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The Labor herald. (Richmond, Va.) 1885-18??, March 13, 1886, Image 1

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"VOL. 1.-2STO. 28.
Hark 1 Freedom and progress resounding
Throughout this, our glorious laud;
Serene floats the star spangled banner
Wafted by liberty's band.
Man valiantly fights {or his freedom.
And nobly he eaineth lug right,
The power of tyrants is broken,
" Equality " gleams on yon height.
" Equal "is liberty's watchword.
Equal must every one be ;
In this our cradle of freedom.
The land of the brave and the free.
Our brothers, those darker in color,
Fmso,9x were trccA,
And man of alt clime:; and all nations
Have wished us a hearty "God speed."
Yes, the negro was freed. Oh ! how proudly
Floats liberty's flag to the breeze.
And the anthems of praise and rejoicing
Has reached us from over the seas.
By a noble and strenuous effort,
A struggle, 'twas rather severe ;
The stigma of bondage was taken
Away from our couutry, so dear!
But hark ! do I hear midst this tumult
Of rejoicing, o'er liberty gained
Not the cry of distress close beside me.
As if some one there be still enchained ?
Yes. listen, Oh! listen my brother.
Again and again comes the wail
Of misery, wrong and oppression,
Oh ! hark ! to the sorrowful tale !
While fighting for freedom, for grandeur,
While being absorbed in the scheme
To throw off the yoke of your tyrants,
You lost sight of a weightier theme.
Your sister, the woman, wears shackles,
Her bondage is dreadfully drear
To her, you, the Lord of creation,
Are a master most cold and severe.
You refuse, though liberty of prating.
To acknowledge the rights of a wife;
Though drinking the nectar of freedom,
You embitter with serfdom, her life.
You refuse her the right to her person,
You lower yourself to the brute,
Yet think her forever below you
And bid her be loving, but mute.
You embrace her, Oh! what a derision !
Whenever your passion is roused,
Without the first thought of enjoyment
For her, you so eager espoused.
How oft do you kill, kill by inches.
A helpmate internally weak;
And place her on pillows of torture,
By your brujisii, unnatural freak ?
If your wife should be sickly and feeble,
Ste needs ally3«J=*»inderest care ;
Oh why! Oh why! will you burden
Her lot with such pain, such despair?
Why wishing and striving for offspring,
Why cruelly wronging a wife.
Are repulsion, disease and exhaustion
Productive of vigorous life?
Why will you send into existence,
A being deceased and depraved ?
Remember the offspring may curse you
For the act you so eagerly craved
The cry of despair goes from millions
Of mothers, lamenting their lot;
No comfort,.-no joy are the children
In distress and abhorrence begot.
You champions remember while fighting
For freedom of body and mind,
To liberate women from thraldom,
Would you serve to advantage mankind.
Be consistent while vowing dire vengeance
Against depots of church and of State,
Kememoer a harsh, brutish husband
In justice deserves the same fate.
Labor Journal. \
At dinner time Ruth came out of the j
factory and sat upon a stone step in
the atone yard with her lunch basket
It had been her custom to sit in the
midst of the other girls, the merriest \
of them all, at this time, but now
she wanted to get by herself. She j
wanted to think as we generally do i
when thought is most a pain to us, and
she was in that condition of mind when
we could almost fancy ourselves to have
a dual identity. One Ruth Rawdon'
seemed to hold an argument with an- j
other Ruth Rawdon it this wise: The |
first was the old Ruth she had known
for nineteen years—her mother's obe
dient daughter, the good Sunday-school
scholar, the steady, sensible little Ruth
to whom duty was before everything
else. That Rath talked in this way:
" I am engaged to Charles Arthur.
lam very fond of him. I ought to be;
he is so good, so fond of me. We have
been promised in marriage a long
while. I have been so sorry for him
since he met with that accident through
which my mother and I nursed him.
Now that he has the engineer's place in
the tacfeory, we need wait no longer. I
ought to be very glad. lam glad. I
shall not work in the mill after that I
shall keep his bouse for him. Every
body respects him, everybody likes him;
I shall be proud of him. What is this
strange, wicked feeling at my heart?
What does it mean ' "
The other Ruth—a new Ruth—
seemed to say this:
"I engaged myself to Charles Arthur
before I knew my own mind. I never
really loved him | he is very much older
than 11 he has a jealous disposition.
