mr. Butler expressed his thanks to the Senator. The Chief-Justice put the question on the motion, and de clared it adopted, and the Senate took a recess accordingly'. At the conclusion of the recess, General Butler resumed and continued until twenty minutes to four o’clock, when he closed his powerful argument with merely one or two sen tences ef peroration. When he took his seat Mr. Bingham stretched his arm across the whole length of the table and warmly grasped his hand, shaking it upwards of a minute. Mr. Bingham then rose and said that the Managers were ready to go on with the testimony which Mr. Wilson would lay before the Court. He spoke so low and indistinctly that Reverdy Johnson requested him to repeat his remark, which he did in sharp, clear, ringing tones. Mr. Wilson then read certified copies of the oath of office which had been taken by the President, together with the certificate of the same by the Secretary of State. Also the commission of Mr. Stanton, the action of the Senate in his confirmation, the papers suspending the Secretary, and the ad interim ap pointment of General Grant. Mr. Wilson next offered to put in evidence the President's message, giving his motives ■ for the suspension of Secretary Stanton, which he trusted the counsel on the opposite side would not insist on having read. Mr. Stanbery declined to comply with the request, and Wil son proceeded with the reading. Before he had finished it, however, Stanbery waived his objection and accepted it; and at half-past four o’clock, on motion, the Court adjourned to half-past twelve o’clock to-morrow. Genera*! Butler was warmly congratulated by his brethren of the House of Representatives ; and on the meeting of the House, a few minutes afterwards, a resolution directing the printing of forty thousand copies of it was carried, the rules being suspended for that purpose. It is generally thought that Butler’s argument is unanswerable, and that it has immeasurably strengthened impeachment. -■««►>■► The Irish Refugees. [We call the special attention of all our Irish readers to the following most truthful and interesting Address. It is the emphatic utterance of the best men of our race—the men who, for the time, have risked and lost all for Irish liberty. There are more than a thousand of these noble patriots, at this hour, in New York city, all men of intelligence and earn estness, and many of them exposed to unrelieved want and misery, because they were true to their country. They, almost without exception, utterly repudiate connection of any sort with either “ wing ” of the present Fenian Organiza tion, believing, as they do, that the object of the “ leaders,” just now, is more to defeat each other than to defeat England or liberate Ireland. These men will yet play an important part in the great work which lies before us. The world will hear more of them.—Eds. I. R.] ADDRESS OF THE REFUGEES OF THE I. R. B. TO THEIR FELLOW-COUN TRYMEN AT HOME AND IN AMERICA. Fellow-countrymen : Animated by the sincerest desire to effect a union amongst the scattered ranks of the Fenian Brotherhood in this country, and believing that without such a union we can do but little, if anything, towards the assist ance of our brothers at home, we again address you in the name of fatherland and liberty, and of those who proved their devotion and fidelity to both, to urge upon you the necessity of co-operating with us in our holy and heartfelt object. Guided by the principles which we enunciated in our former address to you, still clinging together, and hopefully struggling on, irrespective of party or faction, in the hallowed cause of our poor, suffering country, we have waited and watched with intense longing and anxiety, the course of events, in the expectation that a union of the contending parties here would ultimately be accomplished, and that all, burying forever their petty personal feuds and dissensions, would meet upon one common platform, for the redemption from seven centuries of thraldom and degradation of that dear old land which occupies such a deep place in our affec tions, and which its wandering children still sigh to behold freed from the fell grasp of oppression and tyranny; we re peat that we have anxiously looked forward to the consum mation of our wishes in these respects ; but, alas ! our hopes and desires remain jet to be realized! Are, then, our con stant and unceasing appeals and exertions for this^ong sought for union of our countrymen and brothers doomed to be always vain and impotent? Are the Irish people still to be kept divided, because those who assume their leadership may happen to disagree? Are we to be continually lacerating each other’s characters, and forgetting in miserable broils and squabbles the one grand object we all have, or profess to have, in view? Are we to become enthusiastic partisans and adherents to men in place of principles? In the name of common sense, let us cease our parrot cries about recognition of this or that man as our leader. Let us have no more auto crats or dictators. Let the people, in whose hands rest all power, make and unmake according as they perceive the neces sity. Let us no longer submit to arbitrary power, or despotic sway, or through a blind “ obedience to orders,” madly em bark in any revolutionary enterprise, without clearly seeing our way before us, and first assuring ourselves that we are in a condition to secure success, or at least inaugurate a respect able rebellion. Before we again move, let us be as our bro thers at home are determined to be, fully prepared, and not dependent upon mere promises or imaginary resources. Prema ture action combined with a rash and unreasoning go-a-head ism, have always ended in ruin to our cause. In future, let reason and judgment take the precedence of impulsiveness and enthusiasm. The Brotherhood in Ireland are now cap able of managing their own internal affairs, and will allow no control to be exercised over them on this side of the At lantic, where several counsels prevail. Experience has taught them a lesson of which they are determined to profit in future. They look upon the Irish-Americans in the light of kindred allies, from whom they would expect material aid, but they are resolved for the time to come to conduct then own business and keep their secrets to themselves. Within their own ranks, the people can find true and tried men to keep alive and guide the Organization till they are ready for ac tion, but not till then will they stir a foot. As for our part, believing, as we do, in the absolute neces sity of a union of the rank and file of the Brotherhood here, in order to be in a better position to assist the men at home in their preparations for the struggle which sooner or later will take place, we have considered ourselves justified in holding aloof from both “ wings ” of the