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The Labor herald. (Richmond, Va.) 1885-18??, April 17, 1886, Image 1

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■VOL. 1.-2 TO. 33.
By band of wealth oppressed ;
Those who are sick and far from borne
And all who are distressed.
We organize to firmer stand
I'pon our platform high ;
That weary eves may on it gaze
And boastful wealth defy.
We organize that we may live
Upon this God-made earth;
That wealth may own the power we wield
And recognize our worth.
We organize to take oar part
In all the affairs of life;
And mean to conquer when we can
tl>i its event/ul -*>->'•.
S_ orj£*oiz«> that wealth shall not
in costly mansions live,
And fatten on the price of toil
That we them must give.
We organize that wealth no more
Shall rich and poor divide ;
That all in harmony may live
And labor side by side.
We organize that they no more
.Shall at our efforts sneer;
But know that life and pleasant things
To us as to them are dear.
We organize to make us strong.
The golden calf to slay,
To which so many knees how down
And homage to it pay.
We organize to overthrow
The temple wealth lias made :
And we will never cease to work
"Till at our feet 'tis laid.
Toiler.
MY PUNISHMENT FOR PRYING.
BY JUDGE CLARKE.
There was no formal engagement be
tween Kate Morlake and me. Though
we had known each other a long time,
and though I thought sometimes she
liked me, and though liking would be
a faint word to express my own feelings
in the case, and though we had got so
far along that I called her Kate, in
stead of Miss Morlake, and she called
me Ned, in place of Mr. Jarman, things
seemed to come to a stop there.
More than once, when I looked into
her deep blue eyes, so fnll of truth and
tenderness, I felt impelled to make an
open declaration of my sentiments, and
take whatever answer came with what
philosophy I might But there wao, in
those same bright eyes, a lurking look
of mischief that made me hesitate. The
_, chances were about even that my im
passioned speech would be met with
one of Kate's ringing silvery laughs
and some such answer as:
" Please don't be silly, Ned."
I didn't dare to risk it, and so held
my peace.
One day I resolved to play the cow
ard no longer, but to speak out like a
man. I was just beginning, and Kate,
I fancied, looked as if she was going
to listen seriously ; but in the middle
of the very first word, in bolted a
young friend of hers, to full of news
and gossip, who, without a word of
preface, began to unpack her budget.
All was over, I saw, for that time,
and I took up my hat to leave.
" I go to-morrow," said Kate, as we
parted at the door, "to spend a week
with Aunt Hathaway and cousin Flora
Denning. Should you chance that way
—they say there's good fishing in the
neighborhood—you mustn't fail to
call."
That I would chance that way—be
the fishing good or bad—was from that
moment a settled fact. Indeed, the
very next day but one found me in
Aunt Hathaway's parlor, duly intro
duced to that stately lady and her niece
and Kate's cousin, Miss Flora Den
ning, a very lovely girl, about Kate's
age, and almost as handsome.
I would have given anything for a
few words with Kate alone. I was
burning to renew the conversation
which had been so untimely inter
rupted. But it was soon manifest there
would be no opportunity. Aunt Hath
away never for a moment left the room,
and it was quite clear she didn't intend
to, while my visit lasted. Kate went
to a side table and wrote a note, which
she sealed and directed, and placed in
my hand when I rose to go.
" Be kind enough, on your return, to
deliver this," she said ; " it's an impor
tant message to a friend of mine."
Then she gave a glance in Aunt
Hathaway's direction which plainly in
timated that that lady's presence pre
vented fuller explanation.
I hoped that Kate, according to her
custom, would at least see me to the
door; but Aunt Hathaway assumed
that office, and dismissed me with po
lite formality.
I was curious to know to whom
Kate's "important message" was ad
dressed, and as I was to deliver it, I
might as well look and see.
I took the letter from my pocket. It
was in a dainty white envelope, such
as young ladies use to enclose their
enchanting little missives in, and had
a decidedly coquettish look. But a
glance at the superscription gave me a
painful start. The name was that of
Mordaunt Kenneth, just the last I
could have wished to see there!
Mordaunt and I were old friends;
but of late, he had been far too atten
tive to Kate Morlake for my comfort.
THE LABOR HERALD.
■ —— ——
OFFICIAL ORGAN OF DISTRICT ASSEMBLY, No. 84, KNIGHTS OF LABOR.