The pity I feel for his hurt does not
keep me from knowing that it dis
figures him. I have met the man I
love; I cannot help loving him. I know
I shall be miserable if I do not I
wont stick, to my engagement: I will
break it I love Ben. Barton, and he
loves me."
Which was the real Ruth T The poor
I girl did not know. She felt as though
she must really be going quite out of
her mind.
Meanwhile, at the window of his
room, the engineer sat moodily, his face
dark with trouble.
He ought to have been happy, it
seemed. When, three years before, he
had lost a good position through what
was called " carelessness," he Lad never
I *
hoped to get another so go< id. He had
lamed himself for life, v d had been
haunted for a long wbiJFby Ifeep re-1
Something had happeaed that had
absorbed his whole attrition, and he
' had forgotten his engine, and the re
1 suit was a terrible one.
He had retrieved his chi racter, how
ever. He had a good position again.
He was about to be maried to the
prettiest girl he knew, anc there were
many who thought him a *cry enviable
\ fellow.
On the contrary he was very wretched,
for he had just made sur< that Ruth
cared more Ben. Barton than she did
for him, and he was fnriovs with jeal- !
ousy. He had made up his mind to
talk to Ruth that noontime, but the as
sistant engineer had been :aken ill and
was at home, and the engfce could not
be deserted. All he couH do was to
get near the window and watch, hoping
that she would pass. If she should!
come that way on purpose, knowing >
that he was tied in that norn by his j
; duty, and look up at hin and smile,
then he would know she cired for him !
I still. Where was she I Talking toj
I Ben. Barton, perhaps; aid, at this
thought, he could have killed the young
Before his accident he could have
dared to run down into tie yard and
look for her, catch a kiss, md be back
again; but it would take too long now.
His mind went back to tie day when
|he had forgotten his engine in the
wrath he felt for a fancied insult
" What a fool I was!'' ie muttered.
" What a confounded foo ! But I've i
paid for it. I used to be (he strongest
fellow I knew, if I was rot the hand
somest How can I expett a girl to
I like me now T"
Then a memory came to him.
Once she had teld dim she loved him
all the better for his hurt. She meant
it, too, but she had not seen this Ben.
Barton when she said it
The big dark man, with his face all
blackened with his toil in his rough
clothes, and with the light of the fur
nace on his face, might have been taken
by a romantic stranger, peeping into
j the engine-room, for something almost
demoniac, at that moment, but his
■ heart was softening very much. He
remembered the soft touch of Ruth's
fingers on his brow when he was ill—
her cooing voice. " She can't be a false ;
thing," he said, and he left his window
and went to the other side of the room, |
and peeped through a crack in the
boards. Thence he could see the court
yard and stone steps, and there sat Ruth
alone, eating her dinner out of her little
basket—alone, waiting for him, perhaps.
| All that was tender in the man thrilled
within him now.
" Rutby," he said, softly smiling un
seen upon her. He whistled, but the
sound did reach her. " Little Ruthy,"
;he repeated, " I am a jealous beast
■ I've frightened you. Why shouldn't
| you have a dance now and then, child?
Why shouldn't you know yon are pret
Ity ? I could beat myself."
" Lots of steam on," said a workman,
passing by the engine-room. " But I
| suppose the fellow knows what he's
I scarcely think the fellow did at this
, moment; for he had just seen Ben.
I Barton run down the steps and come
j behind Ruth very softly, and touch her
!on the cheek with a str£khe held in
his band. v
She started and turned, and laughed
" Was she waiting for him ? " asked
the engineer, his face darkening again.
J " was she waiting for him t *
Ruth had laughed, but her face grew
! grave again—grave, but very sweet;
the conflict between conscience and in
clination was over. She had made a
decision. She looked at Ben. as he sat
down behind her and thought how
handsome he was. But she remem- j
bered that same moment that the mem-1
ory of which had come into Charles
Arthur's heart and softened it just
now. She had put her arms about his
neck and told him she loved him bet
ter for bis hurt, and she had meant it
' from her soul.
It came to her that this new emo-!
; tion was, perhaps, a fleeting passion ;
1 that the long, oldtime home tenderness '
was all Arthur's, and she listened to
what Ben. Barton said very quietJy.
