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THE WINSLOW MAIL.
J. F. WALLACE, Publisher. WINSLOW, ARIZONA. SAILORS’ AILMENTS. England and Germany Have Insti tutes for the Benefit of Sick Marines. Liverpool and London have for some time supported establishments that are specially devoted to promoting' the health of seamen- and to studying and treating the diseases to which mariners are peculiarly liable, says the New York Sun. Germany has now followed this excellent example and has established the Hamburg insti tute for the study of nautical hygiene. The many changes that the past 30 years have wrought in the world's marine have tended to improve the physical well-being of the sailor, but at the same time have afflicted him with a new crop of ailments. The food of seamen has been greatly im proved. The rapid transition from sails to steam has largely increased trade with tropical countries because the swift vessels of to-day can carry tropical fruit and other products that could not stand slow transportation in the warm.latitudes. Hence sailors are much more afflicted now than for merly with diseases of tropical origin. The almost universal substitution of steel for wood in the construction of vessels, and the consequent changes in the nature of work on shipboard have had their effect in changing the nature of the accidents to members of the crew. Many of the oldrtime diseases, such as scurvy, night blindness, the so called ship anemia, and chronic ail ments of the digestive organs, if not yet quite extinct, have become rare. A series of new diseases has taken their place and are now having the attention of the medical faculty. In order to deal with these diseases such as malaria, beri-beri, blackwater fever and other tropical disorders, special hospitals are needed at the large ports. This is the reason for the establish ment of the institutes at London and Liverpool and for the new institution at Hamburg. Among the many feat ures outlined for the Hamburg insti tute is a course of study on the symp toms and treatment of malaria and other tropical diseases and on tropical physiology and hygiene. This course will extend over several months, and the students will number many phy sicians engaged in practice at all the seaports of Germany. The investiga tions by Prof. Koch of tropical dis eases did much to bring about the de cision of the German government to establish the Hamburg institute. CAT LEADS DOUBLE LIFE. Fliilatlelpliin Feline Hum Two Homes nud !• Well Fed at Both of Them. Even a cat may lead a double life. There is a feline who divides his favors between two families living in Phila delphia. and his fickle disposition has caused a serious rupture in their erst while friendly relations, says the Phila delphia Times. One morning he walked into the back yard of one of the prem ises and proceeded to make himself at home. The cook fed him and named him Jim, and soon he became an ac knowledged member of the household. One day last week while Jim was af fectionately rubbing against the legs of the master of the house in' the back yard he heard a voice from the adjoin ing yard calling: “Here. Moses! Here, Moses!” Jim pricked up his ears. Then a woman's head appeared over the fence, and the owner cf it sugges r d that Moses be sent home at once. “That isn’t Moses; that’s Jim,” said the man. “He is no Jim; he is Moses." re torted the woman across the fence. “Come home. Moses, and get your cream.” The cat clambered over the fence. “Here. Jim! Here. Jim!” called the man. At this juncture the cooks of the two families appeared on the scene, and Jim’s cook expressed her opinion of the Moses cat’s cook. It turned out that the cat with the aliases took breakfast at seven, dinner at one and supper at six in the house where he was known as Jim, and breakfast at eight, lunch at two and dinner at seven next door, where he was known as Moses. Filtered Water vs. Typhoid Fever. The filtration of the water supply of cities by means of sand filter beds or mechanical contrivances has rapidly advanced in this country during the past ten years, but it is far more gen eral in Great Britain than here. Mr. Allen Ilazen, an authority on sanitary engineering, avers that the fact is'fuliv established that the death rate from typhoid fever is materially lowered by the filtration of the water supply. In Great Britain cities containing an ag gregate population of more than 10.