On several of my recent visits to her, I
found him there before me, and more
than once my coming seemed to be an
interruption.
As I turned the letter over, I ob
served that the envelope was open.
Kate had either forgotten. to moisten
the mucilage, or had insecurely closed
the fold.
The thought of reading a private
message intended for another, in my
calmer moments, would have been ab
horrent to every instinct of my nature.
But I was mad with jealousy, and in
furiated at the thought that Kate, who,
whatever might be the state of her
own feelings, must have lcn»-*"<liep sur-»
I ttiised the nature or buould have
made me the bearer of a secret message
to my rival. I had but one thought or
purpose—it was to know the worst,
and learn, once for all, whether the
love which I had so fondly hoped either
was or might be mine, had been al
ready plighted to another.
Without stopping to weigh the im
propriety of an act which I would have
been the first to condemn in another,
and at whose recollection a blush even j
now rises, I took out and unfolded the
The words it contained were few,
but they sufficed to crush my heart ''
They were these: i
" Meet me at eight to-morrow morn- j
ing, under the elm at the turn of the
road, with a carriage. Everything will
be in readiness, and we can drive at |
once to the village church where the i
clergyman will be waiting. Kate."
I fairly ground my teeth with rage.
I would have torn the tantalizing billet
to fragments; but the shamefulress of
the act of which I had just been guilty
broke upon me. I quickly replaced
the note and closed the envelope, and !
putting my horse to his utmost speed.
I hastened to deliver it.
I closely scanned Mordaunt Ken
neth's face as he read the letter. It
beamed with joy.
"You have brought me glorious
news!" he cried, wringing my hand
warmly. "I can't explain just now,
but you shall know all shortly.
I stammered out I know not what
confused reply, and hurried from his
presence.
That night I could not sleep. Wild
projects haunted me of fljijj£ from
home and country, rushing «n and on,
farther and farther, as if the victim of
unhappiness could ever leave himself
and his misery behind!
Next morning, before the sun had
risen, I was in the saddle. I rode with
out thinking whither. It was not till
a lofty elm, at a turn of the road, drew
my attention, that I discovered that
some mysterious influence had led me
to the trysting-place named in the hate
ful letter.
I would have fled from the spot, and
did gallop off a little way; but the un
accountable spell which was upon me
forbade me to go on. A relentless fate
seemed determined not to spare me the
pain of witnessing my rival's triumph.
I stopped amid a cluster of small trees,
whence, unobserved, I could see what
ever might take place beneath the elm.
It was not long till Kate Morlake ap
peared, coming by an almost hidden
path leading through a grove of ever
greens. It was not without an effort I
restrained myself from flying to con
front her and tax her with my misery.
The next moment a carriage drove
up rapidly, and Mordaunt Kenneth
sprang out
Kate turned and waved her handker
chief, and a third actor appeared on
the scene in the person of the pretty
cousin I had seen the day before.
No time was spent in greetings, but
all three entered the carriage, which
was immediately driven off.
I know not how long I remained in
the moody revery into which I fell.
When aroused at last, the same resist- i
less spell forced me to follow the road '
taken by the carriage. I
lessly, till the sound of wheel* ahecked
the painful current of my thoughts.
The carriage was returning, and I had
already been discovered. Retreat was
impossible, for I heard my name called,
and Kate was signalling me from the
window.
In another moment the carriage
stopped, and Mordaunt Kenneth was
at my side.
" Congratulate me my dear fellow! "
he cried ; "and come and be introduced
to my wife. You'll understand now
the good news yon brought aie yester
day!"
My tongue could frame no answer,
and Mordaunt looked up surprised.
" Ton my word, Ned, you look as
dtimpsy as if I'd carried off and mar
ried your sweetheart instead of mine!
But come along—it's not polite to keep
the bride waiting "
It was only one more pang to suffer;
so I alighted and followed Mordaunt
to the carriage, who in due form, pre
sented me— not to Kate — hit to her
pretty cousi7i, as as his wife !
I came out of the dumps with a
bounce, and was straightway the most
hilarious of the party.
"You see," said Mordaunt, "Aunt
Hathaway, whom Flora, here, has al
ways lived with, was rather down upon
me, and we had to play off a little ruse,
(
"THAT IS THE MOST PERFECT GOVERNMENT IN WMiCH AN INJURY TO ONE IS THE CONCERN OF ALL."
t in which our friend Kate was kind
i enough to lend a hand."
i It was not till Kate and I had been
several years married that I ventured
- to confess that I had opened and read
. her note; and when I told her how
i much I had suffered for it she only
I said it had served me right.
