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TEN" PA.Q-ISS, OWOSSO. MAY 10, 1800 A MAN EATEFt A Teresa Who Captured a Natlr m ft . Plaything for Iter Cuba. The notorious Jounsar man eating tigress has at last been killed by a young forest officer.. This tigress lias been the scourge of tho neighborhood of Chakrata for the last ten years, and her victims have been innumerable. On one occasion she seized one out of a number of foresters who were sleep ing together in a hut, carried him off and deliberately made him over to her cubs to play with, while she protected their innocent gambols from being disturbed. His companions .were eventually forced to take refuge in a tree from her savage attacks. Here they witnessed the following ghastly;' tragedy: The tigress went ack and stood over the prostrate form of her victim and purred in a cat like and self complacent way to her cubs, who wero romping about and rolling over the apparently life less body. She then lay down a few yards olf and with blinking eyes watch ed the gambols of her young prog eny. - In a few moments the man sat up and tried to beat tho young brutes olf. They wero too young to hold him down, so ho made a desperate at tempt to shako himself free and started off on a run ; but before he could get twenty yards the tigress bounded out ani brought him back to her cubs. Once more the doomed wretch had to defend himself from their playful attacks. lie mado renewed efforts to regain his freedom, but was seized by the old tigress and brought back each time before ho had gone many yards. His groans and cries for help were heartrending, but tho men on tno tree wero paralyzed with fear and quite unable to move. At last the tigress herself joined in tho gambols of the cubs and tho wretched man was thrown about and tossed over hei head exactly as many of us have seen our domestic cats throw rats and mice about beforo beginning to feed on them. Tho man's efforts at escape grew feebler. For the last time they saw him try to get away on his hands and knees toward a largo fig tree, with tho cubs clinging to his limbs. This final attempt was as futile as tho rest. The tigress brought him back once again, and then held him down under her fore paws, and deliberately began her living meal before their eyes. It was this formidable beast that tho young Coopers Hill officer and a stu dent attacked on foot. They were working up her trail fifteeen yards apart, when suddenly Mr. Osmaston heard his younger companion groan, and turning round, saw him bouud to tho ground by tho tigress. Mr. Os maston fortunately succeeded in shoot ing her through "the spine, and a sec ond ball stopped her in midspring. Meantime his companion rolled over the hill, and was eventually discovered insensible a few feet away from his terrible assailant. Calcutta Cor. Lor. don Times. THE ROYAL STUD AT KISBEB. flow Hi Anstro-IInngarlan Army Is Suji piled with Freftli Horscn. ., Tho Hungarian state keeps alto jcther four studs, viz: Mezohegyes with 1,C4G horses of various breeds, Babolna, with 39 horses, and Fogaras, with 421, both for Arabian horses; finally Kisbcr, with 509 horses, princi pally for tho importation and breed of British horses, racers as well as half breeds. Tho state keeps other depot of stallions at different places, having altogether 2,300 there in 1887, the lat est year for which a retu rn has been prepared. r: The review at Kisber lifted over twq hours. Tho emperor was seated cu tho covered tribune of tho ope riding school, and all tho generals Mid other stall officers, as well as the military attaches, were allowed to go where they liked, in order to have the closest inspection of the splendid horses and the whole establishment. The first to pass muster wero thirty five half breed stallions, beautiful an imals, all led into the circlo by their trainers, as the state does not dispose of this costly material except when tho horses aro fully broken in. The ; enthusiasm of the connoisseurs at see ing these fine creatures was somowhnt 'premature, for soon afterward ten , murouguureu siauions were Drougni In, tho pride of the royal stud of Kis ser. There was no need of mention ing their names, as was done in the caso of tho half breeds, as all of the pruests knew and recognized them. Horses like Verneuih Craig Millar. Doncaster, Kuperra, Sweetbread and Gunnersbury, all of which aro Eng lish, aro too well known by tho inter national turf not to be recognized bv tho gentleman who were assembled o that their curiosity remained con centrated on tho (our thoroughbreds red of English parents in Kisber. v'erneuil had not been in tho arena Zor several years, as his temper had caused many inconveniences. Ho proved to ur.manageablo and obstinate vm the last occasion that this time it was deemed advisable to put on him a leather muzzlo. from which chains wero suspended on each side, and .1. L 1 i ll' . 