Organization till such union would be established! We have, and we think consistently, too, refused to identify ourselves with any party, and have acted independently, still watching the interests of our brothers in Ireland, at all times willing to use our influ ence in bringing about a union of the Irish people on this continent, when an opportune period for a step in that direction should present itself, and willing toco-operate with whoever is really selected as the representative of the Bro therhood there, and in whose truth and honesty we may have reason to implicitly rely. We believe that an opportunity for using this influence with effect and advantage will shortly arrive. Hence we take this occasion of appealing to all Irish refugees who have been forced to leave their country for loving it too well, to join our body, and by so doing, increase that power and influence which it is our intention to put forth in accomplishing the object we should all aim at, viz.: the consolidation of the Fenian Brotherhood upon a firm basis, and the uniting together in one cordial and harmonious whole the elements that keep us asunder, enfeebling our energies, frittering away our strength, and rendering futile our attempts to deal an effectual blow at the heart of the old enemy of our name and race. No man shall be admitted as a member of our body who has not been in the home Organ ization, who was not always at bis post when required, and whose character as a sterling Irishman and patriot will not bear the strictest scrutiny. We are now iti possession of very encouraging facts as regards the home Organization, and the method upon which it is at present conducted. We do not deem it prudent to enter into a detail of those facts, as we consider their publication would place the British Gov ernment in possession of information which should be with held from them and their minions. We do not in future intend to apprise that Government of our intentions. We can, however, without compromising llie cause, give one or two extracts from a communication recently received from one who is well posted upon all matters appertaining to the Bro therhood in Ireland. He says, ‘'the men at home arc deter mined that in future they will be governed by no body of men three thousand miles away, who can know little, and possibly care less, about the real state of affairs there. The men who will have to bear the brunt of the battle, and suffer all the disasters of a campaign for Ireland’s liberty, are decidedly the best judges as to when and where the revo lution should be inaugurated, and they arc determined not to move a single foot at the beck ot anyone, till their local representatives declare they have in their possession men and material enough to do so, with probable chances of success. This resolution we believe to be a good one, for we and our brothers at home have been too often deceived by promises of aid, and exaggeration as regards supplies of arms, ammu tion, etc., being in existence somewhere, but that could never be found available for use. It will not do to have arms in Belgium, France or America when the time for a rising in Ireland comes. They must actually be in the bands of the men who are to fight with them. Taking a calm and sober view of the blunders and mistakes, the falsehoods and delu sions, that have characterized the late attempt at rebellion in Ireland, and without asking to array ourselves upon any side or [heaping blame upon any party, no matter how much deserving or what we ourselves may think as regards them, we are resolved to have a vigilant eye upon those who may again attempt to impose upon, befool or betray our brothers at home, bv lies and misrepresentations. We intend to oc cupy the position of faithful sentinels upon the watch towers of Irish liberty, keeping a sharp look out for aH those who may turn traitors and recreants to their country’s cause, or jeopardize its interest, either through ambition or any other self interested motive. We are firmly resolved to no longer allow our brothers in Ireland to become the victims of, or be duped by designing or adventurous knaves, and we shall feel called upon to hold up to public odium and execration, all who endeavor to use our people for their own base and selfish purposes. To the Fenian Brotherhood at home we do not particularly address ourselves. We learn—for we, too, have facilities for receiving an authentic account of the true state ot affairs there—with much satisfaction that they have already adopted a course of action of which we approve, and we shall take an early opportunity of apprising them of the path we have marked out for ourselves. To the members of the Organiza tion on this continent we would suggest a means by which their differences, or rather the quarrels of their leaders—for very little exists among the rank and file of the F. B. at both sides—might be ended. In our former address we asked them to unite amongst themselves, and recognize no party till a union was formed. This advice has been acted upon by some, and to these, in the name of our suffering people, we beg to return our sincere thanks. YVby should not all follow their example? Unfortunately there are many who fear that if thev withdraw support from their party, they would thereby weaken their strength and indirectly support leaders whom they distrust. To meet this we earnestly recommend that wherever two Circles, each supporting a different party, exist, they should consolidate, appoint their own officers and refuse to recognize either until a union was effected. As soon as the entire of the rank and tile of both “ wings” were united, there would be but slight difficulty in making such arrange ments as would place the Organization, once a terror to our enemies, now despised by them, upon a basis firm and lasting as the hatred we bear towards the oppressors of our country. We have once more set forth our principles and the line of action we have pursued, and intend to still pursue. Again we appeal to the scattered members of the home Organiza tion to come into our ranks and assist us in uniting our countrymen in one solid mass for the accomplishment of Irish liberty. All our collective strength and wisdom are now essentially necessary towards the bringing to a successful issue a matter which all, even those who may differ with us in our policy of neutrality, as it may be termed, cannot but acknowledge as meritorious in itself. “ United we stand—divided we fall.” Bv bearing in mind this motto, and by acting in acccr.l ance with that of which the first portion of it is suggestive, the union we so ardently desire must be accomplished. In the hope that such may soon be the case, we remain, fellow countrymen, fraternally yours. The Refugees. Signed by order of the Committee. Military Hall, 193 Bowery, New York, 7th April, 1868.