" I've been looking for you, Ruth,'' j
Ihe said. " I have something I want to ■
j tell you. I can't rest until you know
lit I like you so much I want you to
| like me. I—want you to be my wife,
imy dear. Will you ? "
Ruth's heart gave one great leap.
Then, to her joy, she felt that it was
true to its love, after all. The words
came to her:
»I " Oh! Ido like you, Mr. Baton,
I very much, but only as a friend. lam
r engaged to be married, and, of worse,
11 1 could not like any one else in any
f j other way."
The blood rushed into the y»ung
i man's face.
11 "I can't say you have acted nuch
like an engaged girl," he said.
>l "WelL perhaps I've been wrtag,"
i said Ruth, mildly, feeling the repr ach
; a just one, " but I thought every one
• ; knew. It is Charles Arthur. Weare
[; to be married very soon now. Wive
i been engaged ever since I was
He is very fond of me."
"TBifl no reason you should marry j
him, if you like me best" said Ben.;'
" and, really, I can't see, since it is j
Charles Arthur, why you shouldn't; he ■
is about the last person I should fancy i
a girl could like."
" You see," said Ruth, " people can't j
■ tell about that." And she had scarcely ;
i ever felt so lovingly to her betrothed
husband before.
Little he knew it as he watched her
through the crevice in the boards, his
: face growing crimson wich wrath ; all
; forgotten but the sight he saw. He |
i could not hear what Ruth said, and the
1 attitude of the young man was very;
j lover-like.
The engine was throbbing like a mad j
[ thing, like his own heart. A shrewd
I little boy, with all a little boy's observ
j ing power, paused at the door, feeling
I that something was wrong.
"There'll be a bust up," he said.
■ Then he called: "Mister! Mister!"
i and at last went in and pulled him by
j the coat. But the engineer was an en
' gineer no longer—only a jealous lover.
Furious to be spied upon, he turned
I and gave the boy a kick.
Meanwhile Ben. had arisen.
" Well, I'm not one to stand in an
other fellow's way," be said. " Good
bye, Ruth. I shan't see you again very
soon, I suppose, and I've liked you a
good deal. Will you let me have one
kiss; just one, you know, to say it is
over ! " I think there can be no harm
in that," said Ruth.
Charles Arthur's eye was at the cre
vice again just in time to see that kiss.
"I'm right! He's got her!" he
And then—what MijMi
the beating pulse, that shook the build
ing 1 He turned. —a memory of that
past scene of horror and destruction
rushing over him.
"Again! again ! again ! " he shrieked, j
and flew to his engine. It was too.
What had happened ? Ruth did not j
know. Bewildered, shaken horrified,
she stood amongst fallen beams and
burning boards, and found herself un
Ben. held her tight. Neither were
injured, but at their feet cast there, as
it seemed, through the broken wall, lay
\ a dead man—torn, mutilated, terrible
| to see, with thatjook of horror frozen
lon his face; but she knew him.
The engineer was the only man
i killed by that explosion, though others
escaped only as it seemed by a miracle.
At the inquest the boy who had called I
him gave his evidence.
" I saw something was goin' to bust,
and I called to him, but he was peekin'
through a crack. I peeked too—he
was watchin' another feller kiss his gal.
I guess that made him so mad he didn't j
! care what bust."
It was the week after Charles Ar-!
thur's funeral that Ben. Barton met i
Ruth Rawdon near her father's house,
and went up to her and held out his
Ruth did not take it. She turned
"I could not touch your hand," she
said. " I hate you. Never, never speak
to me again. Oh! my Charley—my j
Jump On Board Or Get Left.
The question of capital and labor and
the proper relations between them is
rapidly nearing a settlement in this
country. More intelligent views are
held by the people concerning this ques
tion than ever before. The mighty
! power of the press has acted as a tre
mendous educator upon this all-impor
tant matter. The people are pretty
thoroughly informed about it; they
; know where they stand on it; and there
jis no doubt that, at the proper time,
j they will act forcibly and intelligently
{ upon the labor question and all matters
> pertaining to it There has been a
i mighty revolution in public sentiment
j concerning labor matters in the past
: few years. The masses are better in
formed of their rights, and their wrongs
1 are more keenly felt than ever before.
