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THE WINSLOW MAIL.
J. F. WALLACE, Publisher. WINSLOW, ----- ARIZONA. THE WINTER NIGHTS AT HOME. A stretch of hill and valley swathed thick in robes of white, The buildings blots of blackness, the win dows gems of light, A moon, now clear, now hidden, as in Us head’ong race The north wind drags the cloud-wrack in tatters o’er its face; Mailed twigs that click and clatter upon the tossing tree, And, like a giant’s chanting, the deep voice of the sea. As ’mid the stranded Ice-cakes the burst ing breakers foam— The old familiar picture, a winter night at home. The old familiar picture—the firelight rich! and red, The lamplight soft and mellow, the shad owed beams o’erhead: And father with his paper, and mother calm and sweet, Mending the red yarn stockings stubbed through by careless feet; The little attic bedroom, the window ’neath the eaves, Decked by the Frost King’s brushes with silvered sprays and leaves; The rattling sash which gossips with Idle gusts that roam About the Ice-fringed gables—the winter nights at home. What would I give to climb them—those narrow stairs so steep— 'And reach that little chamber, and sleep a boy’s sweet sleep! What would I give to view' it—that old house by the sea— Filled with the dear lost faces who made it home for me! The sobbing wind sings softly the song of long ago, And in that country churchyard the graves are draped in snow, But there, beyond the arches of Heaven's star-jeweled dome, Perhaps they know I’m dreaming of win ter nights at home. —doe Lincoln, in Saturday Evening Post. .VA. -M/- 4H, .ate. Sit, -i! l* | AND AFTER I By Jalla Traitt Bishop. THE Woman in White had passed through a most triumphant day and was weary. She tossed her hat to a bed, her gloves and fan to a chair, and she herself dropped into the great wil low rocker —a mass of fluffy white draperies, her deerlike head, with its crown of red-brown hair, lifted above the foam. The Woman in White had been younger, but she had never before been so beautiful. Because she had won him—and be cause she had no right to him. Be cause he had once scorned and flouted her, and had passed her with his wife on his arm and a look of cold contempt in his eyes —and because now he had followed her for days and days, and she had made him sue for a kind word from her —her, the scorned and de spised. Because she had laughed in his face and had baited and lured him until he had thrown to the winds his decent life and all the long years of up rightness and the position among men for which he had struggled, and was ready to follow her to the world's end. And because he was the one man whose scorn had cut deep into what she called her soul! She looked at the radiant thing in the mirror and laughed, and turned the flashing bracelet about and around on her wrist; and a something almost womanly came into her face as she realized that it was not the diamonds she cared so she would have loved a ribbon if he had given it to her with that look on his face, and would have kissed it as she did this, with a passionate delight. And the Woman in Gray, standing in the door, saw her kissing the bracelet. “May I talk with you a few min utes ?’’ asked the Woman in Gray; and the Woman in White saw her reflection in the mirror. What she saw was a slender, gray-clad woman, with a pale, pale face, and dark eyes with darker shadows under them, and brown hair that was beginning to whiten with early frost. The Woman in White stared insolent ly at the reflection in the mirror and cmiled. “I don’t know what my servants can be thinking of,” she said, without turn ing. “I really have nothing for you. my good woman. Perhaps if you go down, some of my people will show yon the way out.” “But 1 must see you for a little while,” said the Woman in Gray, put ting aside the insult, and coming slow ly nearer; and there was a deadly still ness about her as she drew a chair for ward and feat down in it. Then they looked at each other —the Woman in Gray and the Woman in White. “I think perhaps you know me,” sard the Woman in Gray. “No doubt people have pointed me out to you as the wife of—of —” “They have,” said the Woman In White, haughtily, taking up a steel pa per knife from the table near at hand and playing with it. “To what do 1 owe the honor of this visit?” The Woman in Gray looked at the paper knife and smiled wearily. “You mistake me,” she said. “Some women might have thought of that— but you will live. See!—to-morrow I go upon a long journey; and I knew that I must see you face to face before I went.” “What possible interest can I have in your plans for traveling?” cried the Woman in White, contemptuously. “Pray consult your dressmaker in stead—and tell her for me that she should be killed if she ever dresses you in gray again. It is not becoming.” “You are bitter,” said the Woman in Gray; “and we have so little time— and we are so near the tragedies of both our lives. A little while ago I was bitter agaiust you, too; but now 1 am too sad to be very bitter. 