- ■OOO.OOO people use a sand-filtered \\;.",r supply, and the result, it is claimed, is shown in London's freedom from typhoid. In this country.only onc-ti nth of the towns and cities have filtered water. —Yon t li's Con: pan ion. Their Burning; Glasses. “Yes, it was a most singular inci dent. Tne spectacles of that great mass of school children focussed themselves in the glaring sun on the i breast of the admiral. In 30 seconds I two of his badges melted, and his coat began to smoke. Before they could drag him away and call for the fire department, his buttons had fused together and his swerd nilt was warp ing out of shape!" “Where did you say this hap pened ?” “In Boston, of course.”—Cleveland Plain Dealer. Hlm Ol)*rrvn(lon. The Maid-— Do you believe that suf fering and severe trial- purify the char acter? The Bachelor—Certainly. I've heard of several eases where men were re formed by marrying.—Chicago Daily News. One Trip. Cyrus—Crawfoot’s wife is too hasty. Silas —In what way? Cyrus—Why, Crawfoot sent her alter the doctor, and she stopped to price tombstones on the way.—Cb'-'ugo Daily News. FROM KANSAS CITY. Notes of the Democratic Convention by Our Washington Cor respondent. Contrant Between the Democratic National Convention and the Re pnlilicnn Performance—A Jleminge of Hope—Enthusiasm Over Antl linperlalisin and Bryan. [Special Correspondence.] No sharper contrast could be im agined than that shown by the demo cratic national convention at Kansas City when compared with the republi can performance at Philadelphia. The latter was boss-ridden from start to finish. In the democratic con vention no man, nor even any set of men dictated the proceedings. In Philadelphia the reading of the platform was received witn apathy and indifference. At Kansas City the platform was re ceived with unbounded enthusiasm. The plank naming “imperialism as the paramount issue” called forth a flag demonstration unequaled in the history of national conventions. Among the democrats there was no cut-and-drieu platform. The commit tee on resolutions held a fourteen hour session, listening to all shades of opinion on the vital issues. The platform itself was written only three hours before it was presented to the convention. It satisfied everybody. The republicans brought their! white-house-manufactured platform to Philadelphia and then the leaders quarreled among themselves until the platform has become a public scandal. Hope and Harmony. The democratic platform is an ap plication of the spirit of the Declara tion of Independence and the letter of the constitution to the new and momentous issues which have arisen in the past three years. It is a mes sage of hope and encouragement to everj- citizen who wants good govern ment and who knows that it never can be compassed under a second term of this administration. The temper and atmosphere of the democratic convention was very sig nificant. There were gathered not only delegates from widely separated sections of the country, but also men, united as to the necessity for govern mental reform, but differing widely on many details of the campaign. It was a convention where dissen sion might easily have gained a foot hold, unless repressed by some higher and stronger sentiment. There were no bosses to keep up an appearance of surface harmony, without regard to the real feeling, as at the republi can convention. Everything was open, above board and spontaneous at the democratic convention. Tlfe Anti-ImperlnliMiii Plank. Those who came to criticise admit ted that all minor differences were shelved in the face of the serious is sues to be met. It was the most enthusiastic polit ical convention ever held in the coun try. It was at the same time the most earnest and sincere. The outburst of enthusiasm over the anti-imperialist plank in the plat form was entirely spontaneous. It was 30 minutes of flag waving, cheer ing. marching, waving of banners and singing of patriotic songs. There was something awe-inspiring in the con templation of that vast assemblage set wild by an enthusiasm as grim and earnest and irrepressible as that of the Crusaders of old. It was the protest of the flag itself against im perialism. Enthusiasm Over Hrynn. The fact that llie nomination of Bryan was expected did not lessen the enthusiasm. The demonstration at the mention of his name showed how thoroughly lie has fixed his place in the hearts of the people as the leader who is as great as his oppor tunity. There was affection and ad miration and trust and loyalty in the enthusiasm which marked the nom ination of Bryan. At Philadelphia Mark Hanna had to force some shadow of enthusiasm for the name of McKinley. His puppets creaked when they clumsily obeyed his signals, and the hollowness of the whole farce.was apparent to the most casual observer. AA'hen Bryan was nominated the cheering and waving of flags lasted so long that it seemed as if the con vention could not bring itself back to the transaction of routine busi ness. Stevenson’s Nomination. The