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The Florida Agriculturist.
Vol. 1. Contents of this Number. I‘age 73—Address of Judge Cocke. Page 74—Going After the Coves, poetry ; For Ifis Sake: Josh Billings ou Birds; Recipes. Pago 75 —Notes, From Our Traveling C orrespendont; Advertisinents. Page 76—Editorials: Pine Apple Culture; Astronomical Notes; Floridiana. Page 77 —Address, continued from page 73; Advertisinents. Page7B—The Profits of Geese Gaining; Gulf Fish; Shetland Dainties; The Ole ander Poisionous ; How to Sit; Compost ing muck; Legal Notices. Page 79—American Tea ; Advertisinents. Page 73—Telegraphic: Advertisements. THE FOURTH OF JULY, IvJS. An Address Delivered Before the Press Association of Florida at DeLand, by Judge Wm, Archer Cocke. Amid the sylvan scene of wood land and garden, of fragrant grove and fruitful field, of sparkling water and flowing stream, sacred alike to nymph and naiad ; not only the sons and daughters ot the Union, but the children of this, and distant lands have gathered, to meet each other as brothers and sisters; to grasp the friendly hand; to salute the bright and beaming eye ; and to feel, and to talk, as man to man, as friend to friend, irrespective of locality, or country, on this more than centen nial birthday of July, or American political and social philosophy;—of the liberty it has vouchsafed to man, under just and well administered law; of the principles entwined around the political, legal and moral system of American liberty, which if preserved by your morality may, and doubtless will, long endure to bless and make happy the sons and daugh ters of man; —here, beneath the sun are mingled iu one, let us all meet around the common altar of our oountry, in devotion to the well reg ulated principles of the liberty we now enjoy. But if we cease to bring the offer ing of high Christian virtue and pure morality, and spread them around the altars of our country, in every public, private and social relation, we may, like so many other people, at every age of the world and in every clime, but realize the sad idea that government and laws are but tempor ary and fluctuating expedients to con trol and regulate human society. The contest between the American • Colouists and the British Govern ment, which resulted iu the establish ment of the “ Constitution and the Union,” has developed the most re markable and the grandest events in 'human history, and has led to results more calculated to instruct, to enlight en and to make happy the race ef men, Than any series of events recorded pm history, excepting only those of the Reformation—that reformation, and exposition of truth and right, which opened the pages of the Bible and the doors of the church to every one that thirsted for the waters of life. I fear I am not able to do justice to the noble subject on which I would prefer to address this audience on the Fourth day of July, For more than ace ntury the peo ple of the United States have assem bled on this day, in city and hamlet and country, to listen im hundreds of places to what in the phrase of ver nacular history, is called “ Fourth of July Orations.” They have abound ed in high sounding pletho ric rhetori cal eentances of eulogy on the char acters of the actors in tho Revolution of 177 G—with superficial view 7 * of the events ot that period, with abundant allusions to that famous bind, the American Eagle, whose elastic pin ions enables it from the center oi‘‘ the Union to batho its plumage at one and the same time in the pla id wat ers of Pacific, or tho wind tossed waves of the Atlantic. It is not my purpose to talk to you in such terms. There is a philosophy in history; its events unroll and A JOURNAL DEVOTED TO STATE INTERESTS. evolve principles, and produce and develope characters which illustrate the cause and effect of human action in a natural sense, from which suc j ceediug generations, if thoughtful and prudent, may learn lessons of ; wisdom in political and social philos ophy, which will guide them along : the pathway of life, and conduct j them safely therein. | The mariner with the assistance of nautical astronomy, has learned to ! traverse the ocean, and with the aid i of mechanical skill and experience, ‘ to meet the storm and the billows, and to ride in security through the j combined force of these angry ele ments, and amidst the darkest storms be has the unerring compass. What the science of navigation is to the manner, so lias, and will be, if skill fully used, the chart of history to the statesman, the author, the practical citizen, to the men iu office, and to those out of office ; to the great body politic, which embraces the whole population of the United States. By the chart of history, I do not mean a printed map like that which accompanied many of our school books, with dates and events dotted here aud there over its rnotly sur face; but the knowledge of those principles and their application with an application of those wise and vir tuous characters, who amidst trial and suffering, and with sacrifices that adorn and make useful the anti-selfish men of our race, as they arise super ior to the storms of adversity, and make for themselves an honest and honorable and a useful fame which shines along the shores of time, bright and lasting light houses for all who act in the great drama of human affairs; and there are none so humble that have not their allotted stage of nfef for'’God has made no man without a purpose; nor created a human being free from duties and obligations. By philosophy of history, I mean more than a series of remarks upon history, or on any connected events in history, it embraces the general results and connection of all past transactions in the history of the hnman race, and the material, moral, social and religious effects of those events. There are also series of events in the history of a nation which taken consecutively lead to cer tain results, in every way affecting tho physical, the moral, the political, the social progress of a nation. The Hebrews, the Assyrians, the Greeks, the Romans, the English, and the various nations of Europe in mod ern times have all their special history. Yet there is a combined in