—. —~»-.«..-«.
i THE STRIKE.
Address to the Public by the Executive
Boards.
To the Public :—As showing the sin
cerity of the railroad m£n»n:»t*f 'vnJtoir
► ixeatment of file Knights of jlauot, we
kjectfully state that pursuant to the :
er of our General Executive Board j
this day sent a committee to the '
managers of the several roads, offering
to return the men to work, and in no
instance would they be received or
treated with, each official in turn either
refusing them a hearing or evading
them with specious subterfuges for di
rect answers or refusing them employ
ment. Hoxie agreed to receive a com
mittee of employees to adjust any griev
ances which exist. He refuses person
ally and through his subordinates to
recognize any of us as employees, and
refuses to receive any but such as he
calls employees. In short, after he and
Gould have conveyed the impression
to the world that they were willing to
settle they refuse to settle. Now we
appeal to the suffering public, on whom
is falling all the weight of this great
affliction, if we have not been deceived
enough. How much is long suffering
labor to bear ? This great strike never
would have been had Hoxie conde
scended months ago to hear our com
plaints. We do not claim to be more
than human. It should not be expected
of us to be more than human. In this
country position makes no king or
slave. Imperious refusal on the part
Sone citizen to confer with other citi
is with whom he may have business
3iections, when such refusal begets
.t business and social revolution, is
only a mistake but a crime apainst
the public. Gould is invoking the law
against the little criminals who are
made desperate by his policy of duplic
ity and opposition, and yet the terror
ized public does not invoke the law
against the su-nh criminal of *-Le ixzii.
If we cannot be allowed to return to
work the strike must go on.
By order Executive Boards District
Assemblies 101, 93, 17.
»i«i»
The Aristocratic Workingman.
What can be said of that insolent
traitor dude, Mr. P. M. Arthur, of the
Brotherhood of Engineers ? 'Has this
world any place for him ? He is not a
capitalist and cannot rank with capital
ists. He is not an aristocrat, since he
believes " a man ought to work all he
is able to when he can get work (and
of course he does so himself), whereas
aristocrats pride themselves on their
idlenesss. Even his sycophancy to the
classes in power—his fondness for pan
dering to the spirit of capitalism, does
not make him one of them. He is not
a workingman for he is a traitor to the
workingman's interests. He is not a
king, a priest, or a god; and as he and
his brotherhood " will not affiliate with
Bother orders," they must be some
-3f very peculiar, something unlike
anything on earth, or below the earth,
or in the heavens above, and perhaps
it would be no sin to worship them.
Nobody is likely to run the risk of idol
atry, however.
He considers himself better than a
brakesman, a switchman or section
hand; he scorns their unions, de
nounces their strikes, and says bovcot
ais a crime. He predicts the speedy
lution of the K'ights of Labor;
he says of the eight hour movement:
" Now, some of these organizations are
so badly off for a strike, that they pro
pose to strike for eight hours. I don't
bel_ye in the eight hour doctrine.
What a spectacle! * * .-" 1
hold a man should work all he is able
to when he can get work. Two hours
less work means two hours more loaf
ing about corners, and two hours more
for drinking."
Why, such a man is worse than Jay
Gould! It is a wonder what humanity
is going to do with him, as he doesn't
seem to belong to it.
But perhaps such men are nectssary
to show the people that they must take
a stand on one side or the other oi
this great humanitarian question. This
passing as an "aristocratic working
man " looks ridiculous as well as mean,
and people will avoid it. Sooner or
tsome great event will place
cry and freedom face to face and
tern grapple," and men and women
enroll under one banner or the
; there will be no neutral ground
Jay Gould, the public robber and
legal thief, haß more power and influ
ence with the so called Governors of
Missouri, Kansas, and Texas than the
500,000 Knights of Labor. Money
bags are on top now, but if we mistake
not, revenge will be ours yet. The po.
litical mendicants who are anxious to
starve labor into submission will in due
time be slayed with the boveott club.
_E_lC__l_VEolsr_D, V-A... ____?_=&____ 17, '1886.
d A True Knight.