1 , witpau "nwiiuu uy birong men. ine borso consequently kept iifcctly quiet, with his head on one side, and tho emperor and his guests expressed their admiration at his form. His majesty and tho visitors after ward mado a round of tho stables, pas- ,iuro places, ana trie rest or tho breed ing establishment. For each couplo f mares there is an inclosuro of near ly two acres of pasture land, with a itablo divided into two parts in the center of it. The mares have their colts and fillies until the latter are taken away to put on a puszta and handed over to tho picturesque Esikon for supervision while grazing on the fast plain. London Standaitl. "A Close Call." ' A familiar expression, this, to any old soldier, who, in his ex periences during war times, had many a narrow escape from death and who generally spoke of it as a close call. TI1K liOV WAS WELL MOUNTED. is the title of a remarkably strong and stirring story of War, Love and Adventure, from the pen of that popular author, MAJOR ALFRED (1. CALHOUN, himself a veteran soldier, and a writer of commanding ability. This great story, dealing with scenes and incidents of the late Civil War, will shortly begin in this paper and be given in liberal installm cnts until completed. Sni! GAVE MU IIEIt 1MOI1T HAND. Tliis is tho Greatest War of the year. Every chapter abounds with beautiful descrip tions and with thrilling incidents. No lover of good reading can afford to miss it. "I'LL 6EE TUAT YOL'H SECK IS STRETCHED. Subscribe now for the best home paper; the paper that gives the freshest ncw3 and the best general matter for the family reading. Other good serials will rapidly ollow; watch our columns for announcement. In the mean time, though, take the good things as they come. Among them and how at hand is that Splendid Story, which is OUR TREAT, YOUR TREAT ALSO, oseSell." Story "A 81 IS THE TARIFF A TAX? EVERY FREE-TRADER WOULD HAVE US BELIEVE THAT IT IS. Tho Duty Ia Not Added to the Foreign Price -Protection Reduoee Price of Er ry Commodity No Relation lie t ween Protection Hiid TrunU. From authorities high and low we are constantly regaled with the familiar statement that the tariff is a tax. So often and so vehemently is this pro claimed that busy men often accept it, not understanding, but rather from sheer mental exhaustion, as one of the many unexplained things which they daily meet und have not tho time or strength to examine. Others accept it from a sort of intellectual duress, be cause men whom they are accustomed to look upon as authority, and to whom they are wont to consign the labor of doing their thinking', give it their flat. A somewhat famous English satirist once followed man, in imagination, from his taxed cradle, through a taxed world, to his taxed coffin; and tho biennial crop of political reformers,' paraphrasing his words, have proclaimed the ubiquity and enormity of taxation, loudly asserting that tlm duties levied by the American government upon imported commodities are paid by the commuters in the form of enhanced prices, and that in addition to thin the price of like articles produced at homo, as well, as the price of the foreign article, is enhanced by the amount of the duty levied. Although the fact that imported com modities bear an average duty of 47 per cent, might seem upon superficial con sideration to warrant the statement that the price of imported goods, and of like American produced goods, is increased by that amount, and to justify the earn est denunciations of Free-traders, still a candid and sober consideration demands that an inquiry bo made whether the statement be true. Denunciations are not evidence, nor are bare assertions proof. It seems that there are three clearly de fined classes of commodities upon which the tariff operates differently. They may be said to consist, first, of commodities which we do not produce, but import whatever we consume: second, of com modities which we produce and do not import, whether restricted or not; and third, of commodities which we produce and also import. All commodities may be arranged un der some one of these heads, perhaps somewhat loosely, but definitely enough for our present purpose. Concerning the first two groups noth ing need be said. They are not ordi narily those commodities with which a Protectionist, as a Protectionist, concerns himself, for a duty levied upon such commodities protects no American in dustry. The third class of commodities will bo found to involve complicated considera tions. This clas3 includes articles pro duced alike in the United States and in foreign countries, and consequently those in which there is a competition between home and foreign producers. This is the class of commodities concerning which there is the real dispute between the two systems of Free-trade and Pro tection. For the purpose of considering this class of commodities cotton goods af ford as good an illustration as any other. Suppose that cotton goods were now paying no duty and were selling in the United States at five cents per yard, be ing partly of foreign and partly of home manufacture. Would the levying of a duty of 20 per cent, increase the price of such cottons by one-fifth, or, in other words, would