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Hot Springs weekly star. (Hot Springs, S.D.) 1892-1917, February 14, 1908, Image 3

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Persistent link: https://chroniclingamerica.loc.gov/lccn/sn96090259/1908-02-14/ed-1/seq-3/

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'l'1 order that the courts may maintain their
x'""1'- ,•' own dignity and In order that they may
•*m In effective manner check disorder and
violence. The judge who uses it cautious
AWS 'y
f. 4
Calls for Legislation A*«iristllls
Which Country la
Policies of Administration Arc •srrfeit
ly Defended AgainstCritics—Docu
ment On* of Moot Striking
StatePapsrs Of History.
.- tftthlnitoni Feb. 8. President
today sent tp congress a
tfpecial messnse, in which he vlgpr-
Mtaly defends the course of the .'ad
ministration in its correction of cor-
abuses, and recommends lega
along various lines. Themes-
sage, which ii In many respects one
the most remarkable state papers
tver submitted, follows:
The recent decision of the supreme
jourt In regard to .the employers' liability
act, the experience of the Interstate Com
\®le?co commission and of the department
i^tlce^ln enforcing the Interstate com
i- -----Jde
administration recently adopted by
certain heads of great corporations, ren
der It desirable that there should be ad
ditional legislation as regards certain of
Ute relations between labor and capital,
and between the great corporations and
the public.
merce and anti-trust laws, and the. grave
toward the law. and
As regards the employers' liability law,
r. advocate its Immediate re-enactment,
limiting its scope so that it shall apply
•nly to the class of caseB as to which the
court says It can constitutionally apply,
®ut strengthening Its provisions within
this scope. Interstate employment being
thus covered by an adequate rational law.
the^ field of Intrastate employment will
2* left to the action of the several states.
with this clear definition of responsibility
.'the states will undoubtedly give the per
formance of their duty within their field
the consideration the importance of the
subject demands.
I also very urgently advise that a com
prehenslve act be passed providing for
compensation by the government to all
employes'injured In the government ser
vipe. Under the present laws an Injured
workman in the employment of the gov
ernment haB.no remedy, and the entire
burden of the accident falls on the help
lesB man, his wife, and his young chll
dren. This Is an outrage. It Is a matter
of humiliation to the nation that there
should not be on our statute books pro
vision to meet and partially to atone tot
cruel misfortune when it comes upon a
man through no fault*of his own while
faithfully serving the public.
.. The same broad principle which
should apply to the government
should ultimately be made applic
able to all private employers
Where the nation has the power It should
enact laws to this effect. Where the
states alone have the power they should
enact the laws. It is to be observed :hat
an employers' liability law does not reallv
mean mulcting employers in damages, ft
merely throws upon the employer the bur
den of accident Insurance against Injur
ies which are sure to occur.
As to Injunctions.
I again call your attention to the nep*.
ef some action in connection with the
abuse of injunctions in labor cases. As
regards the rights and wrongs of labor
,• and capital, from blacklisting to boycot
ting, the whole sublect is covered In ad
mlrable fashion1, by the report of the
in anthracite coal strike commission, which
-j n'- "-i report should serve as a chart for the
'/•A "x guidance of both legislative and executive
officers As regards Injunctions, I can do
little but repeat what I have said in my
last message to the congress. Even
though it were possible. I should consider
-s^lt most unwise to abolish the use of the
r' "^Process of Injunction. It is neccssary in
conservatively, but who, when the
'i ," need arises, use It fearlessly, confers the
greatest service upon our people, and his
pre-eminent usefulness as a public serv-
ant should be heartily recognized. But
there is no question In my mind that It
has sometimes been used heedlessly and
unjustly, rfhd that some of the Injunc
i* tlons issued inflict grave and occasionally
r1 Irreparable wrong upon those enjoined
This matter is daily becoming of graver
Importance and I can not too urgently
recommend that the congress give careful
consideration to the subject. If some
Wdy of remedying the abuses is not
found the feeling of indignation against
them among large numbers of our
£1 citizens will tend to grow so extreme as
fci to produce a revolt against the whole
use of the process of injunction. The
ultra-conrfervatlves who object to cutting
out the abuses will do well to remember
that if the popular feeling does become
,, strong many of those upon whom they
|«ly to defend them will be the first to
turn against them. Men of property can
a.- »ot afford to trust to anything save the
spirit of justice and fair play: for those
-i Very public men who. while It Is to their
'.p*'' f? Interest, defend all the abuses committed
capital and pose as the champions of
conservatism, will, the moment they
think their interest changes, take the
lead in just such a matter as this and
j. pander to what they esteem popular feel
4 ... .tfx lng by endeavoring, for instance, effee
I' tlvely to destroy the power of the courts
Seek to render nugatory the power to
Bunish for contempt, upon which power
existence of the orderly admin
justice depends.