1 see hou past remedy it is. lam not here to beg you to be merciful. Even if you wished, you couldn’t give me_ back what I have lost.” • “Well, you have had your chance! cried the Woman in White. “And you have lost it! Who but yourself is to blame?” The Woman in White had thrown prudence to the winds with that speech,' and now rage and jealousy and insolent triumph were curiously blend ed in the-beautiful face, and flushed in ~u red.glow from the eyes. ; " Yes—l have lest it i ” said the Worn "an iiT'Cray. “And having learned thK>? past all doubt, I would not try to keep him if I could. I am going away, and he shall live his life in peace, i have merely come to ask you what kind of life it is going to be.” I he M oman in White threw herself back in her chair and raised her beau tiful arms above her head. “Oh, you cold-blooded woman!” she cried, clusping her hands above the shining'coil of her hair. “You ifcy wives that go yoUr round of what you call ‘duties,’ and sew on buttons and have good dinners and sit at the head of the table, as interesting as that Dresdeh shepherdess, month after lnonth and year after year, and then are shocked and outraged when he meets a flesh-and-blood woman and loves her! What kind of life will he have? W hv, he will learn for the first time that he is alive! What right have women like you to talk about love!— women who give a man up the first time he looks another way! Why, 1 would make myself the most beautiful and most attractive creature in the world to him, so that he could never even look at another woman—and then, if lie looked, I would not go away and leave him—l would kill him!” She clutched the paper knife in her right hand—and lifted the left hand and kissed again the flashing circlet on the wrist. The Woman in Gray looked at her, and the sight was branded on her mem ory. When she spoke again, it was in lower tones, ner eyes were fixed on a ring—a loose, loose ring, that she was turning around on her finger. “Perhaps we were mistaken about having loved each other,” she said, ab sently, us though she were talking to herself. “We were both so young, and so ignorant. We were married earlier than we had intended—because my mother died, and I was left alone, and was such an unprotected child—and so we were married; and we agreed that we were to study together, because we were both so ambitious —for him. And perhaps I couldn’t have kept pace with him, at my best; but I had to take in sewing to help him along, so I hadn't much time—and in a little while he was away beyond me. I have never caught up with him since—but I have always gone on studying, so that I wouldn't quite disgrace him when he became a distinguished man.” The Woman in Gray stopped to put a delicate and tremulous hand to her throat. “When he was studying law,” she went on, presently, “his eyes were troubling him, and so I read aloud to him for many hours every day. Some times I almost wished his eyes would id )| “OH, YOU COLD-BLOODED WOMAN ” fail a little more —a great deal more, so that he could be more dependent on me—for I was very young and ig norant then; and, you see, I thought I loved him.” The Woman in White did not speak. She was sitting quite still, as though she were a marble woman. “And even away back at the first,” the Woman in Gray went on, in that desolate self-communing, “when we were ignorant boy and girl together, we had quite settled it with ourselves that he was to be a distinguished man. We even made a lit tle play of it, telling one another that people would one day point out with pride the poor little house where we had lived, and where we had so much trouble paying the i ent; and then we would laugh so mer rily—oh, where has the laughter all gone! And so we went on. looking for ward always to the day when he.would be famous, and working and planning for it—and 1 always pictured myself so proud, so proud of' his triumphs! We cold-blooded women feel very deep ly sometimes, and think long thoughts! And now he lias won the honors we dreamed of—and to-morrow I am go ing on a long-journey!” She slowly arose, and the marble Woman in White saw for the first time that she had a little package in her thin hand. “I have something to leave with you,” said the Woman in Gray; “something to give you. See, it is a little bundle of letters. They are the letters of an undeveloped and ignorant boy to a poor little girl. 1 have cherished them a long time—but I give them to you now. because —because they have already gone out of my life.” An Lour afterward the Woman in White found that she had been alone for a long time, and that the last of the poor little letters was open in her hand. A withered rose had dropped from it and lay in her lap among the folds of fluffy white. The air was tilled with the fragrance of the little old time rose, which seemed to be part of the old-time boyish love, that was dead as the rose. Once, long ago, in her life also— The radiant face of the Woman in White was pale and old and weary looking as she tied the letters in the packet again and laid this penciled line upon them: “Do not go on the long journey—fo'’ T go on a journey of my own.” Tnen shr slipped the bracelet into the vel vet case nnd sealed and addressed it, and called a servant to go on two er rands. “I am going away to-night, John.” olie said, as his foot hesitated on the stair. “Send Susan up to pack.” And then she stood in the middle c! the room,’her head drooped, pressing back something that tried to come to her eyes. “And now- for new-' fields,” she said, despairingly. “And the life in them —?”