cottons sell at six cents per yard? Under free competition they would not. Why should they? American producers prior to the levying of the duty of 20 per cent, could manufacture cottons at five cents per ynd. The cost of production is no greater now, but another factor in the problem of price has been introduced. The foreign supply at five cents per yard within our ports is now diminished, un less we suppose that the English produ cer prefers to reduce his profits rather than curtail his market, in. which case the effect upon prices of the duty levied would bo nothing. " If, however, the English manufacturer could not or would not continue to sell cottons at the former price of five cents a somewhat different result must follow. Either tho American consumer must buy the cottons which he must have in ex cess of tho former American product at the rates at which foreign producers can place them within our ports, and per haps submit to a somewhat increased prico for the homo made article, or he must look to a stimulated - production among American manufacturers. This latter result rapidly follows when capital is so eager of investment as at present, and when every avenua of prof itable employment of wealth and busi ness capacity is quickly occupied and pre-empted. In either case the result would be an increase at first, the price fluctuating between five and six cents, according to varying conditions of pro duction; but in the latter tho increase would tend to be temporary and the price would approximate toward tho five cents previously demanded, or under eome conditions even to a lower price, and this result would come about on account of the competition among American ' pro ducers and the resultant new and im proved processes of manufacture and better methods of management and con trol. This is an effect too often lost sight of in measuring the relative advantages and disadvantages of the two policies of Pro tection and Free-trade. It is well known licit labor and capital hesitate to embark in new enterprises when the rewards offered are only ordinary or uncertain and distant, and tho possibility of loss great; yet when once engaged in the in dustry, when tho capital has been fairly fixed in the plant, and when labor and excutivo ability have been attracted to it, they are ready to enter into a competi tion so incessant and so eager as to insure prices which measure the cost of labor and interest, and only a moderate amount of profits. It is ono of the stock arguments of Free-traders that a duty levied upon for eign made goods enables home producers of such articles to raise the price of their own wares by an amount equal to tho Import duty, and that such a tariff is the efficient cause of the many trusts and combines that under present industrial organization find free scope for activity. But a fair examination of the history of industry during tho last fifty years will show that such combinations have arisen irrespective of. a system of Protection wisely applied. Such Protection endeav ors to encourage a general development of the country's resources. It seeks to encourage competition among producers at home, not to restrain it. Trusts and combines, with all their at tendant evils of enhanced prices, irregu lar and artificial production, and uncer tain opportunities of labor, furnish a po litical and economic problem which must sooner or later be fairly met by American statesmen; but when they iu-h Been to ex ist in Free-trade countries to ifr extent as great or greater than in eir own, and when in ours they are found to deal with unprotected as well aa protected commod ities, the thought suggests itself that they are not tho creaturo of a Free-trdde or of a Protective policy, and that their origin must be sought outside of these two opposing economic policies, and that their solution will not be found in the aboli tion of the one or the triumph of the other. The combinations of capital now at tracting public attention having as an object the buying of American breweries, or thoso for obtaining control of the flour ing mills and grain elevators of the United States, or even the firmly established Standard Oil trust, which stands pre-eminent us an example of the power of aggre gated capital skillfully managed, aro not the results of the American policy of Pro tection, for a Protective tariff does not operate upon the subject matter of any of these. Our argument has shown that the often heard statement that the tariff en hances prices by the amount of duty levied is wholly unwarranted. It has also shown that no relation of cause and effect can be established between Protec tion and trusts, or Free-trade and trusts, and consequently the tariff is not even indirectly responsible for the enhanced prices occasioned by trusts. From social and political considera tions, as well as for economic reasons, it is to tho best interest of our country that a policy be adopted which will encourage the growth of diversified interests and industries, rather than the concentration of labor, capital