fluence and connection binding in one vast volume the philosophy of histo ry, as their seperatc series of events make its many chapters. In the in vestigation of this endless subject we have all the elements of physical geog raphy, climate, habits, culture, edu cation, and every distinguishing char acteristic of man, for a study, for ev en nature herself has her mute but universal language and immeasurable symbolical writings. But it is only of the philosophy of American histo ry that I would now briefly speak: The Fouth day of July, 1776, is an historic day in North America. A comparatively small portion of North America had been ior many years : mostly settled by English colonists. I For many years they were loyal, du tiful subjects of the mother country. This mother country had not been un kind to her children according to the well established doctrines at that day, of political rights and of juris ' prudence, as known and acknowiedg ed throughout Europe. A distant government could not appreciate the wants and necessities of a people with whose intere ts they were not ac quainted ; while distance itself, re i moteness from home interests, depel- I oped a selfishness in the mother coun- I try calculated to chill the love of the neglected offspring. This was natur al ; and tho Fourth day of July, 1776, gave rise to an action on the part of DeLand, Florida, Wednesday, July 17,1878. the Continental Congress, which, re sulting in a Delaration of Independ ence, was but a proclamation of the American Congress of the causes of grievance at the action of the mother country; and;tVdetermination to be free. The political philosophy based ou the natural right of the Declaration of Independence is the right of revo lution on the part of an oppressed people, and the instrument of that revolution is the sword. It is a mor al right, arid lhapolical philosophy of Europe and America has endorsed the truth of tbepDeclaration of Inde pendenoe. “That all men are endowed by their Creator with certain unaliena ble rights; that among these are life, liberty and pursuit of happiness,” and that morover it may become neces sary for one*Cfple to dissolve the political banas fehich may have con nected them with another. Here was the moral as well as the political right which placed juftace in the sword of Washington, Mid expunged the law of treason fronj/jj>he British statutes, so far as an Amariwm colonist was in volved or interested. This by the RepregMKTves of America in Congress was the proc lamation of a people wishing to be free, and having Uhe'right to be free, it it involved a AWE to arms by ev ery one capable ottaising a musket to his shoulder. . Foillhe language of the paper itself history of the present king of Graft Britian is a his tory of repeated Snpvies and usurpa tions, all havirqj, in direct object, the establishment of sill absolute tyranny over these States v It is a matt* v .story, from, the necessary for the publih good,” to that charging the kir.g with exciting domestic insurrection arriong us, was historically true, either of the king or Parliment If the petitions for a re dress of grievances presented by the •colonists had been favorably receiv ed, instead of being answered by “re peated injury,” the revolution would have been postponed, but only for a time, for revolt and independence were sooner or later inevitable, for they were political, financial, social, religious necessities. And well and truly could the colonists appeal, as they religiously did, to the Supreme Judge of the world, for the rectitude of their intentions. For the support of their declarations they not only mutually pledged to each other lives, fortunes and sacred honors, but went into the midst of battle, feeble, few, poor and badly armed, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence. Our forefathers, —the Patres Con scripti of the revolution of 1776, were not without historical precedents in t heir Declaration of Independence.— They could go hack to Magna Char ter, made in the 9th year of King Henry 111, thirty times confirmed by kings and Parliment. To*the Peti tion of Right, drawn up by Sir Ed ward Coke; the act for the bettor se curing the liberty of the subject, and for the prevention of imprisonment beyond the seas, commonly called “The Habeas Corpus Act.” 81. Ch. 11., May, 1679; and the Bill of Rights, 1, William and Mary, 1689. The carefully stated causes for a re sort to arms against the mother coun try, as appears in tho Declaration of Independence, shows the ideas of the American statesmen of that period in relation to great politico-philosophic truths, which to tins day permeate our system of government, state and na tional. Conspicuously among them are taxation and representation, in dependence of the judiciary, no stand ing army, and tho independence and superiority ol the civil ove: the mili tary power. The colonists were now fully com mitted to war, and hostilities began to thicken round the young altar of American liberty, but its tender and early years were guarded aud pro-1 tected by brave and patriotic soldiers in the field, and wise, honest, and un selfish statesmen in council—this was before the day of American politi cians, and the army was of soldiers, not office seekers and partisan huck sters. In 1778, two years after the Dec laration of Independence was adopt ed, the Continental Congress with a representation from thirteen States adopted “Articles of Confederation and perpetual union between the States.” It was a confederation, yet a perpetual union of sovereign States, and the style of the confederacy was the “United States of America.” By stipulation each State retained its “sovereignty, freedom and independ ence ,”and they entered into “a firm league of friendship with each other for their defence, the security of their liberties and their mutual aud gener eral welfare.” The names of many who had signed the declaration of 1776, signed the first constitution the world had seen—the Articles of Con federation of the United States. But little has been comparatively written about this famous and justly distinguished constitution as a form of government. The general interests of the United States, legislative, executive