—Globe Democrat. Cotton Mils in tji-- South. Fifty-seven new cotton mills have beeri bum-in-thHih'tb <Jtiring'the past ISP'montßfc.'’"* »*■* ■ * . | The Currency Question. | THE MONEY TRUST. Fosters the Monopolies Which Are Taking the Life Ont of Le gitimate Trade. Trusts concentrate wealth and pow er into a few hands. Imperial govern ments dq likewise. A republic fosters the diffusion of both wealth and power among the many and is the organised foe of monopoly. An em pire distributes the honors, advan tages and perquisites of official sta tion among the few who stand near the throne. Trusts seek to install their friends and advocates in official position and to close the avenues of advancement against all except their known apologists. To all intents and purposes an empire is a governmental trust, and a kindred financial system —and all empires have such—is the most efficient instrument in its equip ment of tyranny. The philosophy of republics is expressed in the maxim: “Equal rights to all, special privileges to none.” If our republic is to live it must have a money system not copied from empires, but equal to the broad and generous character of its fundamental laws. Trusts concen trate into a few hands not alone the profits of industry and trade, but sinews of war and political power fall into their keeping sequent to heart less commercial conquest. It is the natural connection of consequent to antecedent. Having excluded the many from profitable employment they find it an easy task to advance and wrench political power from the excluded classes. In their origin and throughout their development trusts, great and small, are essentially imperialistic. Their fruit, however, alluring and tempting, ripens only in the deadly shade of despotism. They are simply intoler able in a country w-hose settled policy is that of freedom. A republic whose industries are dominated by trusts is already stricken with a fatal malady —a deadly paralysis—and can only be rescued by united and heroic action. Where the leading industries are dom inated by trusts the government may be republican in form, but it will be found to be monarchial in spirit and in administration. The trust, in its last analysis and best definition, is simply organized criminal aggression in business. Conscience and the golden rule, those divine restraints which should qualify and temper all human trans actions, are excluded from its busi ness code. Its law is force. It holds no parley with its victims. It looks to a large military establishment and not to the affection and support of the people for safety. It demands that the plundered classes shall be held in subjection. The trust is full brother to militarism. The twain are of one blood and both are black with the guilt of gain. Each in its sphere destroys human life and lays desolate human habitations. The skull and cross-bones, or crouching panther, should be blazoned as a trade-mark across the door of the council cham ber where trust, magnates and bene ficiaries meet to plot the jdunder of mankind. “He takes my house who takes the prop that doth sustain my house. He takes my life who takes the means whereby I live.” The East India company was the first great chartered monopoly known among English speaking people. It was organized solely for the criminal exploitations of the defenseless in habitants of India. It has spawned its voracious progeny over all Chris tendom. Edmund Burke says the company “was a state disguised as a merchant.” It gradually absorbed and exercised all attributes of sover eignty belonging to the British em pire. Although a mere corporation, yet by act of parliament it was clothed with authority to levy -war nnd conclude peace. Our trusts exercise similar power. They use the government as their policeman. From the days of the East India company to the birth of its last lineal descendant in New Jersey, in this year of Our Lord, the growth of the whole trust family has been one unbroken evolution in crime, it is simply a highly developed spe cies of amphibious piracy made per fect by methodical selection and stim ulated to a development which enables it to act with like efficiency upon sea or land. Piracy was regarded as le gitimate industry for centuries, just