seeK to rem
V"1 Si ."'r punish for
»he very exli
\'r iii f. Mtration of
It Is my purpose as soon as may be
to submit some further recommenda
tions in reference to our laws regu
lating labor conditions within the
sphere of federal authority. A very
-1 recent decision of the supreme court
of the United States rendered since
this message was written, in the case
of Adair vs. United States, seemingly
of far reaching import and of very
probable consequences, has
modified the previously entertained
I views on the powers of the congress
in the premises to such a degree as to
necessary careful consideration
of the opinions therein filed before it
1 Is possible definitely to decide In what
I way to call the matter to your atten
I tion. y\
Control of Railroads.
sure that' ths proceeds^xf every 'at
lygdlwus. tvSSFag:SSSiMm&t
whenever it becomss tSS*tS^*ipr S&
sncs ln the i^iulaUve acUda of tts gor*
•fn^nt,. |Ue.|Aysk^ vslus ot^^yis it
taowB^Srt will be*^{^teatsd ^wa
raUrMd secsrltles .that elsmsnt of un
hM oontrlbubS
stress of the recent
PMt.- ,v
much to the financial vti
I tiilhk that the fsdwml governmsnt
»W"t al»o assume certain measure of
control over the ,physical tnmtlsn of
railways In the handling ofbiterstate
traffic.1 The .commission now has author^
lty to establish through routes andjobit
Tates. In order tp make this pnmsloa
effective juifl in oracr to promote ln^tlmes
of necessity the prtiper movement of traf
flc, I thlnk It mbst also have authority to
determlne_the conditions upon which oars
shall be Interchanged between different
Interstate railways. It is also probable
that the commission should have author
ity. In-particular Instances, to determine
th# schedtUe upon which perishable com
modities shall be moved.
In reference to the Sherman anti-trust
law, I repeat the recommendations made
In my message at the opening of the
present congress, as well as In my mes
sage to the previous congress. The at
tempt in this law to provide In sweeping
terms against ail combinations of what-'
ever character, if technically In restraint
of trade as such restraint has been de
nned by the courts, must necessarily be
Cither futile or mischievous, and some
times both.: The present law makes some
combinations illegal, although they may
be useful to the country.. On the other
hand, asi to some' huge combinations which
are both noxlOus and illegal, even If the
action undertaken against them unde^ the
law by the government is successful, the
result may be to work but a minimum
benefit to the public. Even though the
combination be broken up and a small
measure of reform thereby produced, the
real good aimed at .can not be obtained,
for such real good can come only by a
thorough and continuing supervision over
the acts of the combination In all Its
parts, so as 'to prevent stock watering,
Improper forms of competition, and, Mn
short wrong doing generally. The law
should correct that portion of the Sher
man act which prohibits all combinations
of the character above described, whether
they be reasonable or unreasonable but
this should be done only as part of a gen
eral scheme to provide for this effective
and thorough going supervision by the
national government of all the operations
of the big Interstate business concerns.,
Campaign Against Privileges.
Superficially It may seem that the laws,
the passage of which jl herein again ad
vocate—for I have repeatedly advocated
them before—are not connected. But In
reality they are connected. Each and
every one of these law£, If enacted, would
represent part of the campaign against
privilege, part of the campaign to make
the class of great property holders
realize that property has its dutie* no
less than its rights. When the courts
guarantee to the employer, as they should,
,the rights of the employer, and to prop
erty the rights of property, they should
no leps emphatically make it evident that
they will exact from property arid from
the employer the duties which should
necessary accompany these rights and
hitherto our laws have failed In precisely
this point of enforcing the performance
of duty by the man of property toward
the man who works for him, by the man
of great wealth, especially if he uses that
wealth in corporate form, toward the in
vestor, the wage-worker and the general
public. The permanent failure of the man
of property to fulfill his obligations would
utimately assure the wresting from him of
the privileges which he Is entitled to enjoy
only if he recognizes the obligations ac
companying them. Those who assume or
share the responsibility for this failure are
rendering but a poor service to the cause
which they believe they champion.
I I du not know whether it Is possible,
but if possible, it is certainly desirable,
that in connection with measures to re
strain stock watering and overcapitalisa
tion there should be measures taken to
prevent at least ttie grosser forms of gam
bling in securities and commodities, such
as making large sales of what men do
not possess and "cornering'' the market.