- They also evince more courage and
i greater determination to assert and
maintain their rights and to compel a
redress of their wrongs. The car of
; progress is rolling on. People who de
sire to ride had better mount the
! vehicle at once; while the fossils, old
' fogies and bloated capitalists had bet
ter hustle out of the way of the car, or
they will get run over and trampled in
1 the mud. Jump aboard, boys; on we
| go.— Ex.
Properly Paid Labor is Not Riotous.
The New York Star, in commenting
on the cause of last week's London riot,
hits the nail squarely on the head when
it says : " Industry is seldom riotous;
never when properly paid " Give the
laboring class plenty of work at fair
compensation and there will never be
any riots. "An idle brain is the devil's
workshop," and when the laborer coraee
face to face with enforced idleness, and '
his dependent ones lacking the neeea-'
saries of life, it is but natural that be I
should revolt against the condition of
p-things that make him
tear down and, duetroy the wealt* of«
j property accumulated by others, by
which very process of accumulation he
| has been deprived of a fair sustenance.
I Tbd immense fortunes, piled up in a I
! few years by the favored few, and the j
: pinched and abject poverty of the la-;
j boring class, go to show the unfair di
i vision of the legitimate profits of labor. :
Capitalistic corporations have, and avail
themselves of, every facility to combine
in putting up and sustaining the prices
of goods manufactured and produced
under their direction by the toiling
I masses, and necessarily consumed to a
; large extent by the same class, and yet
■ deny the workingmen the right to any
; voice in saying what compensation he
| shall have for services in such produc
tion. There is but one way to remedy:
the evil. Workingmen, too, must unite '
—discarding past party affiliation, end :
I joining in one great laboringmen's par
ty, demand through the quiet and
peaceable voice of the ballot, laws ex
acted that shall tend to lighten their ■
burdens and give them an equitable
share of the profits arising from honest!
toil.— ljabor Union.
Already Out-Numbering Half the Armies
of Europe.
While I am not a member of the Or
der of the Knights of Labor, I am in
full sympathy with the organization,
and have for years anxiously looked for
ward to the time when the influence of
labor which forms the ground work of
all material growth in our government,
could be exalted in such a degree AgjQj.
enable the laboring classes of the (
United States to not only assert their.,
rights, but maintain them. That period!
in our history seems to have arrived, j
The past history of our government,
and especially that period of it em-'
braced within the past twenty years,
has been most prolific in causes which |
must, sooner or later, culminate in a!
grand conflict between labor and cap-i
tal. I will not now attempt to point to
them in the order in which they htve
made their appearance, but will simply
say that during the period maintained,
the legislation of our country has beenj
such that the rich have become richer,
and the poor have become poorer. In
other words, we have witnessed a sys
tem of class legislation in favor of tin
few against the rights of the many.]
Under this system of legislation and
official corruption, vast monopolies
have grown up in our governm«nt,
which at times seemed more powei fill
than the government itself. It is hot
strange that under such a condition of
things, that the rich should become ap
pressive and disregard the righti of !
the poor and less favored classes] I
have witnessed with much concern |dv- I
ring the past few years the growing
disposition on the part of capitalists to
heap burdens upon the laborers, and
often wished that I was in a position
where I might point to some tangible
way out of the iron hand of the robber,
and right here I must admit that during
this long period of bondage no peopl.
on earth have borne oppression mor*
submissively than the laboring classed
of the United States. It has only been
here and there that the laboring man,
like the bruised adder, would turn.
strike at the foot of the enemy which
trod upon him, but unfortunately ior
such, like the adder their heads wise
soon crushed.
Durißg this period resistance was
madness, because it was a contrast be
tween organized capital and individual
labor. The contrast which went on for
years was an equal one. The laboring I
classes were divided in their own rudks. i
some seeking redress in one way and \
some in others, and thus repeated fail
ures on the part of the laboringman;
! was the result. But happily for the
oppressed workingman, the Knights of i
Labor, which Order you are so ably \
representing, was organized upon
principles so broad and so just, that all
the laboringmen in the country can
stand upon it. The growth of the Or
der has been rapid since its organiza
tion, until to-day its numbers are
greater than half the armies of Europe,
and its influence more potent than the
combined wealth of all the monopolists
in the nation.