nomination of the vice pres idential candidate showed how thor oughly democratic was the Kansas City convention. An hour before Stevenson was nominated, no leader and no delegate could tell whether it would be he or Towne or Hill. It was simply a question of the best judgment of the convention. The nomination gives itisfaetion all around. Stevenson adds strength to the ticket in the great middle west ern states, where the battle is being fought and where the decisive vote is to be cast. He is a thorough demo crat. loyal to the platform and de voted to Bryan. Mr. Towne, while deservedly popular, felt that his nom ination would not be the most advis able one and will work as hard for party success as though he were Bry ; an’s running mate. Hill’s declination, of course, put him out. of the race, and it increased the chances of dem ocratic success in New York state. Had Hill been nominated New A’ork would have been torn asunder with factional fights. The democratic national committee is preparing actively for the cam paign. Along with the realization that it is to be a serious campaign against trust influences and repub lican machine, organization, is the abiding certainty of a democratic vic tory next November. ADOLPH PATTERSON. Prominent republicans. who heretofore were trusted and believed by men of ail parties to be devoted to a republican form of government and individual liberty, have been stam peded and carried away by cant about “manifest destiny” and “a world pow er.” They are ready to surrender the republic. The democratic party must save it—L’an-saa City Times. VOICES FROM THE PAST. Prophetic t'tteraiiceii of Washington anil Webster Concerning Imperialism, In his farewell address AYashintgon warned his people against the time when aggregated wealth should be come arrogant and tyrannical. His prophetic spirit foresaw the day of McKinley ism and trusts. No less clearly did Lincoln foresee and foretell the very times that have come upon the country. His words of warning were: "I see in the near future a crisis ap proaching that unnerves me and causes me to tremble for the safety of my coun try. As a result of the war, corporations have been enthroned, and an era of cor ruption in high places will follow, and the money power of the country will en deavor to prolong its reign by working upon the prejudices of the people until all the wealth is aggregated in a few hands and the republic destroyed. I feel at this moment more anxiety for the safety of my country than ever before, even in the midst of war. God grant that my suspicions may prove groundless.” His fears were not groundless. They have been realized in more terrible form than ever he imagined possible. His anxiety for his country was well founded. There remains but one step in his prophecy unfulfilled—the de struction of the republic. All this is not past believing, unless the people shall rise in their might and overthrow the tyrant wealth, before it has sub jected them to its power so completely that there is no relief except through the frightful method of war. There was another great American | in his day, now scorned and scoffed and held in contempt as a little Amer iean by the Hanna-McKinley quality. His name was Daniel AA’ebster. He, too, with prophetic spirit divined the day of McKinleyism and warned the people against it. The seeds of im perialism had been sown in his day. Though he wrought mightily to ex terminate them, up to the last day of his life he could not do so: “Arbitrary governments may have ter ritories and distant possessions, because arbitrary governments may rule by dif ferent laws and different systems. AYe can do no such things. They must be of us, part of us, or else strangers. I think I see a course adopted which is likely to turn the constitution of the land into a deformed monster, into a curse, rather than a blessing; in fancy, a frame of an unequal government, not founded on pop ular representation, not founded on equal ity, but on the grossest inequality; and I think that this process will go on, or that there is danger that it will go on, until this union shall fall to pieces. Resist it to-day and always! AVhoever falters or whoever flies, I continue to contest!” Either this must become an arbi trary government or we must give up colonial possessions. The genius of the constitution and law of the United States is opposed to different forms of government for different peoples of the nation. The constitution will be come a deformed monster if it is made to mean one thing for part of our peo ple and another thing for others. And once it becomes a deformed monster it may turn and devour its creators. AA’ebster foresaw that McKinleyism would come, though he never ceased resisting the tendency. He foresaw, as Lincoln did, the ultimate destruction of the land of liberty, the land both loved so well, unless there was a radi cal change in the tendencies of their times. Both saw the dire fate in store for our people, and both had sufficient ground for predicting it. A r oices from the past warn the voters of the United States to rouse them selves before it is too late. The ac cumulated dangers foreseen by AA’ash ington and Lincoln and AA'ebster are upon the people of the United States —Helena Independent. COMMENTS OF THE PRESS. pones the reduction of the war tax. the people will not postpone the re duction of tne republican vote in con gress.