and industrial ability in a few interests of mammoth proportions. Judicious Protection occasions diversifi cation and inaugurates a competition which insures prices as low as a fair re turn to capital and a fair reward for labor will warrant. American Shipping. In the tariff act passed by the first con gress the tonnage tax on foreign vessels was more than eight times greater than that imposed on domestic tonnage. The most serious obstacle to the rebuilding of our merchant marine is found in the protective system of England as applied to her shipping in the form of subsidies. When this government is wise enough to meet the English in this particular and give to our merchant marine a bounty for every league sailed or steamed in car rying tho United States mails, then, and not till then, will it revive. The bounty or subsidy should bo sufficiently ample to carry our mails and establish our trade in every nook and corner of the earth. The talk about the tariff destroying our carrying trade is rubbish. Our carrying trade today is $1,400,000,000 annually. In 1800 it was $500,000,000, showing an increase of over 800 per cent, since 1800. It is absurd to argue that we, who stand pre-eminent for efficiency and cheapness of our locomotives, cars and railroad service generally, who have introduced our types of stationary engines , and pumps into England, where they are either purchased or built, retain our ofd skill as sailors, and have the fastest and best river and coastwise steamers in the world, cannot build and sail the fastest and best ocean steamers at the lowest cost if our government extended the same aid to our shipping which the mer chant marine of England received, and which Germany, France, Spain,' Italy and Australia aro now giving to their shipping. Foreign and Home Production. When your external profits come to you in the form and substance of com peting products, which (by a cheapness unnatural to our climate) destroy home production, you are only gaining with the one hand what you aro losing from the other, with the prospect of an insecure future, since production abroad can never be under control as can that within your own borders. Fair Traded London. The standard of Protection is not a high tariff or a low tariff, but a wages tariff, one which shall guard the wages of our workingmen and insure the pros perity of those industries in which and from which alone thoso wages can be earned. Every workman who has spent a good part of his active life in acquiring the skill which commands for him good wages has the right to be protected in the exercise of that skill. DafrTd Hall Rice. "One fact is enough for me. The gates of Castle Garden swing inward. They do not swing outward to any American la borer seeking a better country than this. These men, who have toiled at wages in other lands that barely sustained life, and opened no avenue of promise to them or their children, know the good land of hope as well as the swrtUow knows the land of summer. Gen. Benjamin Har rison, July 20, 1888. Purchasers of home products are sure to retain capital for the wage fund of la borers in their o wn country and keep it in circulation ; but when purchases are made abroad, the capital goes to a bourn whence it never returns. Senator Morrill. ON THE WATCH TOWEIi. "Cussar's Column" is the latest contri bution to fiction in the field of sociology. Conservative thinkers will also declare it the wildest. The book has just ap peared, and few have had time to read it. It will be interesting to witness the public's reception and hear its judgment of this book. Like "Looking Backward," "Cajsar's Column" is a story of the Twen tieth century, the year of action being 1083, but there the similarity ends. While the former depicts a state of so ciety in which there are peace and plenty, and where equity and love are the ruling elements, the latter paints us a ghastly picture. In it democracy lies dead upon the plain, stabbed to the heart by avarice; the laborers have become slaves and the farmers serfs, and the rich are heartless and autocratic. The story and civilization in America and Europe end at one and the same time. Tho final scene in New York city is one of horror. The masses 'revolt against the rule of the classes, and a quarter of a million of the rich and their supporters are butchered ia the streets. Their dead bodies, mixed with cement, aro used to construct a monument in commemoration of the death and burial of modern civilization. Caesar LomellinI is tho brutal leader of the insurrection, and he christens the monument "Caesar's Column." Of course New York has grown great ly during 100 years, and then has a pop ulation of 10,000,000. Mankind has made great material progress, and air ships and improved methods of warfare figure in the story. "Thero is also the usual ro mance, and love, hatred and revenge play their regulation parts. The author does not present strong proof that he possesses a suerior knowledge of eco nomics, but he seems to think he knows whither modern civilization is