Fortunately for your Order, its mis
sion is a peaceful one, and its victories
are gained without the shedding of
blood. Doubtless at the inception of
the organization the money kings, sit
ting behind their money bags, laughed
at what they mistook as another foolish
effort on the part of the laboring men
i to break their chains, but such is not
the case to-day, for while they are yet
fortified behind their money bags, they
do so with fear and trembling, for they
hear in the distance the deep mutter
ings of thunder, and even now, can see
the dark border of the storm-cloud,
i which will soon burst in its fury and
shatter the walls of the citadels of their
Let the Knights of Labor be just in
j their demands, and the great heart of
I the American people will be with them
jin all their conflicts whether it be with
Steamship Line, aided ;by
merchants wh* are rßrfe^ftf""
pathy with her wharf monopoly or with
the giant kings, whose iron bands ex
terd from the Atlantic ocean to the
| golden shores of the Pacific
Mr. Editor, so long as your Order
i adheres to the principles upon which it
was founded, and you exclude from
; your ranks the office hunter, as well as
the Socialist, you will have a union of
hearts and a union of hands and march
ing on, shoulder to shoulder, you will
become as invincible as the old guard
of Napoleon. But when I say the Or
der should shun the office hunter, I do
not mean to say that the Order should
take no part in politics. It is not only
the privilege, but a duty which every
American citizen owes to his country
and to his fellow-man, that he be dili-
I gent as well as conscientious in the
j discharge of his right to take part in
the selections of public servants.
I am glad to see the merchants of
Fort Worth as well as other interior
cities co-operating with the Order in
i your efforts to enforce what seems to
ibe a just demand against the Mallory
■ Steamship Company at Galveston, and
trust that you may ultimately bring
i them to deal justly with the Order.
Fearing that I have already made my
letter too long, I will close.— Labor
What is asked for by the workingmen
of the present day and what we believe
to be their rights, is that they shall find
steady employment, that the time of
such labor shall be limited to eight
hours per day, and that for such employ
ment they receive a just proportion of
the profits accruing from such labor or
»n_arnount_ at least sufficient, for the
comfortable maintenance of themselves
and families. This being the case the
question arises, what are the safest and
most certain means to attain that end ?
We believe them to be as follows; first)
unanimity of action among the work
ingmen as to the object in view; second,
care in the selection of representatives
to present that object in a calm yet
forcible manner upon the attention of
the several legislative bodies, to the end
that necessary laws be enacted; third,
when such laws are enacted we maj- re
ceive the hearty co-operation of .the
public in their enforcement. Of 'the
first, unanimity of action, much has
been accomplished by the formation of
the many trade organizations and jthe
establishment of newspapers devoted
to these interests throughout the cam
try. Both of these under proper i are
will increase in strength and usefulness
■ill in the end they become a paper
capable of removing all obstacles Tom
the path of progress. To this end they
3hould both receive the hearty individ
ual support of all interested in the la
bor reform movement In regard to
the second, namely the selection of leg
islative representatives, little of impor
tance has been accomplished. True,
we have elected men from both political
parties, who, before election posed as
would-be champions of the workingmen,
but whose later acts convinced us that
personal advancement was their prin
cipal aim, that while in some instances
their honesty of purpose was proven
even then the party lash was generally
applied to bring them back to party
fealty. There may have been some ex
ceptions to this rule, possibly, Burnett
and Haley, from Cuyahoga.
from Stark, and one or two from other
districts, but they have been almost
powerless to grapple with the situation
in the face of so powerful an opposition.
What we need and must have is legis
lators of our own, who will go solely
for the purpose of enacting laws in be
half of labor, and leaving all other con
siderations behind, labor earnestly and
entirely to that end. When you have
found men willing to pledge themselves
to this purpose, and whose career in
the past has been such as to warrant
you in placing faith in their word, unite
in electing them, not as the member of
any political party, but purely as a la
bor representative. As to the third
question, the winning of populor sen
timent to our views, but little more can
be said at present, than this, that laws
are oftimes inoperative and void from
lack of moral support in enforcing them,
and support is rarely bestowed and
never long continued upon a lawless
and riotous character. That strikes
should be resorted to only as an extreme
measure, and that all mobs and riots be
summarily suppressed by the working
classes themselves, that all inciters and
abettors of such be denied admittance
at our meeting and that our general
behavior, in times of differences with
our employers, be such as shall win us
the esteem of all law-abiding citizens.