—Albany Argus. ceeds in fastening the imperialistic doctrine up on the American people the Declaration of independence and the Fourth of July will become a farce.—AV. J. Bryan. Mr. Bryan is as frank as the plat form itself in his expressoins upon this dominant issue of to-day. lie recog nizes that imperialism overshadows every other question in which the peo ple have concern and threatens the life of the nation.—St. Louis Republic. On the question of imperialism and the trusts the country is against the republican party, and if the demo crats do not so far oblige their op ponents as to push these problems into the background Mr. McKinley is likely to be beaten.—Brooklyn Cit izen. The McKinley and Roosevelt ticket, amid the cheers which greeted it in Philadelphia, has witnessed its only day of enthusiasm, and from now on must fall into that mediocrity of estimation which attaches to the in suflicient and the bungling. —Atlanta Constitution. that in the midst of all our boasted prosperity this year so far has sown more strikes and shut-downs than for many corresponding periods past McKinley prosperity is too hoggish— it won’t distribute itself enough.— Houston Post. The republican party demanded that the constitution be amended be fore the trust question should be grappled with. On the other hand the party made no scruples of violat ing the constitution for the benefit of the trusts in the Porto Rico ques tion. —Peoria Herald-Transcript. —- —AA'hen he was nominated four years ago people said it was because of his great speech. They regard him as an accident brought about by well turned phrases. There is no such feeling now. There is a realization born of four years’ life in the most keenly lighted public view, that the man is wedded to the cause of put ting the man above the dollar —of re storing fundamental American prin ciples. And that is all anybody wants in any line.—lndianapolis Sentinel. Senator Hanna is credited with an intention to send McKinley’s pub lished speeches to Gov. Roosevelt. This is deplorable. In that volume Gov. Roosevelt will discover that Pres ident McKinley has been unable to state clearly a principle of the cur rency question. He will discover also that President McKinley is voluble in commonplace. That is a dangerous example to commend to so young a politician as Roosevelt, - - Chicago Chronicle. IMPERIALISM DEFINED. Entirely at Variance with tlie True Principles of Freedom and Fairness. If definitions in the dictionaries will | not aid much the platform adopted at i Kansas City may. It is understood j that Mr. Bryan had something to say about the construction of the plat- | form. AA’e may presume, therefore, j that Mr. Bryan means about what the | platform means by the word “imperial- , ism.” The second paragraph of the I platform reads: “We declare again that all governments Instituted among men derive their just powers from the consent of the governed; that any government not based on the consent of the governed is a tyranny, and that to impose upon any people a gov ernment of force is to substitute the methods of imperialism for those of a republic.” This declaration seems to convey a pretty clear idea of what the framers of the plajfomi mean by “imperial ism” and we may safely assume that what they mean Mr. Bryan means. The idea is more fully conveyed, per haps, by the words quoted than it would be by a formal definition. Essentially, imperialism is arbitrary power exercised over a people without their consent. It is the power that the British government asserts in many places, though in general if exercises the power with such moderation that the people over whom it is asserted are practically self-governing. At bottom it is a flat denial of the right of self government. It is entirely immaterial whether the power to govern without the consent of the governed is asserted by a person called an emperor or by a person called a president or by a parliament or by a congress. The material thing is the assump tion of supremacy—of sovereignty