drifting, and perhaps he is right. Who wrote this startling look? There's the question. The publisher says it was written by "a man of wealth and high social position, who believes that civiliza tion is on the way to speedy destruction unless its steps are arrested by a terrible picture of ' the abyss that yawns before it." "Edmund Boisgilbert, M. D.," is the nom de plume employed. The book is published by F. J. Schulte & Co., Chi cago, and the author is said to reside in that city. Why was it written? Let the follow ing extract from the preface answer: "I seek to preach into the ears of the able and rich and powerful the great truth that neglect of the sufferings of their fel lows, indifference to the great bond of brotherhood which lies at the base of Christianity, and blind, brutal and de grading worship of mere wealth, must given time and pressure enough eventuate in the overthrow of society and tho destruction of civilization." "If my message be true it should be spoken and the world should hear it." "Believing, as I do, that I read the future aright, it would be criminal in mo to remain silent. I plead for higher and nobler thoughts in the souls of men; for wider love and ampler charity in their hearts; for a renewal of the bond of brotherhood between the classes; for a reign of justice on earth that shall obliberate the cruel hates and passions which now divide the world." It begins to look very much like 1890 will be a year distinguished for its labor strikes. The union carpenters demand for eight hours is, of course, one of the prime causes; but that did not cut any figure in the strikes of the- first three months of the year. In March there were eighty-two strikes, involving over 20,000 employes. Fifteen strikes, in which 5,000 workmen were directly concerned, were inaugurated on the first day of the pres ent month. But May will bo the leader of the year. The carpenters of Chicago struck on April 7. This exception to the general order for May 1 was sanctioned by the national organization. And still they come! Rev. William Barry has an article in the April Forum which will put to thinking any reader, if he have not less soul than a pump handle. Here are a few of its terse sentences: "The struggle for wealth is turning out barbarians by the million." "The great host of tho proletariat are told that thero is for them no such thing as a right to work; much less have they a right to eat. - All they have is a right to 'go into tho labor market,' there to sell mind and muscle for what they will fetch; and if tho market is overstocked and capital shy or unwilling, they may betake themselves to the public highway, being careful to move on." "Nei ther millionaires nor mechanics will find a market on the day of judgment." "The social question cannot be any longer tabooed. It walks the streets in every tramp and loafer or industrious idle workman that rubs against us or asks for a copper." "The vast burden of poverty under which we are staggering is mainly due to the appropri ation of public services, of social rights, by individuals who neither can nor do ren der an equivalent for them to their fel low citizens." "Abolish tho monopoly of resources, now enjoyed by a few, and the nation would not be the poorer by tho smallest fraction of any commodity at any moment after. But let there be a universal strike of all ex cept the monopolists, and how long would society endure? There would be a famine in a year, in two, nakedness, and in ten the land would be a desola tion." The refusal of tho carpenter bosses of Chicago to recognize the union is a mon umental piece of inconsistency. Just think of it: President Goldie, of tho Mas ter Carpenters' association, an organiza tion which denies absolutely the right of one of its members to act independently, days: "The bosses will treat vith their men individually, but will not recognize the right of the union to dictate to them." Evidently, according to Mr. Goldie, sauce for the goose is not sauce for the gander. ' Apropos of President Blackstone'i ut terances on the railroad question, a con tributor in The Kansas City Star argues that the railways should be public high ways, open," under proper restrictions, to all citizens; that railway charters should not allow the same parties to own the i y l . i. ... ui. iin linens ttuu iu ojjuihi) mo uiis wuivii .