as trust and trust depredations are now regarded in the opinion of many. | The pirate and the promoter of trusts are related in blood and blood will tell. Their mission is the same— plunder. The bloody rover of the sea cleared from no port. He represent ed no state or sovereign. His sword and cutlass constituted his commis sion. Finally all nations rose and drove these freebooters from the seas. They were forced to do so or sur render the common highway of na | tions to cut-throats and the dominion ' 1 of the black flag. But the trust pirate of to-day carries letters of marque is sued by states which are members of the federal union, and in some in stances by the federal government itself. Wherever they exist they are always managed by the “conservative classes of society” who constantly dote on “law and order.” They de light to have people accept without murmur “the station to which provi dence has assigned them.” It "was ever so with their prototypes. Noth ing so delighted - the pirate as to see the merchantman he was pursuing haul down its flag and come under one management without struggle. It was not battle, but booty they wanted. The}' cherished orderly surrender and deplored organized resistance above all things. They had regular organizations among themselves, each flotilla its prescribed territory or sea limits which were not to be en croached upon by other pirates, only a limited number of vessels were per mitted to engage in the business and dividends were declared and booty distributed at the termination of each cruise. Kings, courtiers and crown counselors often connived j>t tbc-.ie bloody ventures. Highly pious people frequently furnished the means to equip piratical craft and shared in the division of spoils. But while they furnished the money to equip they always left the ugly work to profes sional cutthroats. Like many trust magnates of to-day they kept their conscience at home as unimpaired capital for use in benevolent and edu cational enterprises. But let us examine briefly the out* line of the great central money trusts which is just now in process of final development in congress. It is at this time tugging at its tether, anxious to spring upon its victims. It would be doing violence to philology to call it an octopus, as it has more than eight tentacles or legs. Myriapod would be a better classification. The myria pod is described in zoology as a many jointed, nocturnal, carnivorous, and very active animal, with powerful bit ing jaws and a pair of feet for each segment of the body. The similitude seems perfect. I feel sure that both philologist and zoologist will readily agree that myriapod is the correct grouping for this huge parent trust, upon which its myriad of tentacles, extending into every department of trade, must depend for nourishment and vitality. Myriapod seeins right, and myriapod it shall be. The four controlling powers of gov ernment under our constitution are: 1. The power to declare to Avar. 2. The po\A'er to lay and collect taxes. 3. The poAver to regulate commerce among the states and Avith foreign nations. 4. The poAA’er to coin (issue) money and regulate the value thereof and of foreign coins. Can we not see that the poAver Avliich controls the money output of a nation has in its hands the con trolling attribute of sovereignty, and holds the AA'hole body of the people and all lines of business at its mercy? There is no more pitiable spectacle in this Avorld than a highly organized state of society rising in torment for Avant of an independent system of finance. Once you alloAV the banks to assume and exercise this soA*ereign function of determining the money supply, you have assisted them to drive from the field their only pos sible competitor—the government— and yoAi haA'e placed in their hands the very citadel of sovereign poAver. For we all know there con be no war Avithout the purse; no adequate col lection of taxes w'ithout a nimble cir culation of money; no commerce AA-orthy the name AA’ithout an adequate circulating medium to facilitate it. It is the purpose of the legislation noAV pending in congress to exalt the money trust to a position of supreme poAver, to displace constitutional au thority and enthrone self-appointed money kings holding their positions for life and give them a carte blanche to do as they please. All these grants of poAA'er are express and exclusive. They are all found in section 8, article I, of the constitution. Congress has as much right to farm out the Avar making poAver to gunsmiths and pow der manufacturers as it has to farm out to banks its poAver over the cur rency. In the case of ordinary commercial trusts combinations strangle and crush competition. But the money trust cannot reach its end in this \A r ay. The government, AA'ith all its plenary poAver over the Avhole question, stands squarely across its pathway. Hoav to get rid of this supreme and omnipo tent rival in the money industry is the great