by some person or number of persons “THE DOLLAR BEFORE THE MAN.” over other persons whose consent is not given and who are not consulted. It is the utter negation of llie Amer ican doctrine that sovereignty resides in the people and not in others assum ing by divine right or the right of mere might an authority above that of the people. This is the imperialism which has been set up in AVashington over dis tant peoples. It is an imperialism which the American people cannot per mit to be exercised in their name over other peoples of the earth without incurring great risk that it will soon be exercised over themselves. To quote once more from the plat form : “We assert that no nation can long en dure half republic and half empire, and we ,‘varn the American people that im perialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home.” Substantially the same thing was said by Abraham Lincoln, but it is not tlie mere dictum of any man or body of men. It is an eternal truth rooted clear down at the bottom of human nature. I-Ie who accepts the principle of des potism is a fit subject of despotism. Men may laugh at that, but let them remember that some things are re garded with tolerance to-day which would have been rejected with indig nation and horror hardly more than two years ago. —Chicago Chronicle.- No Evasions- Upon all phases of all the questions involved in the issue of imperialism the democratic platform is clear, straight forward, admirable. There is no eva sion, no juggling. After reading these vigorous yet moderate and sane utter ances no one can have the slightest doubt either as to the principles laid down or as to how the democratic party interprets those principles into policies. The evils are defined and the remedies of justice, liberty and j American fair-dealing arc proposed explicitly and fearlessly. Upon the, other great issue, monopoly, tlie plat- I form is again clear, straightforward,! admirable, instead of incoherent rav- j ings and indefinite promises, there is i sanity of statement, avoidance of con- j fusion between corrupt and legiti- ( i mate uses of capital and a demand for j real reforms—for publicity, for the! constitutional extension of law, and above all for the ending of monopoly fostering tariffs. Cincinnati En quirer. Tim republicans are somewhat alarmed over 1 lie political situation in Wisconsin, caused by what one of i their leading papers calls “tlie om inous silence among the Germans.” The imperialist plunge of the admin- ; istration dors not rest easily on the j German mind. Llie “silence of the ! Germans is declared to resemble the ! situation at the outset cf the cam- j - paign over the Bennett school law of some years ago, which drove the Ger- j mans in a body ever to the democrats , ; and carried the state against the re publicans—Pittsburgh Pest. ANOTHER SCANDAL. Another Instance of Republican Rottenness in Public Office. It is well known that the present head of the treasury bureau of sta tistics is preparing the campaign text-book of the republican party. Such a scandalous desregard of the proper duties and dignity of that bu reau has never before been shown, there have been charges made of par tisan use in the past, but these charges have never been proved to such an extent as to affect the cor rectness of the returns issued by the bureau. There have been issued, un der official sanction, interpretations of commercial and industrial returns, favoring a particular policy or meas ure, and when Charles Foster was secretary of the treasury the head of the bureau permitted a vio lently protectionist interview to be circulated as a treasury document although it was well known at the time that the matter had been pre pared by another hand. Such exhi bitions of improper political activity by the bureau have been rare, how ever, and have never failed to bring down criticism on those who were re sponsible. Secretary Gage must bear the full responsibility of causing the present scandal. He removed a man of expe rience to make room for a political hack, whose only qualification was his service during the campaign in run ning a “literary bureau” for the re publicans. From the beginning this partisan has used the bureau for par tisan purposes, and he is now occu pied in preparing the campaign hand book. Such a function is as remote from those proper to the collection of commercial statistics as they would be from the conduct of a church, and the knowledge that this hack is engaged in the task is suffi cient to bring into discredit his activity in statistics of trade as issued by the treasury. Since Mr. Austin has been in office he has not added a single fea ture to the tables as formerly issued, save that of throwing discredit on the whole by his evident intention to make himseii useful to his party. The worst feature of it is that the tables are discredited abroad as well as at home, and it is not strange that so little regard is paid by statisticians of Europe to the work now' done un der our government.