13, 1886.
Arbitration Instead of Strikes.
The principle of arbitration is now
generally recognized in all civilized :
' countries, as the true method of set- '
i tling disputes. That principle adopted
; and carried out between England and
the United States prevented war be
tween the two countries and saved mil
lions of money and much bloodshed.
, The same principle applied with regard
to the Canadian fisheries resulted in
I like good. And every true patriot looks
hwd to the day when war shall be
| driven from the earth and peaceable
arbitration will be resorted to in order y
; to"settie all difficulties between peoples n
i and nations. If this principle is good.
! for the government of nations, it must j '
ibe equally good for the government of
; individual disputes. We are glad to
i see this principle resorted to so univer- '
sally in settling disputes between labor
and capital. For many years in this
country capital has not recognized the .
right of labor to appeal from the de
mands of capital. Corporations have
claimed the right to employ labor at
their own price, regardless of whether
it was a just remuneration for the labor
performed or not. But it is coming to
be generally recognized that labor has ;
rights as well as capital, and that the
community, the State and the nation ;
are interested in both classes, the la
borer as well as the capitalist. Strikes
in the past have cost this country many
millions of dollars, both in loss of labor
and in damage to capital, and every dol
lar lost in either way is so much taken ■
from the wealth of the country. This \
interests not only those who are immedi- j
ately concerned but the whole people,
and men in every department of busi-!
ness *cd life are seeking to avoid this \
loss. Arbitration seems to be the only !
menus. When labor is dissatisfied, let j
it go in a peaceable way to the employer j
and state the grievances; if they cannot
come to an understanding, leave the
matter to disinterested parties and
then let each party abide the decision.
Is not this true justice ! Let not the
men be idle nor the wheels of industry ;
stop. In this way prosperity will con- j
tinue, and a better feeling will exist be
tween capital and labor. Wherever this [
has been resorted to as a means of set-!
cling disputes, much good has come outl
iOi lb UJ JJtsl ]~
I labor insist upon this in all cases of
disputes and the people will soon re
cognize the justice of their demands and
public sentiments will enforce the prin
ciple. — Budget.
Organized Labor Coming to the Front. !
There has perhaps never been a time !
in the history of this country when capi- j
t<il has felt the power of organized la
bor as it does to-day. There is a dis-;
position manifesting itself everywhere
to look at labor in a different light, and
to recognize the fact that those who j
produce the wealth of the world by j
honest toil are entitled to a fair divis- i
ion of the profits. This is a hard les-!
son for capitalists to learn and they
j only learn it now by force of circum-
I stances. It is true that while they
j recognize the fact to day, they will be :
ready if opportunity offers to put the i
heel of power and oppression again up-1
on the laborer, and it behooves the
laborer to keep a watchful eye and
guard every point that is subject to \
attack from those who would gladly I
see their power destroyed. There is :
an undoubtedly strong feeling among j
the people generally, those who would
; not be classed as either capitalists or
i laborers, that the laborer has not been
| justly treated, and that the tendency in '
this country to bring the control of
capital into the hands of the few is not
calculated to perpetuate the freedom
Iso dearly bought, and so fully recog
nized in the past. But the feeling is
also strong in the minds of the people
111 general that the only way to bring
i about a reform that will be permanent ',
IUB by quiet, persistent organization anrL,
agitation. They deprecate strikes and
, mob violence, and while their sympa
thies are with the laborer they will not
tolerate any disposition to interfere
with the business of the country. We
believe that labor is on the road to
. success in this country, and that the
! Knights of Labor, an organization that
I reaches perhaps more classes of labor
i ers than any other, will eventually win
i a victory for labor such as this country
i has never seen. All reforms are slow,
; yet justice will always prevail. Let
i working men and women everywhere
'be patient, do the best they can where
they are, but keep their claims before
[ the people, remembering that capital
is a mighty power and will not yield
i without a struggle. A long pull, a
i strong pull and a pull together will
i accomplish wonders.