question AA'hich the associa ted banks hoav have in hand. In fact, Avith this class of men, it has been the uppermost question in this nation foi* more than 100 years —since Thomas Jefferson crossed SAVords AA'ith Alex ander Hamilton upon this A’ery ques tion in the cabinet councils of Presi dent Washington. The contest has al- Avays been the banks against the mint, the corporations against the people, from that day to this. r lhe bank AA'on the first round and leaped into the field nearly 12 months ahead of the mint. But it lost caste under Presidents Jefferson, Madison and Jackson, and there has been a pro tracted struggle eA'er since. If they can, as noAV proposed. strike down all classes of money recognized in the constitution except gold, which is al ready within their control and will there remain, held simply as a re demption fiihd. and largely in the shape of gold bars, ready for export to Europe, then they will haA'e a clear field Avith all rivalry eliminated. This will create a vast artificial vacuum, a law made vacuum, AA’hicn the trusts will be authorized to fill Avith its oAvn product—its Ayatered dollars—when it suits their imperial purpose. The money trust is a laAA' made trust, and it is the foster parent and life-giver to the Avhole brood of vampires that are now sucking the good, red blood of legitimate trade. —Gen. J. B. Weav er, in National Watchman. A MANUSCRIPT TREASURY. J. Pierpnnt Morgan to Pro-ride a Safe Place for His Most Valuable Collection. J. Pierpont Morgan a month ago purchased a plot of land in Ncaa' York, Thirty-sixth street, just east of Madison avenue, the site of the residence of the late James BroAvn, for $300.C00. It Avas not knoAvn un til the other day what Mr. Morgan intended to do Avith the property. He intends to build a structure, one story in height, to cover the entire plot, 75 by 100 feet, and use it for a store room for his original manuscripts and as a library. It is said that Mr. Mor gan has the most valuable collection of manuscripts owned by any indiA-id ual in the Avorld. Some of the manu scriots are in NeAV \ ork, Avhile others are locked in safes in London. t\ hifi nev Warren, the architect, says that the manuscript-house "‘ill follow in style that of the Morgan residence. A Repetltlonal Movement. “Thing's always go in clusters.” “That's so; I proposed to a girl l«st Saturday night, and she has refused me every night this week.” — Puck. “PLAIN DUTY.” McKinley’s Excuse for Imposing an Onirageous Tax on tlie Porto Ricans. McKinley lias said that It is our ‘plain duty” to give the people of Porto Rico free trade. In a matter of “plain duty” any thing less than 100 per cent, resolves it into a plain defiance of duty. Proposing to tax the Porto Ricans 25 per cent, was a defianee of duty. Shading that robbery down to 15 per cent, does not make this defiance of duty any the less outrageous. Making a present to the people of Porto Rico of $2,000,000 is not compli ance with duty. It is simply a shifty endeavor to smother public criticism and to give a little with one hand while with the other property and lib erty are stolen from the people of the unfortunate island. At hen the patriots of the revolution fought England it was because of tax ation without representation. That was one of the grievances which the forefathers of this nation refused to endure, and now William McKinley is doing exactly what George 111. did. Consistency is not to be expected of McKinley, but shrewd political trick ery is a leading trait in his character. In this matter there appears no par ticle of consistency and for once there is absent any evidence of political shrewdness. If McKinley knows anything about the sentiments of the people he knows that they are opposed to this high handed taxation without administra tion. His wise advisers know this and are protesting against the political suicide contemplated by the repub lican president. Bryan is in luck just now and Mc- Kinley is playing a game which he cannot fail to lose. The empire is not yet established, nor is McKinley crowned king to play the stupid role of a second George 111. McKinley may gain the friendship of the trusts, but he will lose the presidency.—Chicago Democrat. PRESIDENT’S COLONIAL POLICY Attitude of the Administration Towards Our New Pos sessions. Mr. Henry Loomis Nelson is so well known as a careful, conscientious and intelligent journalist that his “inter pretations” of the president’s “coloni al” policy in the Sunday Post-Dispatch may be accepted as authoritative. Mr. McKinley talked freely, wisely choos ing this as the best way of getting his views before the country. The president’s announcement is the most important political utterance since the establishment of the govern ment, except, perhaps, the emancipa tion proclamation. It is revolutionary. “The president believes that congress has plenary power over Hawaii, Porto Rico and the Philippines.” That is, in governing the