Legitimate purchases of commodities and
of stocks and securities for Investment
have no connection whatever with pur
chases of stocks or other securities or
commodities on a margin for speculative
and gambling purposes. There Is no moral
difference between gambling at cards or
in lotteries or on the race track and gam
bling In the stock market. One method
is Just as pernicious to the body politic
as the other in kind, and In degree the
evil worked Is far greater. But it is a
far more difficult subject with which to
deal. The great bulk of the business
transacted on the exchanges is not only
legitimate, but is necessary to the work
ing of our modern industrial system, and
extreme care would have to be taken
not to interfere with this business in doing
away with the "bupket shop" type of oper
ation. It would seem that the federal
government could at least act by for
bidding the use of the mails, telegraph
and telephone wires for mere gambling in
stocks and futures, just as it does In
lottery transactions.
be action on cer-
.* & wage earners there
t. should also be such action on laws better
?v?/ the great business
taterstate commerce,
andI especWly^ over the great common
carriers. The Interstate .Commerce com
misBlon__Should be empowered .to 'pass
upon any rate or practice on its ownttn
lUative. Moreover, It should be provided
that whenever the commission-has reason
to believe that a proposed' advance in a
tate ought, not to be made without In
vestigation, It should have authority to
Issue an order prohibiting the advance
pending examination by the commission.
The Interstate Commerce co
C'^v^'V -V
Show Trust Methods.
I inclose herewith a statement Issued by
the chief of the bureau of corporations
in answer to certain statements (which I
also inclose) made by and on behalf of
the agents of the Standard Oil corporation
and a letter of the attorney general con
taining an answer to certain statements,
also inclosed, made by the president of
the Santa Fe Railway company. The
Standard Oil corporation and the
railway company have both been
found guilty by the courts of criminal
misconduct both have been sentenced to
pay heavy fines and each has issued and
published broadcast these statements, as
serting their innocence and denouncing as1
improper the action of the courts and
juries in convicting them of guilt. These
statements are very elaborate, are very
ingenious, and are untruthful In Important
particulars. The following letter and In
closure from Mr. Heney sufficiently Illus
trate the methods of the high officials
of the Santa Fe and show the utter fal
sity of their plea of ignorance, the similar
plea of the Standard Oil being eauaily
without foundation
"Department of Justice,, Office of the
United States Attorney, District of Ore
gon, Portland, Jan. 11, 1908.—The Presi
dent, Washington, D. C.—Dear Mr. Presi
dent: I understand that Mr. Ripley, of
the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe railway
system, has commented with some severity
upon your attitude toward the payment
of rebates by certain transcontinental
railroads and that he has declared that
he personally never knew anyfti!
any rebates being granted by his road.
I Inclose you herewith copy of
a letter from Edward Chambers, general
freight traffic manager of the Atchison,
Topeka & Santa Fe railway system," to
shipments, but the constitution otthe state
of California makes the payment of re
bates* by railroads a felony, and Mr. Rip
ley has apparently not been above the
commission, of crime to secure business.
You 'are at liberty to use this lnclosure
in .any way that you think It can be of
service to yourself or the public.
sincerely, yours.
1 wish
check the aam%- a
...,. ofwho isoo«i-_— _—
•II to nU delivered. Yours truly,
,•, /'Bdwmrd Chaabeni
to Attaoks.
n* rttaelM by these gnat oorporatloas
objhc administration's actions4ut'.
Styn a. wide circulation throughout the
counter, la the newcpapera and otherwise
by those wrtters and speakers who, oon
sclously or unconsciously, act as the rep
nmbwIvm of predatory wealth-of the
wsaltfc aecumulated on a glant scale by
att .forms of Iniquity, ranging from the
oppression of wagsworkara to unfair and
unwholesome methods of crushing out
competition, and to defrauding the. pub
lic by stock Jobbing and thS manipulation
of Mcuritles. pertain wealthy men of
this stamp, whose ooaducf should be ab
horrent to every man of ordinarily decent
oonaotaaea, and who commit ths hldsous
wrong of teaching our young men that
business success must or
inaHly be based on dishonesty, have
during the list few months made it ap
parent that they have banded together
to work: for a reaction. Their endeavor
is to overthrow.and discredit all who hon
estly administer the law. to prevent anr
addttlonal .legislation wuch would check
and restrain them, and to secure If pes
slbjs a freedom from all restraint which
will permit every unscrupulous wrongdoer
to do what he wishes unchecked provided
he has enough money. The only way to
counteract the movement In which these
men are engaged is to-make clear to the
publlo Just what ther have done in the
past and just what they are seeking to
accomplish In the present
The administration and those who sup
port Its views are not only not e&gaged
In an assault on property, but are stren
uous upholders of the rights of property.