and ju dicary, were managed by a Congress consisting of delegates annually ap pointed as the Legislature of each State shall direct; and how purely representative was this body, for any member could be recalled at any time and another placed in his seat. This was an efficient system of govern ment ; presented a grand Congress, with all the powers of government in one'House, and was successful, for, with the assistance of the army, it the £BLQ nurtured the tender scions of that liberty, which, disenthralling three millions of people and preserving the sovereignty of thirteen States; now, in one hundred years preserving still its identity of principles, though the Ar ticles of Confederation, have, in order to form a more perfect Union, spread the enlarged mantle of justice and tranquility over more than forty mil lions of people; thirty-nine States, still free, sovereign and independent, and with the right and capacity to remain so. The result of the declarat ion of in dependence was the revolutionary war. The result of that war was a written constitution, the Articles of Confederation, and then American freedom; then the constitution of the United States, with the form of gov ernment and the principles of human liberty under which we have lived for a century, and by virtue of which has developed a nation of confederated and sovereign States, with local and general governments, each with seperate and distinct ma chineries complete in themselves. And if maintained as organized, and according to their purpose, meaning and intent, perfect and enduring per haps for ages. It is the admiration and tho won der of the philosophers and writers and statesmen of the civilized world, as they look on the constitution of tho national government, sole and self-poised in the political firmament, liko the sun in the heavens, with States, like the planetary system, re volving around a central light, sustain ed by a centripetal and centrifugal force, which produce and maintain a political equilibrium not unlike the spheres. Wo have reached a period that wit nessed the close ol the Revolutiona ry war. The government of the Uni ted States, under the Articles of Con federation, was a democratic repub lic, a union of independent common wealths. The Articles of Confederation were incomplete. The project of remod eling the Government originated at Mount Vernon. In 1785, Washing ton, in conversation with a company of Statesman at his home, advised the calling ofaCouvuntion. Theprop- osition was received with favor. In September, 1786, the Representatives of five States assembled. All of the States except Rhode Island responded to the call, and on the second Mon day in May, 1787, the Representa tives assembled at Philadelphia. I will not recite on this occasion the history of that Convention, its de tails are known. Washington was its President. Edward Randolph introduced a resolution to set aside the Articles of Confederation, and adopt anew Constitution. A com mittee was apointed to receive the Articles. .Early in September the work was done; the report of the committee was adopted ; that report was the Constitution of the United States, written by Governor Morris, of Pennsylvania. The effect of this Constitution was to make a stronger bond of union be tween the States; todevelope a com mon brotherhood that should bin and in cords of patriotic affection all parts of the Union. In doing this without discussing the features of the Con stitution, it was evident that the ne cessities of existing history demand ed a stronger form of government, and that necessity was obeyed by creating a Government which made its Constitution, and the laws passed in pursuance thereof, the supreme law of the land, by giving it a self sustaining power; and to sustain that power it ha3 a limitless purse, and a sword supreme on land and sea; an army ana a navy, limited only by the will of the people through their Representatives in the Legislative and Executive Departments of the Government. A statesman has said : “ Eternal vigilance is the price of liberty. sopbic and practical truih innerennor every Government which is its oon stant tendency to increase its powei . The student of the political an and constitutional history of the Unite and States can not fail to observo tha t this is tiue, and every effort to resin t the National Government draws out its resources for self defence, and strengthens it as does exercise de velope and strengthen the muscle and fiber of the human system. A distinguished writer has said: That every one deserves liberty, but it is impossible to say what it is We will not dispute whether the word can bo defined; the original meaning of the word JLibertus meant the abolition of royalty, and came to signify in Rome simply Republican Government, abolition of royalty We have advanced beyond that idea In France and Mexico, Libertas and Republicanism have been overwhelm ed time and again in despotism, and the flag of the Republic shrouded in blood. Lieber, a distinguished Ger man, but for years a professor in one of our Southern Colleges, thus quotes Webster; “ The spirit of liberty is, indeed, a bold and fearless spirit; it is a cautious, sagacious, discriminat ing, farseeing intelligence ; it is jeal ous of encroachment, jealous of pow er, jealous of man. It demands checks ; it seeks for guards; it insists on securities; it entrenches itself be hind strong defences, and fortifies itself with all possible care against assaults of ambition and passion. ” This is the nature of constitutional liberty, of our liberty, and it is my duty from the position I occupy be fore this audience to say such liberty is always in danger. Lieber, in connection with the re marks of Webster, says: “Unity of power, if sought lor in wide-spread democracy, must always lead to mon archist absolutism. Virtually it is such; for it is indifferent what the appearance or name may be, the democracy is not a unit iu reality ; yet actual absolutism existing, it must be wielded by one man. All absolutism is essentially a one man government." We are still satisfied with a democratic system of govern ment; it is the safest resort for freo- Contiuaed on page 77. No. 10.