I. Boycotting.
i The action of the Knights of Labor
iof Richmond in boycotting a rat estab
i lishment in that city, seems to have
I created a commotion in the capital of
| the State. A public meeting was held
[ last week to consider the question mi
i volved, at which any amount of palaver
i was poured out on the mechanics and
i laboring men from lips unused to the
i melting mood, on ordinary occasions,
when the laboring man was concerned.
Some of the speakers asserted that
"bojeotting" was in violation of law,
and others that it was calculated to ',
distarb society and array capital against i
lab**, &c. It cannot be denied that
the' labor element of this State is its I
mo'.t conservative factor. It has been
so (ocile and non-resisting that it has
simply been permitted to follow the !
dic.ates of political demagogues and!
to Jo their bidding, or to be itself boy-!
cotted. Neither can it be truthfully
denied that the Democratic party has ;
pursue' 1 a system of boycotting in the
.. c the war. \t has com-,
Relied iAort".g u.Jjfyk> vote for the'
ticket it has put up, or be deprived ofi
the means of making a living for their
families. Farm hands have been noti
fied that if they did not vote as their
employers voted they would have to
hunt for other homes, and mechanics
have been notified that if they dared
to vote against the Democratic party
they would be refused work at their
trades. In whatever avenues of busi j
ness Republicans have engaged, they
been unmercifully boycotted because of
their political opinions. We recognize ;
in the movement of the Knights of
Labor and the Typographical Union of >
Richmond a protest against the petty :
despotism which has been practiced in :
the State by the Democratic party, and [
believe it but an advance step in the
direction of laboring men of all classes
asserting their manhood and indepen ;
dence of political marplots, who stop
at nothing to accomplish party ends. If \
political rings are formed to compel \
men to vote against their convictions \
on penalty of being deprived of em-!
ployment or patronage in the business
in which they are engaged, it is per
fectly legitimate for laboring men to ;
unite to protect themselves. It is an
awakening sense of individual right of
self-respect and manhood independence.
By uniting they can defy the political t
despots who conspire to force men to !
vote against their convictions and their
interest, under the threat of being I
boycotted in their business, whether as |
common laborers or mechanics. There !
is not a town or county in the State
where this system of boycotting has
not been enforced The threat has
j been made in this town to men engaged
jr uginess and men dependent upon |
tßKr*daily labor that if they voted the I
Republican or temperance ticket they
would be boycotted, and the threat has
been carried into execution on more
occasions than one. Labor must re
spect itself, manifest its manhood, if it
desires to be respected. It should
turn a deaf ear to the plaints of politi
cal demagogues, evoked by fear of the i
crushing of the party machinery, and '
not from any concern for either the
mechanic or the laborer or society.!
They know that the party rings are \
held together by the tyranny they!
practice, and that they cannot exist I
where they are resisted by well-ordered
combinations. Hence the fears because
of the strength and will shown by the i
i Knights of Labor. We should like to j
see an Assembly in every town in the ;
Sta;e, and for the mechanics and labor- j
ing men of the State to make it known
that they have rights, both political
'•■ and social, which they will defend and
mahtain, let the hurt fall where it may.'
Y'ho in this city that has opposed
the party machine and the rings who
j has not been either directly or indi
rectly approached with a threat, either
opealy made or insinuated, affecting
his . business ? What mechanic here
has not felt the fierce persecution of,
; this influence who has had independence
'to disregard its behests / And doubt
lesF it has been the same in Richmond,
am to this cause may be traced the
revolt which is shown in the action of
the Knights of Labor. We hope to i
see *Jie time when society will be so j
' well ordered, and the sense of justice |
: and tolerance so prevalent that every |
! man can openly proclaim his opinions \
-emphasis at the ballot !
box, without inviting upon his head
the wrath of the rings, and the shafts
of persecution, because he elects to be
a man.— Valley Virginian.
The Eight-Hour Movement.
The movement in favor of an eight
bomv standard workday is already in
full speed at most all industrial centers.
Slowly, but sure, it is carried over to
the workingmen at smaller cities and
towns, where the interest in this move
ment is not so plainly shown as in
larger places of industry. Most all
intelligent wageworkers of the country
are well aware of the fact that the
shortening of the workday means vir
tually an increase of wages. Even
from the side of bossism, it is under
stood and uneasily felt that this move
ment has already become irresistable.