Under no circumstances would we coun
tenance attacks upon lawabldlng prop
erty, or do aught but condemn those who
hold up rlch_ men as being evil men be
cause of their riches. On the contrary,
our whole effort Is to Insist upon con
duct, and neither wealth nor, property nor
any other class distinction, as being the
proper standard tar which to Judge the
actions of men. For the honest man of
peat wealth we have a hearty regard.
Just as we have .a hearty regard for the
honest politician and honest newspaper.
But part of the movement to uphold hon
esty must be a movement to frown on
We attack only the corrupt men of
wealth, who find in the purchased
politician the most efficient lnstru
ment of corruption and in the pur
chased newspaper the most efficient
defender of corruption. Our main
quarrel Is not with these agents and
representatives of the Interests.,:
They derive their chief power from':
the great sinister offenders who
stand behind them. They are but
puppets who move as the strings
are pulled.
It Is not the puppets, but the
strong cunning men and the mighty
forces working for evil behind and
through the puppets, with whom we
have to deal.
We seek to control law-defying wealth
In the first place to prevent its doing dire
evil to the republic, and in the next place
to avoid the vindictive and dreadful rad
icalism which. If left uncontrolled. It Is
certain in the end to arouse. Sweeping
attacks upon all property, upon all men
of means, without regard to whether they
do. well or 111, would sound the death
knell of the republic and. such attacks
become Inevitable If decent citizens per
mit those rich men whose lives are cor
rupt and evil to domineer in swollen
pride, unchecked and unhindered, over
the destinies of this country. We act In
no vindictive spirit, and we are no re
specters of persons. If a labor union does
wrong, we oppose It as firmly as we op
pose a corporation which does wrong and
we stand equally stoutly for the rights
of the man of wealth and for the rights
of the wageworker. We seek to protect
the property of every man who acta ho'n
estly, of every corporation that represents
wealth honestly accumulated and honest
ly used. We seek to stop wrongdoing,
and we desire to punish tne wrongdoers
only so far as Is necessary to achieve this
One Law for All..
There are ample material rewards 'for
lose who serve with fldeJ"
of unrighteousness but
those who serve with fidelity the mammon
tney are dearly
paid for by the people who permit their
representatives, whether In public life, in
the press, or In the colleges where their
young men are taught, to preach and to
practice that there 1s one law for the
rich and another for the poor. The
amount of money the representatives of
certain great moneyed interests are will
ing to spend can be gauged by their re
cent publication broadcast throughout the
papers of this country, from the Atlantlo
to the Pacific, of huge advertisements at
tacking with envenomed bitter the admin
istration's policy of warring against suc
cessful dishonesty, and by their circula
tion of pamphlets and books prepared
with the same object while they likewise
push the circulation of the writings and
speeches of men who, whether because
they are misled, or because, seeing the
light, they yet are willing to sin against
the light, serve these their masters of
great wealth to the cost of the plain peo
ple. The books and pamphlets, the
controlled newspapers, the speeches
by public or private, men to
which I refer, are usually and especially
In the Interest -of the Standard Oil trust
and of certain notorious railroad combina
tions, but they also defend other indi
viduals and corporation of great wealth
that have been guilty of wrongdoing, it
is only rarely that the men responsible
for the wrongdoing themselves speak or
^ri,te-w.li9rmally they hire others to do
their bidding, or find others who will do
It without hire. From the railroad rate
law to the pure food law, every measure
for honesty In business that has been
passed during the last six years has been
opposed by these men on its passage and
in its administration with every resource
that bitter and unscrupulous craft could
suggest and the command of almost un
limited money secure.
But for the last year the attack has been
made with most bitterness upon the actual
administration or thd law, cspQcially
through the department of Justice, but
also through the Interstate Commerce
commission and the bureau of corpora
tions. The extraordinary violence of the
assaults upon our policy contained ih th»s»
speeches, editorials, articles, advertise
ments, and pamphlets, and the enormous
sums of money spent in these various
ways give a fairly accurate measure of
the anger and terror which our publlo
actions have caused the corrupt men of
vast wealth to fed In the very marrow
of their being. The attack is sometime*
made openly against us for enforcing the
law, and sometimes with a certain cun
ning, for not trying to enforce it In some
other way than that which experience
shows to be practical. One of the favorite
which experience
One of the favorite
methods of the latter class of assailant
Is to attack the, administration for not
procuring the imprisonment Instead of the
fine-of offenders under these antl-triMt
laws. The man making this assault Is
usually either a prominent lawyer or an
editor who takes his policy from the finan
ciers and his arguments from their attor
neys. If the former, he has defended and
advised many wealthy malefactor* and he
knows well that, thanks to. the advice of
lawyers like himself, a certain kind at
modern corporation hSrf been/turned Into
Hie lmmedlate re-en&ctinent of the
flu pasMge df an act providing com
ycnsatloo from the government for all
persons Injured in Its service.