colonies, congress is not restrained by any con stitutional limitations. It is absolute. Further, congress “may refuse to the natives (of Porto Rico, Hawaii, etc.) and to the American citizens who may go to our colonies the right of jury trial, the right of free speech, the right to bear arms, the right of peace able assemblage and of petition.” The president’s conclusions are not the result of legal inquiry or judicial study. They are the product of par tisan necessity. * “Our new possessions must not be permitted to injure any of our pro tected interests.” This doctrine, though revolutionary, is not new or strange. The Roman re public conquered foreign peoples and governed them for the benefit of Rome and Romans. Mr. McKinley proposes to do the same thing —to govern the people of Porto Rico, Hawaii and the Filipinos without reference to their welfare, but primarily for the commer cial benefit of Americans, and in order to accomplish this he proposes to re pudiate every principle of American policy and give the lie to every Ameri can principle. What will the people of this country say to this? —St. Louis Post-Dispatch. Lincoln and McKinley. On Lincoln day, 1900, William Mc- Kinley sent the following congratu latory dispatch to the Chicago im perialists: Each succeeding year our citizens have seen with clear vision how great was Lincoln’s contribution to the forces which make for the welfare and perpetuity of the nation, find ev ery occasion which commemorates his life is an incentive to patriotic serv ice. Accept my best wishes for a most successful and inspiring meet ing this evening WILLIAM M’KIXLEY. In 1865, just after the civil war, Abraham Lincoln uttered the follow ing prophecy, which is being fulfilled by William McKinley and his im perialistic followers: “I see in the near future a crisis arising that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my country. As a result of the war, cor porations have been enthroned, and an era of corruption in high places will follow, and the money power will continue to sway by appealing to the prejudices of the people, until all wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the republic destroyed. I feel more anxious for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of the war.” The national administration claims it has not surrendered to Great Britain, but there are several things that look as though it had. Great Britain dictates our financial policy. She dictates our colonial policy. She opens the mail of some of our consuls. She will not allow us to fortify our Nicaragua canal, and the administra tion agrees to it. There isn’t much else to surrender, but the lovely Brit ish administration at Washington will no doubt hasten to surrender every thing it can und that has not been sur rendered. —Joplin (Mo.) Globe. When administration organs come forward courageously to tell us that “the war is ever” they probably mean that it is over in the Philippines. II lias been over there ever since Mc- Kinley purchased it from Spain—but there will be some of it in the United States along about the first Tuesday in November.—Columbus (0.) Press- Fcst. TRUSTS AND FARMERS. The Issue That Most Concerns the Producers of Our Jfec esFP-Tra. That the trusts directly affect the prodxVers of the country, particularly the farmer, is so plain that a blind man can perceive it. This is the way Judge George W. Beeman, of Indiana, puts it: “The farmers of this country are th«i people who are most and more directly affected than any other proportion of the electors. “The farmer is affected as a producer and as a consumer. He goes to bed at night with prices about as follows: Wheat, 70 cents; corn, 25 cents; pork, $4.50 per hundred; barb wire, two dob lars; nails, two dollars per hundred; and well pipe 2y a cents per foot. “He awakes in the morning with prices about as follows: Wheat, 65 cents; corn, 23; pork, $4.25; barbwire, five dollars; nails, four dollars; well pipe, 20 cents. “His house has not been burglarized, but he has been robbed by trusts which are a multiple of thieves by robbers, and there is something strange about the report of prices; if the price of wheat goes down it travels by tele graph, if the price goes up the report goes by canal, but the farmer regard less of party affiliation, if properly ed ucated as to the effect of trusts on his interests, will make it possible to return to the legislatures and congress a ma jority of representatives who will be honest and patriotic enough to enact laws that will control the trusts and we will be safe in leaving the manner of control and regulation of trusts in the hands of such chosen representatives. “Only the blind can fail to realize what the real issue now is, whether the trusts and corporations should rule the government or the government regulate and control trusts and corporations.” IMPERIALISM RAMPANT. How the Administration Proposes to Deal with tlie Philippine Acquisitions. Representative