-—X. Y. Post. Bryan’s Strength. Bryan shows his greatest personal strength in the fact that he is to day, as he has ever been, utterly with out a political machine. Other men in American politics stand or fall for reasons outside of their personality. David Hill, for instance, is a geo graphical location. ATr. McKinley is a kind of syndicate. Roosevelt stands for an ideal of civic righteousness. Mr. Broker is an impudent appetitle. Quay is a system of wireless teleg raphy. But Bryan is Bryan, and Bry an is his prophet. More power for good or evil rests under Bryan’s black slouch hat than under any other sin gle headpiece in America. Bryan is machineless, not because he abhors the machine, but because he ignores it. He would not know what to do with captains and lieutenants. If his party should begin to turn from him, Bryan could not call: “What, ho, warder, let the portcullis fall,” in a score of states and check the stam pede. If oratory would not stop the panic, the multitude would have to leave him as it came to him. After | which he would go on lecturing until that gave out, and running for the senate till that gave out, and for con gress till that gave out, when he would return to his law' office and continue as he was in the beginning, an honest, hard-working, ordinary country lawyer, with an extraor dinary voice and a forceful, direct. , plausible way of putting short An glo-Saxon words that often move juries but are not so thrilling in briefs. —Will Allen White, in McClurg’s Magazine. Following the adoption of a plat- i form upon which all democrats and other Americans who oppose and con- ] demn the un-American policies of the republican party may unite for vic tory the Kansas City convention has i named in Bryan and Stevenson a pres idential ticket finely in keeping with ; its winning platform. The campaign now opening will be an American cam paign. its paramount issue being the preservation and dominance in the government of that Americanism < which forbids empire and the policies j of emuire. Bryan and Stevenson are < typical Americans. They will be elect- • cd by the votes of A.mericans who are 1 not yet willing to betray the republic into The hands of the McKinley plot* i ters for empire. —St. Louis Republic. | The Currency Question, f ! ft9jS33a ! 999!§:-gi»S939:-93-#* rl THE INEVITABLE RESULT. Act of Mu roll 14, 1000, Right in Line with Republican Policy of Contraction. The net of March 14, 1900, it seems to me. is the logical and inevitable re sult of the success of the party which has adhered to the financial policy en gineered by John Sherman for so many years with an eye single to the com plete demonetization of the more use ful half of constitutional legal tender coined money. Republican monetary legislation has ever been shaped tvith an eye single to tlie limitation of the right of the people to have a steady increase in the circulation of the money of the people which alone is available in the payment of all debts under the laws of tender. It has always sought to expand the volume of money that is not full legal tender in the payment of debt. The “parity” clause of the Sherman law was an absurdity, with a mischiev ous design cloaked under it; the “pari ty” clause of the act of 1593 was sim ply intended to shake the public faifh in the standard silver dollar as re demption money, or money that was legal tender in payment of debt. She mainspring of all the movements against silver has been the purpose to enhance the purchasing power of each money unit by reducing the volume of primary money. That was the under lying and unacknowledged motive be hind the adoption of the gold standard in England, as it has been in this and other countries. In the fifties, when the mines of California and Australia were pouring their golden streams into Europe and America, Chevalier and others, in ad vocating the demonetization of gold, boldly announced as a reason therefor that the rapid augmentation of the volume of primary money meant a re duction of the value of the money unit. The truth of the theory that the value of the dollar (which is only its pur chasing power) depends primarily upon the total amount of redemption money, found no one to dispute it until it became necessary to the success of the gold standard doctrine to throw doubt upon it; and then all the wiles of casuistry were brought to bear to persuade the public that the volume of money has nothing to do with its value or purchasing power. The in sincerity of this contention was evi dent enough to the thoughtful mind; and the acts of those who made the plea belied the assertions they were con stantly offering to an imperfectly in formed people. The “endless chain” was instituted by Secretary Foster on October 14. 