«f the use of the lnjune
.bor matters.
the Interstate Commerce
^with t|ic means to make a
physical valuation of any railroad as
to which the valuation seems neces
^IHtelariiv his Arm belief that the
flnanda! distress was not brought-on
by the actions of the administration,
but by world wide cause*, the presi
dent makes a strong reply to his critics
In which he reiterates his faith that the
government should', attempt to scourge
the country of sin. He does not re
treat one lota in his policy heretofore
•As he progresses in the discussion of
ths subject he grows more emphatic
and the best passages of his message
are to be found near its dose.
of great wealth has availed to save the
offenders from prison.
I The federal government does
I scourge sin It does Md sinners
fear for It has put behind the
bars with impartial severity, the
powerful financier, the powerful
politician, the rich land tnlef, the
rich contractor—all, no matter
how high their station, against
whom criminal misdeeds can be
proved., All their wealth and
power cannot protect them.
often happens that the effort to
imprison a given defendant Is certain to
be futile, while It Is possible to fine him
or to fine the' corporation of which he is
bead so that, In other words, the only
way of punishing the wrong is by fining
the corporation, unless we are content to
proceed personally against the minor
••ents. The corporation lawyers to whom
I refer and their employers are the men
munly responsible for this state ot-things,
and their responsibility Is shared with all
who ingeniously oppose the passing of Just
and effective laws, or who fall to execute
tnem when they have been put on the
statute books.
"Innocent Stockholders."-
Much Is said, in these attacks upon the
policy of the present administration, about
the rights of "innocent stockholders."
That stockholder Is not Innocent who
voluntarily purchases stock In a corpora
tion whose methods and management he
knows to be corrupt: and stockholders are
bound to try to secure honest manage
ment, or else are estopped from complaln
mg about the proceedings the government
finds necessary in order to compel the
corporation to obey the law. There has
been in the past gr&ve wrong done inno
cent stockholders by overcapitalization,
stock-watering, stock-jobbing, "tock-ma
nlpulatton. This we have sought to pre
vent. first, by exposing the thing done and
punishing the offender when any existing
law had been violated second, by recom
mending the passage of laws which woula
make unlawful similar practices for the
future. The public men, lawyers, and
editors who loudly proclaim their sym
pathy for the "innocent stockholders"
when a great law-defying corporation Is
punished, are the first 'to protest with
frantic vehemence against all efforts by
law to put a stop to the practices which
are the real and ultimate sources of the
damage alike to the stockholders and the
ublic. The apologists of successful dis
always declaim against any ef
fort to punish or prevent It, on the
round that any such effort will "unsettle
It is they who by their acts
have unsettled business and the very
men raising this cry spend hundreds of
thousands of dollars In securing, by
speech, editorial, book, or pamphlet, the
defense by mis-statements of what they
have done and yet when public servants
correct their mis-statements by telling
the truth, they declaim against them for
breaking silence, lest "values be depreci
ated." They have hurt honest business
men, honest worklngmen, honest farm
ers and'now they clamor against the
truth being told.
The keynote of all these attacks upon
the effort to secure honesty in business
and In politics Is well expressed in brazen
protests against any effort for the moral
regeneration of the business world, on
the ground that it is unnatural, unwar
ranted, and Injurious, and that business
panic Is the necessary penalty for such
effort to secure business honesty. The
morality of such a plea Is precisely as
great as if made on behalf of the men
caught in a gambling establishment when
that gambling establishment is raided by
the. police. If such words mean anything
they mean that those whose sentiments
they represent Stand against the effort to
bring about a moral regeneration of busi
ness which will prevent a repetition of
the Insurance, banking, and street rail
road scandals In New York a repetition
ot the Chicago and Alton deal a repe
tition of the combination between certain
professlnal politicians, certain profes
slnal labor leaders, and certain big finan
ciers, from the disgrace of which San
Francisco has just been rescued a repe
tition of the successful effort by the
Standard Oil people to crush out every
competitor, to overawe the common car
riers, and to establish a monopoly which
treats the public with contempt which the
public deserves so long as It permits men
of such principles and such sentiments to
avow and act on them with Impunity.