- on them. In other words, that railways should be like toll roads. The proposi tion is an absurd one. It would be im possible to attain satisfactory results if all who were able and so desired were rxrmittu,l in run tliolr nwn PkM nvpr fch rails belonging to other parties. The dif ficulties of bucIi a B.vstem are obvious. There is but one way to solve the railroad problem. President Blac ketone sees it. It is to have the government assume the ownership of all railways. - Should the demand of the carpenters for an eight hour day result in a pro longed strike, which is likely, an oppor tunity will be presented to test the Btrengut ui wo utum wmui ia wiu n bind together all organized workmen in tins country. ine pi.wi tu me American Federation of Labor calls for financial support from all affiliated unions, and, while the carpenters have a comparative ly good fund to start with,' tho 60,000 men in that industry cannot remain idle many weeks without feeling the need of assistance. If organized labor stands this test and the carpenters win, many things which labor has on its programme for the future will be conceded by capi tal without a struggle. It is truth to state that, notwithstand ing tho iopularity of "Looking Back ward," the Nationalist clubs, which are founded upon the lines it lays down, are not being formed and recruited with the rapidity it would 6eem reasonable to ex pect. Several causes for this slow growth of the open advocacy of what apparently meets with such extensive approval are assigned. The leaders of the movement say no effort has been made to rush things; that, on the contrary, care has been exercised to prevent rapid growth, for ostensible reasons. This is not ac cepted by ali who have expressed opin ions on the subject. There are those who have been identified with socialistic' move ments in the past who say that the work ingmen generally are holding aloof be cause the present movement is in the hands of the kid gloved element, and that, on the other hand, the well-to-do believers withhold their co-operation be cause they fear they will be damaged by becoming identified with the rabid So-, cialists who have an unenviable reputa tion. Thus the only elements from which Nationalism can expect to draw any con siderable number of adherents stand out side the movement, each distrusting and fearing the other. This state of affairs is likely to continue until something of pre-eminent importance arises to make the opposing factions forget, for the time at least, their prejudices. California, however, presents a nota ble exception. In that state the pause of Nationalism has already taken deep root, and clubs are multiplying at a marvel ous rate. Every city and town of any consequence has one or more clubs and the membership in all of them is grow ing rapidly. It is not at all unlikely that the next elections in California will find Nationalist candidates in the field for all the offices. It is claimed that over 6,000 copies of "Looking Backward" have been sold in and around Los Angeles, and that San Francisco can almost dupli cate theso figures. By tho way, some of the Nationalists are disposed to find fault with Mr. Bel lamy for copyrighting recent newspaper articles. They say that if he is the earn est advocate lie claims to be he should not give certain newspapers a monopoly of his writings, and thus prevent their being copied and the doctrine propa gated. - ; , The April installment of The Century's "Present Day Papers" consists of a re port to the sociological group by a com mittee consisting of Seth Low and Rich ard T. Ely. The title is "A Programme for Labor Reform." It was prepared by Professor Ely, and gives additional evi dence tiiat ho is a clear (and generally sound) thinker on the social problem. After carefully considering the present imperfect system and reciting many of its evil?, tho professor suggests "reme dies required for the diseased social body," some of which are, purification and elevation of the , family, improved educational facilities, better dwellings for tho poor, adequate factory laws, a more just administration of all laws, re spect for labor organizations, better pro tection of public property, prohibition of imported . contract labor and tho as sumption by tho state of those activities which exercise public functions. .Jos. R. Buchanan. "Thy Brother' Keeper." The good Lord help the poor fellows of the anthracite regions, for it does not seem that there is anybody else to give them aid in their extremity. Work is so slack that at Scranton citizens regard with envy almost to the point of out break the ditch work given by contrac tors to the Hungarians at eighty cents a day. In the mines work was very slow all last winter, and for Botue time there has not been enough money earned to feed those dependent upon mine labor, yet even tho tc who have work are sub ject to tho most terrifying description of death. , Can a republic live and flourish with' labor degraded to that low ebb that large bodies of workmen cannot support them selves, much loss bring up children, giv ing them the ordinary school advantages that are supposed to be secured to all children in America? Surely there must bo more than, theory in the virtues, less of finely drawn brutality in the practice of tho wholesale wealth gobblers, if there is to be continued peace. Pittsburg La bor Tribune. , The Oreat Strike In Spain. The striko movement is spreading. Throughout Catalonia 40,000 men have quit work, and it is expected that many more will soon join tho strikers. Fears are entertained that all the factories in Catalonia will be compelled to close their doors. Late advices indicate that 70,000, at least, will join the strike May 1. Barcelona (Spain) Dispatch. .