1891. It annulled in effect the laws of congress making the silver dollar a redemption dollar; and it was by the surrender of the government’s option to pay the greenbacks and treasury notes in either gold or silver that the national treasury had its vaults opened to the money changers and harpies. From 1878 to IS9I the $340,000,000 green backs had occasioned no trouble what ever. During that period they ' had drawn from the treasury only $34,- 000,000 gold. The chain was not end less so long as the silver dollars stood in the path of the gold raiders. The fears excited by the present ex traordinary powers placed in the hands of one man by the new currenej r law are doubtless well founded; yet, with all the authority vested in him bylaw. I cannot see wherein he can do more mischief than was done by Secretarv Foster, not only without warrant of law, but in plain violation of its letter and spirit. Secretary Foster’s work was prac tically indorsed and made permanent by the policy of Cleveland and Car lisle, and Secretary Gage has made lit tle secret of his intentions, from the first, to carry out to its bitter end the policy inaugurated by bis predecessors and carefully planned by John Sher man long prior to the act of 1890— the ultimate extension of the endless chain of redemption in gold to both silver dollars and certificates. The Sherman law of 1890 was drafted with this end in view. It prepared the way: (1) for the discontinuance of sil ver coinage; and (2), for the ruling which Secretary Foster made by which greenbacks and treasury notes were practically made gold obligations. In law. the silver dollar has been redemp tion money since 1878; in fact, it has been robbed of its redemption func tions since October. 1891. As between a silver dollar which is not monev in the full sense of the word, in fact and law, but depends upon the gold dollar for its circulation and value, and the paper dollar which derives its pur chasing power from the self-same source, I see little to choose from. The difference which the value of silver as commodity imparts is about counterbalanced by the greater cheap ness and convenience of the paper cur rency. Under the policy of the gov ernment, since 1891, both have been pseudo moneys; the act of March 14. 1900, only legalizes an already exist ing evil. The "whole scheme is full of iniquities and deserving of thorough ventilation; but that ventilation will not amount to much until the public mind is first made familiar with the nature and functions of real money-re demption money—and the difference between full-powered primary money and the emasculated silver dollar which' is no longer anything but mere token money. It is inevitable that the struggle to secure for the people an increase of legal tender coined money of both kinds will be renewed. The policy of the party which enacted the new cur rency law must have a reactionary re sult. That policy has not changed in purpose since the day when its false apostle of money first demanded the abandonment of silver as a money metal of ultimate; redemption, and urged that silver dollars coined upon government account should 'be re deemed in gold coin on demand upon government account should be re deemed in gold coin on demand to main tain their “parity.” And. faithful to his teachings, that party has just en acted that the secretary of the,treas ury shall maintain the “parity” of all forms of money coined or issued by the United States. That this means th< ultimate redemption of silver dollars and certificates in gold is undoubted; the secretary now must maintain the "parity" of the silver dollar and of ah other forms of money precisely as he has for years maintained the legal tender notes at parity with gold, bj exchange of gold on demand. The republican party has sown the seeds of financial folly, and the whirl wind of business ruin will be the in evitable harvest. I may be deemed a pessimist when I say that in my judg ment the reaction from the gold stand ard. with the demands for an increase of legal tender money to meet the ne cessities of the people, will be not only a fiooel of fiat money, but possibly si ■ flood of bloodshed before the questior - is finally determined. Pray God that iny apprehensions be groundless. Yet i it seems to me that one of two thing; must from the very nature of things come to pass in the not remote future. There