I The outcry against stopping dls
honest practices among wrongdoers
I who happen to be wealthy is precise
ly similar to the outcry raised
against every effort for cleanliness
and decency in city government, be
cause, forsooth, it will "hurt busl
The same outcry is made against the
department of justice for prosecuting the
heads of colossal corporations that has
been made against the men who in San
Francisco have prosecuted with impartial
severity the wrongdoers among business
men, public officials, and labor leaders
alike. The principle Is the same In the
two cases. JUBt as the blackmailer and
bribe giver stand on the same evil emi
nence of Infamy, so the man who makes
"an enormous fortune by corrupting leg
islatures and municipalities and fleecing
his stockholders and the public, stands on
the same moral level with the creature
who fattens on the blood money of the
gambling house and the saloon. More
over, in the last analysis, both kinds of
corruption are far more intimately con
nected than would at first sight appear
the wrongdoing is at bottom the same.
Corrupt business and corrupt politics act
and react with ever increasing debase
ment, one on the other the corrupt head
of a corporation and the corrupt labor
leader are both In the same degree the en
emies of honest corporatlosn and honest
labor unions the rebate taker, the fran
chise trafficker, the manipulator of se
curities, the purveyor and protector of
vice, the blackmailing ward boss, the bal
lot-box stuffer, the demagogue, the mob
leader, the hired bully, ana manklller—
ruptlon, and all alike should be abhorred
by honest men.*
Hurts Right Business.
The "business" which is hurt by the
movement for honesty is the kind of bus
iness which. In the long run, it pays the
country to have hurt It is the kind of
business which has tended to make the
very name "high finance'" a term of scan
to which all honest American men of
.. r-mr- i—.—intiy tl
junptotieted a* having the ''rlght'l freely
-to Contriclt to .expcMie herMlf to dangers
to ltfe and Umb.' .She has no alternative
but! td suffer .waht or else to expose her
Self to such dangers, and when sbe loses
a hand or Is otherwise maimed or disfig
ured for life, It is a moral wrong that
the whole burden of the risk' necessarlly
the business should be placed
her weak
by her work
Incidental to the business shou
with crushing? Weight upon
shoulders, and all who profit I
escape scot-free. This Is What opponents
of a Just employers' liability law advo-
It is consistent that'they should
or those
cate and it to consistent that'they should
usUMly also advocate Immunity for those
most dangerous members of tne criminal
criminals ot great wealth:
Our opponents have recently been bit
criticising the two Judges referred
_n the accompanying communications
from the Standard OH company and the
to in
Santa Fe railroad for having imposed
heavy fines on these two corporations
and yet these same critics of these two
judges exhaust themselves In denouncing
the most respectful and cautious discus
sion ot the official action of a judge which
results in immunity to wealthy and pow
erful wrongdoers. Most certainly It be
hooves us all to treat with the utmost
respect the high office of Judge and our
Judges, as a whole, are brave and up
right men. Respect for the law must go
hand Ik hand with respect for the judges
and, as a whole, It is true now mm In the
past that the Judges stand In character
and service above all other men among
their fellow servants of the public. There
is all the greater need that the few who
fall in this great' office, who fall below
this high standard of integrity*, of wis
dom, of sympathetic understanding and ot
courage, should have their eyes opened
to the needs ot their countrymen.
A judge who on the bench either
truckles to the mob and shrinks from
sternly repressing violence and dis
order, or bows down before a corpor
ation who fails to stand up valiantly
for the rights of property on the one
hand, or on the other by misuse of
the process of Injunction or by his
attitude toward all measures for the
betterment of the conditions of labor,
makes the wageworker .feel with bit
terness that the courts are hostile to
htm or who falls to realize that all
public servants in their several sta
tlons must strive to stop the abuses
of the criminal rich—such a man per
forms an even worse service to the
body politic than the legislator or
executive who goes wrong.
Spirit Is Ethical.
The opponents of the measures we
champion single out now one and now
another measure for especial attack, and
speak as If the movement in which we
are engaged was purely economic. It has
a large economic side, but It Is funda
mentally an ethical movement. It Is. not
a movement to be completed in one year,
or two or three years: It is a movement
which must be persevered In until the
spirit which lies behind It stnks deep Into
the heart and the conscience of the whole
people. It is always 6 Important to
choose the right means to achieve
our purpose, but it Is even more Important
to keep this purpose clearly before us:
and this purpose le to secure national
honesty In business and politics. We do
not subscribe to the cynical belief that
dishonesty and unfair dealing are essen
tial to business success, and are to be
condoned when the success Is moderate
and applauded when the success Is great.
The methods by which the
Standard Oil people and those en
gaged In the other combinations
of which I have spoken above
have achieved great fortunes can
only be justified by the advocacy
of a system of morality which
would also justify every form of
criminality on the part of a labor
union, and every form of vio
lence, corruption, and fraud, from
murder to bribery and ballot box
stuffing in politics.