Charles Henry Gro«,- venor, of Ohio, is the president’s particular friend, so close to him in fact that he is Mr. McKinley’s mouth piece. This is the way Mr. Grosvenor throws overboard the people of the United States as of no account in tin* imperial policy: He spoke in the hous* and it is fair to say that he was very much annoyed at the trend of certain decisions by the supreme court against the president’s policy: “We have got the Philippines on Cur hands,” said he, “and I will tell you what we shall tell the people of this country. W’e will say we have acquired title to the Philippines and Porto Rico. We did not go after them, but they came to us and we could not help our selves. “We have get them and the duty Ib upon us, and we are going to take car-» of them. “We are going to make all the money out of the transaction we can by en larging our trade with the Oriental countries, and we are going to emb ’m the doctrines of the Declaration of in dependence upon the statute books of the Philippines just as quick as we think the time has come to do it, and we are not going to do it one minute before, if all the democrats on God’s earth go howling that we have got to do it now.” When Representative Neville, of Ne braska, asked if the republican party “expected to embalm the Filipinos along with the Declaration of Inde pendence in the Philippines,” Mr. Grosvenor became so mad he had to sit down. POINTED PARAGRAPHS. treatment of Porto Rico that led to a tea party in Boston a great many years ago.—Rochester Herald. be preserved,” why not levy a little tariff on Hawaiian products just for an object lesson? —Indianapolis News. Mr. Hanna doesn’t know what to make of the fuss the republicans are kicking up over Porto Rico. And, in point of fact, he doesn’t care one way or the other, so long as he can keep the senate in line. —Atlanta Constitu tion. Between his free-trade Porto Rican message to congress and his con fidential pressure on congressmen to make them vote for a Porto Rican tar iff tax, President McKinley stands in a sorry light before the people.—St. Louis Republic. Trusts, imperialism, militarism, national bank notes instead of the money of the constitution, gold and sil ver, these are the issues being present ed to the country by the republican party. Democracy is ready to meet them and to beat them. Mammon won the last time, but it will not be so easy to do so again.—Kansas City Times. -=—The next senator from Illinois will not be Shelby M. Cullom nor any other republican. The campaign has progressed far enough to indicate that with sufficient clearness. Illinois this November will be a democratic state. Republicans are working to that end. The impudent intervention of federal officeholders in furtherance of the plan of their chief indicates as much—Chi cago Chronicle. Xt is to be remarked, by the way that the republicans these days, with their subsidy steal scheme, with their proposition to tax Porto Rico without representation and to erect a tariff be tween that island and the rest of the country, with their plan to admit the unsavory Quay into the senate, in vio lation of the precedents of a century, with their cowardly sop to bimetallism in the financial bill, and with* their neg lect to take any position on the trust question, are making lots of capital for the democrats.—lndianapolis News (Ind.). ans to attempt to excuse their refusal of free trade to Porto Rico by saying that if Porto Rico is given free trade it must be given to the Philippines also, But it is proposed to give Hawaii free trade; and this does not seem to strike the republicans as necessitating free trade in the Philippines. The fact is, the republican excuse is wholly hum bug. Under the imperialist theory-- and practice —congress can grant free trade to one territory and as many different tariffs as it chooses in the others.—Grand Rapids Democrat ' Mast Bre«a. In Saxon and mediaeval times, even after the introduction of wheat and other cereals, there can be little doubt that acorns were regularly used by the poorer jieasants for the purpose of making bread, and not only in sea sons of scarcity, but as a general arti cle of food. Oak trees were then chiefly valued because of the acorns which they produced. In the Anglo- Saxon Chronicle for the year 1116, which is described as a very calam itous year, the crops being spoiled by the heavy rains, which came on just before August and lasted 1 ill Candlemas,’ it is expressly recorded as an aggravation of the “heavy time” that “mast was also so scarce this year that none was to be heard of In all this land on in Wales.” The days of mast bread are happily gone forever; and even barley bread, in common use during severe winters not so many years ago, has now everywhere given place to that of “the finest wheat flour.” The fruit of one member of the same order is, how ever, highly valued. We refer, of course, to the hazel, so abundant in our woods and