Bosses endeavor to lead it into obnox
ious roads, as a cigar manufacturer is
trying to do in John Steinton's J'aper
of New York city. After assuring the
workingmen of his sympathy and well
wishes, he wants to show that the sud
den shortening of the workday of two
hours would be at a great loss to capi
tal as well as labor. Thousands of
employers would not be able to stand
the expenses for such an increased
want of help and would therefore fight
this measure to the utmost. Conse
quently there follow a great
many strikes, which will bring misery
to all concerned and would also result
in an industrial and social panic and
would form a far worse state of pro
duction, as there is to day, thus pre
venting the workingmen to better their
condition as a class. To keep off such
a catastrophe, he proposes to shorten
the workday by degrees. From the
first of May one-quarter of an hour
per day, six r-ortfhs thereafter again
Mother- quarte>r«f till after
four years, the eight-hour day would
be accomplished. Whoever has the
least knowledge of social economy can
see at once that this well-wisher to the
workmen has motives which are not
honest Should the standard workday
be fixed in that manner, as this Shylock
proposes, it would not in the least be
a benefit to the working class; con
trary it would, through establisment
of practical steam work and improve
ments of machinery, enable the bosses
to produce the same quantity of goods
with the same number of hands, as he
does to-day; the enormous number of
idlers, which we want to do away with,
would not be decreased and wages
would consequently be kept down as
low as now. Should the eight-hour sys
tem become a practical and periodical
success it must in all ways be accom
plished in a sudden and energetic
manner. We dare in no way allow the
capitalists time enough to improve
their machinery and so enable them to
produce the same quantity of goods in
eight hours as they did before in ten.
No, we must under all circumstances
introduce this measure at once, so as
the boss is forced to cover this lapse
by engaging more help. In this man
ner there would be a market for labor
and the enormous number of idlers
would be decreasing. These, formerly
tramps, would be found working in
factory, field and farm and the compe
tition of labor would be little enough
to be harmless, if not at all abolished.
An increase of wages would certainly
soon follow, especially if the workmen
are thoroughly and well organized.
Through such an increased number of
of consumers would also enlarge itself,
thus bringing a solid condition of
business in general. We all know
that the money-earning wageworker
has always been the largest consumer.
But, let this always be looked upon:
"The labor movement shall and must
become a success to the end." The
shortening of two hours of the work
day can only bring relief for a certain
time. After some years the improve
ment of machinery and establishment
of practical steam work will create snch
a speedy production that it will again
become a necessity to shorten the
hours of labor. Look at England and
Switzerland! Inspectors of factories
there show us that only a few years
hence of the establishment of the ten
and eleven hour system the same quan
tity of work was accomplished as hith
erto in twelve and thirteen hours.
This shows, evidently, that only a sud
den action in regard to the eight-hour
movement will bring direct and imme
diate relief.
Although there are a great many yet
who are in doubt that the shortening
of work hours will bring an increase
of wages.
When trades unions comprise the
majority of mechanics, when mechanics
have obtained all necessary schooling
and knowledge of their trades in their
respective |unions that enable [them to
make production co-operative among
themselves, when the labor party once
is controlling government, then it will
no longer need the shortening of work
days to better the condition of labor.
Evils will be rooted out radically, if
such should appear. But for to-day,
let us welcome heartily the introduc
tion of the eight-hour workday.—Syra
cuse Laborer.
Sixty Silver Speeches.
A universal groan of horror goes up
all over the length and breadth of the
land at the announcement that there
are sixty members of congress waiting
to be heard upon the silver question.
Sixty speeches! And sixty speeches
upon a question as clear as day and
which could be settled precisely as
well without controversy or debate.
When these sixty speeches shall have
all been delivered, and when more than
sixty more members shall have ob
tained "leave to print" their views on
the question in the Congressional
Record, will the House of Representa
tives be any better able to "come to a
decision on this momentous question T
It is to be feared not, for the matter is
one that is not likely to be settled on
its merits, but upon selfish grounds, as
interest seems to dictate. Such a
question is not helped much by debate.
However, we are getting to be pretty
well used to this continual flood of talk
at Washington. And after all, it serves
a good purpose. When congress is
talking we can at least congratulate
ourselves that it is doing nothing
worse.— yews-Letter.

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