We are trying to secure equality of op
portunity for all: and the struggle for
honesty is the same whether it is made
on behalf of one set of men or of another.
In the Interest of the small settlers and
.landowners, and against the embittered
opposition of wealthy owners of huge wan
dering flocks of sheep, or of corporations
desiring to rob the people of coal and
timber, we strive to put an end to the
theft of public land in the West. When
we do this, and protest against the action
of all men, whether in public life or In
private life, who either take part in or
refuse fo try to etop such theft, we are
really engaged in the same policy as when
we endeavor to put a stop to rebates or
to prevent the upgrowth of uncontrolled
monopolies. Our effort is simply to en
force the principles of common honesty,
and common sense. It would indeed be
ill for the country should there be any
halt in our work.
Must Have Justice.
The laws must in the future be admin
istered as they are now being' adminis
tered, so that the department of justice
may continue to be, what it now Is, in
very fact the department of justice, where
BO far as our ability permits justice is
meted out with an even hand to great
and small, rich and poor, weak and strong.
Moreover, there should be no delay in
supplementing the laws now on the statute
books by the enactment of further legis
lation as outlined in the message 1 sent
to the congress on its assembling. Under
the existing laws much, very much, has
been actually accomplished during the
past six years, and it has been shown bv
actual experience that they c-in be enforced
against the wealthiest corporation and the
richest and most powerful manager or
manipulator of that corporation, as rigor
ously and fearlessly as against the hum
blest offender. Above all, they have been
enforced against the very wrongdoers and
agents of wrongdoers who have for so
many years gone scot free and flouted the
laws with impunity, against great law
defying corporations of Immense wealth,
which, until within the last half dozen
years, have treated themselves and have
expected others to treat them as being
beyond and above all possible check from
It Is especially necessary to secure to
the representatives of the national gov
ernment full power to deal with the great
corporations engaged in interstate com
merce, and above all, with the great inter
state common carriers. Our people should
clearly recognize that while there are dif
ficulties In any course of conduct to be
followed In dealing with these great cor
porations, these difficulties must be faced,
and one of three courses followed
The first course Is to abandon all effort
to oversee and control their actions in
the Interest of the general public and to
permit a return to the utter lack of con
trol which would obtain if they were left
to the common law. I do not for one
moment believe that our people would
tolerate this position. The extraordinary
growth of modern Industrialism has ren
dered the common law, which grew up
under and was adopted to deal with totally
different conditions, in many respects in
adequate to deal with the new conditions.
These new conditions made it necessary
to shackle cunning as in the past we
have shackled force. The vast Individual
and corporate fortunes, the vast combina
tions of capital, which have marked the
development of our Industrial system,
creat new conditions, and necessitate a
change from the old attitude of the state
and the nation toward the rules regulat
ing the acquisition and untrammeled busi
ness use of property, in order both that
property may be adequately protected.
Jat at the same time those who
hold it may be prevented from wrasc
doing. ..
The second and third courses are to
have the regulation undertaken either by
the nation or by the states. Of course
In any event both tbe national government
ana the several state governments must
do each its part, and each can do a certain
amount that the other cannot do. while
the only really satisfactory results must
De obtained by the renrvaon tatlvoa (if iha
by the representatives
of the
control—are engaged In
whefe the llne of
the two kinds of
line must ultii
the federal cour.
desirable to
SR&l&r&S not
Of their business which is in
the Interstate
buslnsse Mis.
iteiy be,,
Much of the
to. secure sdeauate control of the
wise and effective, but much of it haa
been neither for when the effort'ls madsi%«^
to accomplish by the action of them'stete*'S
what can only be accomplished b^
sption ff the nation, the result can only
be disappointment, ^and in the end the
Jaw will probably.be declared uncohstl
tutlonal. go likewise in the' national
arena, we who believe in the measures
herein advocated arc hampered and no('ev
aided by the extremists who advocate} tg
action so violent that it would either bs*
useless or else would cause more mlschlM .I &
than It would remedy., jJssf1,
can not too strongly be Insisted that
the defenders and apologists of the great
corporations, who -have sought In the
past and still seek to prevent adequaU
action by the federal government to con-„,
trol these great corporations, are not?*
only proving false to the people, but are
laying up a day of wrath for the great
corporations themselves. The nation will
not tolerate an utter lack of control oves
very wealthy men of enormous power in
the industrial, and therefore in the so
cial, lives of all our people, some ol
whom hwe shown themselves cynically
and brutally Indifferent to the Interests
of the people and If the congress does
not act, with good tempered and sensible
but resolute thoroughness, in cutting out
the evils and in providing an effective su
pervision, the result Is certain to be
ft AH AM tlia WO t- A# 4-1% A A
The judgments of the Lord are true and
righteous altogether.'