hedgerows. To go a nutting is still as popular a pastime as in former years; but the old customs in connection with it are as obsolete as the use of acorn bread. No one wiR now be found, with the good Vicar of Wakefield and his honest neighbors, to “religiously crack nuts on Michael mas eve.” —Longman’s Magazine. The Work of Ilttwk*. One female bird in her first season took 322 rabbits, three hares and tw» magpies and the next year 210 rab bits, two leverets, 11 partridges, four magpies and two squirrels. One* owned by the late Mr. T. J. Mann, of Saw-grid geworth, caught in one season 120 rabbits, nine pheasants, one hare, one partridge, three squirrels and 1? water-hens. Another which belonged to Sir Henry Boynton, 364 head. A goshawk will go on catching rabbit after rabbit, or take five or six birds in succession, for they do not tire like falcons. Nothing comes amiss to' them. Hares, landrails, pheasants, rabbits, water-fowl, ducks, rats, stoats, weasels, mice, even a hedge hog is not despised. Their headlong courage is simply astonishing . They will charge into a quickset hedge till they have to be cut out, or dive among rocks and boulders. Capt. Bland, of Draycott, near Stoke-on-Tent, had » goshawk which stuck to a hare tilH it twice rolled head over heels. Then' the hawk flew 7 after it again, and was shaken off, while the hare escaped in to a flock of sheep. The same bird, pursuing a rabbit, flew right down a large hole in the side of a quarry and dragged the rabbit out of it. The “smash” with which a big hen gos hawk g-oes into an evergreen tree af ter a pigeon sounds ns if a .football had been violently kicked into the branches.—London Spectator. New Use for Wirele** Telegraphy. Wireless telegraphy has had a new demon stration for usefulness by the captain of a lightship, who used it after ordinary signal* had failed to nolify the shore authorities of danger. In a like manner Hostetter’s Stom ach Bitters, the famous dyspepsia cure, acts when all other medicines fail. Its superior ity is quickly felt in the renewal of strength. It regulates the bowels, improves the appe tite, and cures indigestion. Try it. .Shorthand Talk. The courtroom was filled with people. The witness was a foreigner and was reply ing volubly and at length in his native tongue to the queries of the lawyers. While this was going on a young wit en tered the courtroom and stood listening for a minute to the witness’ answers. Then he remarked, drily: “Say, what’s he doing, talking shorthand?”—Detroit Free Pres*. State of Ohio, City of Toledo, I Lucas Countt, | * Frank J. Cheney makes oath that he is the senior partner of the firm of F. J. Cheney & Co., doing business in the city of Toledo. County and State aforesaid, and that said firm will pay the sum of One Hundred Dol lars for each and every case of catarrh that cannot be cured by the use of Hall’s Catarrh Cure. FRANK J. CHENEY. Sworn to before me and subscribed in my presence, this 6th day of December, A. D. 1886. A. W. GLEASON, [Seal] Notary Public. Hall’s Catarrh Cure is taken internally and acts directly on the blood and mucous sur faces of the system. Send for testimonials, free. F. J. CHENEY & CO., Toledo, 0. Sold by druggists, 75c. Hall’s Family Rills are the best. Too Great a Strain. Muggins—Poor Wigwaghas gone insane. Buggins—You don’t mean it! “Yes, he started to calculate how much alimony Solomon, would have to pay “ he had lived in Chicago.”—Philadelphia Rec ord. Tou Can Get Allen’* Foot-Euae FREE. Write to-day to Alien S. Olmsted, Leroy, N. Y., fora FREE sample of Allen’s Foot- Ease, a powder to shake into your shoes. It cures chilblains, swealing, damp; swolleD, aching feet. It makes New or tight shoes easy. A certain cure for Corns and Bun ions. Alt druggists and shoestorcs sell it. 25c. Some men quarrel so much that after awhile they think they enjoy ton (la.) Democrat. Farmer*, IJonhlc Your Yield hv planting my Early Deut Corn. Particu lars free. H. C. Beebe, Banner, 111. Humanity’s desire for revenge is illus trated in making the goat a butt of ridicule. —Chicago Dispatch. Cure your cough with Hale’s Honey of Horehound and Tar. Pike’s Toothache Drops Cure in one minute. The best diplomat is too sharp to be cut ting.—Chicago Dispatch. Spring Humors of the Blood Come to a certain percentage of all the people. Probably 75 per cent, of these people are cured every year by Hood’s Sarsaparilla, and we hope by this ad vertisement to get the othei? 25 per cent, to take Hood’s Sarsaparilla. It has made more people well, effected more wonderful cures than any other medicine in the world. Its strength as a blood purifier is demonstrated ky its marvelous cures of Scrofula Sell Rheum Scald Head Boils, Pimples All kinds of Humor Psoriasis Blood Poisoning Rheumatism Catarrh Llalarla, Etc. All of which are prevalent at this sea* son. You need Hood’s Sarsaparilla now. It will do yyu wonderful good. Hood’s Sarsaparilla Is America’s Greatest Blood Medicine.