will be irretrievable industrial • slavery; or the acute antagonism (fron* disastrous changes in the level ol prices) between capital and labor wil: precipitate, throughout Europe and America, scenes which characterized ; the history of France a little more, than > a hundred years ago. That awful cataclysm came through i the rejection by the rulers of Francs i of the honest principles of money foi ' the necessities of the people. Its in ■ ceptiou was the adoption of the golc ■ standard in 1689 under Louis XIV.. when the ratio was suddenly raised from 13.74 to 15.40, followed by th< abandonment of silver as rcQemptior money; and later by the abandonment of gold as well, to follow the delusions of John Law. Will it he necessary foi this great republic to tread the thorny path of the Bourbons? —L. M. Garrett in Money. THE DANGER OF PLUTOCRACY. Warning Voice of History Should Be Hoard and Hooded—Concen tration of Wealth. Surely the rapid development ol plutocracy during tie last few years will arouse the people to the dangers which threaten our republic. Thf warning voice of history cannot long er be disregarded. Xo nation has evei traveled so far, in the same space oi tune, from democracy to plutocracy as has this nation during the last ter years. Foreign influence, says the Xa* tional Watchman, described by Wash ington as “one of the most baneful foes of republican government,” has been felt as never before. Fortunes , have been made more suddenly than ever before. Wealth has been concern ! trated in the hands of a few more rap idly than ever before. Corporate cap ital exerts an influence over govern ment more potent than ever before, l 1 Money is more freely used than evei before to corrupt elections. What ii . to be the end? Can any thoughtfu person believe that these condition! promise well for a republic? Instead of regarding the recent as j sault upon constitutional government —the attempted overthrow* of Amer ican principles —as a matter of des- I tiny, we may rather consider it as the last plague, the slaving of the first born. which will end, the bondage ol the American people, and bring de liverance from the I’haraohs who are enthroning Mammon and debasing mankind. 1 How the Standard Is Maintained. Experience proves that when by f law we have two standard dollars —si 1- • ver and gold—the one which is cheap er in the market expels the other from ■ circulation, so that a single standard results in practice. In 18.17. for exam ple. the gold dollar drove out the sil ver dollar because at that time the gold ■ dollar as bullion was worth If. 1 ) cents • and the silver dollar was worth as bul lion 104 cents. The silver dollars were exported to he melted, the exporter getting a profit of four cents a dollar. Xo silver dollars remained in circula tion. But now that the bullion in a sil ver dollar is worth little over 45 cents, that dollar, if made a standard and ad mitted to “free and unlimited” coinage, would expel the gold dollar from cir culation. People always “pass off ’ their worst enemy first- —Baltimore Sun. The Humpbacked Tnxpaycr. President McKinley has occupied the white house a little more than three years. For the same period of time the government has been run by the mil lionaire plutocrats of the white house syndicate. The humpbacked tax-pay er—brother to the man with the hoe— can now take stock and ascertain liis condition. Three years of McKinleyism have given this patient roan with the bump a government that costs about $250,000 an hour; nearly $6,000,000 a day: more than $40,000,000 a week; al most $150,000,000 a month; in the neigh borhood of $2,000,000,000 a year—and yet the patient man with eyes like an ox is not w holly satisfied! —X". Y. Ver diet. _ Not Like Lincoln. The Hannaites expect to fool a few' republicans by making them belive the party of to-day is the legitimate suc cessor of the party of Lincoln. But t hey do not expect the number that can be thus deceived to be very large, and they do not expect that men who arc base enough to knowingly cast their voles to perpetuate the power of trusts to plunder the American people to do so without demanding a portion of the plunder for themselves. Hence they realize that they must buy a large portion of the votes that Ihe ticket will receive.—National Watchman. Ills Only Love. Mc.Tiggei—What’s the book you’re reading? Thingumbob—lt’s the story of the only man the author ever loved. “Ah! it’s bj- a. woman, oh?” “Xo: by a man. It’s his autobiog raphy."— Indianapolis Press. T<> ilio .Juvenile Mini!. “Paw,” said Tommy, “I don’t see why they cal! it a Turkish bath.” “Why not?” “Because till the Turks I’ve ever sc&p looked as if they* never took a bath# 4 all.” —Chicago Tribune,