"With malice toward none: with charity
for all: with firmness In the right, as
God. gives us to see the right, let us
strive on to finish the work we are In
In the work we of this generation are In.
there Is, thanks be to the Almighty, n®
danger of bloodshed and no use for the
sword but there Is grave need of those
stern qualities shown alike by the men
of the north and the men of the south in
the dark days when each valiantly bat
tled for the light as it was given each
to see the light. Their spirit should be
our spirit, as we strive to bring nearer
the day when greed and trickery and cun
ning shall be trampled under feet by those
who fight for thA V?o-ti
alteth a nation.
auiu uo. in aging
to the railroads or other corporations
more often Ineffective from every stand
point, because the federal courts declare
it unconstitutional.
The Panio.
We have Just passed through twe
months of acute financial stress. At anr
such time it is a sad fact that entirely
innocent people suffer from no fault of
their own and everyone must feel the
keenest sympathy for the large body ol
honest business men, of honest investors,
of honest wageworkers, who suffer be
cause involved in a crash for which ther
are In no way responsible. At such a
time there is a natural tendency on tha
part of many men to feel gloomy and
frightened at the,outlook: but there la
no justification for this feeling. There
Is no nation so absolutely sure of ultl
mate success as ours. Of course we shall
succeed. Ours is a riation of masterly
energy, with a continent for Its domain,
and it feels within its veins the thrill
which comes to those who know that
they possess the future. We are not cast
down by the fear of failure. We are up
held by the confident hope of ultimate
triumph. The wrongs that exist are to
be corrected but they In no way justify
doubt as to the final outcome, doubt as
to the great material prosperity of the
future, or of the lofty spiritual life which
is to be built upon that prosperity as a
foundation. No misdeeds done in ths
present must be permitted to shroud from
our eyes the glorious future of the nation:
but because of this very fact it behooves
us never to swerve from our resolute pur
pose to cut out wrongdoing and uphold
what is right.
I do not for a moment believe that
the actions of this administrations
have brought on business distress: so
world-wide causes, and to the ac
t:ons of any particular Individuals,
it is due to the speculative folly and
flagrant dishonesty of a few men of
great wealth, who seek to shield
themselves from the effects of their
own wrongdoing by ascribing Its :r
results to the actions of those who
have sought to put a stop to the
But If It were true that to cut out
rottenness from the body politic
meant a momentary check to an un
healthy seeming prosperity, I should
not for one moment hesitate to nut
the knife to the corruption.
On behalf of all our people, on behalf
no less of the honest man of means than
of the honest man who earns each day's
livelihood by that day's sweat of his
brow, it Is necessary to insist upon
honesty In business and politics alike. In
all walks of life, in big things and in lit
tle things upon just and fair dealing as
between man and man. Those who de
mand this are striving for the right In
the spirit of Abraham Lincoln when he
"Fondly do we hope, fervently do we
pray, that this mighty scourge may
speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that
it continue until all the wealth piled by
the bondsmen's two hundred and fifty
years of unrequited toll shall be sunk,
and until every drop of blood drawn with
the lash shall be paid by another drawn
with the sword, as was said three thous
and years ago, so still It must be said.
Is due to local and not j*
tnnnennaa +V.n 4. a—
Theodore Roosevelt
Atchison Globe Sights. 'V
If a woman's shoes don't hurt he*
corns, she claims they are a size too
The living too often impoverish them
selves to erect monuments over the
Nothing will make a red headed wom
an more angry than to be asked if
she is ready.
After a sick man recovers, and is
again able to eat, the first thing he
wants is sausage.
As a rule a boy doesn't care for a
rocking chair unless his sister happens
to be occupying one.
What has become of that article for
merly found In every kitchen, a bas
ket for holding chips.
Whenever a railroad man builds
house, people expect to hear of his b*
ing transferred to another town.
Those persons who have a "piece"
they want printed in the papers should
have a care a citizen who has been
quite persistent in this respect of lateu
was lately declared insane.
A thousand years after' you are dead
there will be the same old things to
worry about too much rain, or not
enough financial flurries, intemperance
in eating and drinking, unfaithful
friends, etc. If you are able to over
come worries over the ordinary things
of life. It is a sign that you have sua
quired a litle sense. If you "go ttt
pieces" over nothing, it is a sign yon
have learned nothing.
They Said It Was Awful.
Novelist—Did you ever write a tra#
thought It was at first, but
from what the managers said I con
cluded It was a farce.

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