On one of my lecture tours, I had
n the misfortune to be caught in—what
J often happen in cold conntries —a se
d vere snow storm, and so heavy was the
* fall of snow that further progress was
y an impossibility. We had fortunately
stopped at a station where the wants
of the inner man conld be comfortably
attended to, at an inu or hotel which
: formed part of the station. Seated
c around the table were several ladies
and gentlemen—excuse me, there was
one who was not a gentleman, as I shall
prove to you—but of those at the>~W-r
H there were three men of whom "toy
3 story has reference—a fine, hale and
3 ; hearty old geD tleman, who, thougk
life's winter had frosted his hairs, yW
? showed a constitution well preserved; a
>, monkey-faced dude, one of those—what
1 is it gents? all shirt collar and tight
r pants; and your humble servant—my
r self. The old gentleman sat at the
> upper end corner of the table; the
dude at the head, aud I directly oppo
site the old gentleman. A young girl,
the waitress or servant of the hotel, a
girl possessing a fine form, of perfect
symmetry, and though not extremely
handsome, yet had a most pleasing face,
and apparently about sixteen years of
1 age, entered the room and approached
each one to take his or her order. All !
present stated their wants with the
courtesy that is due to a woman, no
matter what may be her position—if
honest—until she came to the misera
ble animal that occupied the end seat,
and when she asked his wishes, he
placed his hand to his mouth and made
a remark that was too vile and uncouth
for even a man to hear, let alone a
woman. I heard the remark plainly,
as did the old gentleman opposite, and
my blood began to boil and tingle in
my veins that I felt it would be a relief
to me if I killed him. The young girl
said nothing and retired to fill her or
ders, and when she returned and again
approached this lump of poisonous
brass, he again put his hand to his
mouth and made another remark, more
vile and gross than before. The girl's
face reddened with shame, and her lips
twitched nervously, when in a twinkling
of an eye, quicker than I can tell it,
the old hero arose from his seat and
striking straight from the shoulder,
senr xne ta_B9o_i libertine flying to
the middle of the floor as if he was
shot out of a cannon and landed him
on the broad of his back. As might
be expected, this started the rest of the
guests, who knew nothing of the insult,
and in a moment everything was con
fusion. The landlord came in at this
time and demanded to know the reason
of—as he thought—this outrageous as
sault The old gentleman turned to
him and said : "Landlord, it was I who
hit him, and you have the right to ar
rest me"—that you must know, brothers,
is the power of men situated in an
isolated district, there they have to act
as their own guardians of the peace.
"Arrest me," said the old gentleman,
"but first send your wife to me." The
landlord did so, and he (the old gentle- i
man) stated the case to her. She, with
true womanhood, turned and gave the •
prostrate villian a look of contempt
that ought to have driven him through !
the floor, and turning to the old man
said: "Sir, you were right." "Yes,
landlord." and the old gentleman
seemed in my eyes to grow every mm
ute, "I hit him, and would do so again.
That girl's father was a painter, and
while employed painting the steeple one
day, when near the top, the scaffolding
gave away, and he fell a bleeding mass
in death to the ground below. Sir, I
am a Knight of Labor, and that girl's
father was a member of my Assembly.
She is here, earning a few dollars to
help support her aged and widowed)
mother, and I made a promise as a
man, with one hand on my heart and the <
other raised to heaven, that I would
defend the life, interest, reputation and...
family of all true members of the or-'
der; and by the Internal! if you doii'trl
take him away I'll kill him!" Up to :
this time, I had no idea he was a
Knight; aud, brothers, that grand old j
man stood there looking as majestic as '
ever did a prince of honor, that I felt
Ska going up to him and hugging him.
As for the miserable, dirty hound, I
wanted to hit him one on my own
account.
This, brothers, shows the necessity
of our following strictly and firmly the'
principles of the order. It is the duty \
of a man of honor to protect a woman ;
at all times, and we shall never fail to I
offer her protection if we remember
the promise to defend the life, interest
reputation and family of all true mem
bers of the order. Wherever that
grand old Knight is, I say God bless
him.— R. P. Treoellick.
Rats as Kickers.
The past six months has witnessed
considerable uneasiness among the rate
in every branch of industry in Phila
delphia, and in some cases they have
tried to secure recognition from legiti
mate organizations by combining to
gether and announcing to the public
that they have formed a Union. Some
of them have even become bold enough
to ask for admission to the Central
Labor Union, but it is hardly necessary
to state, without success. It was only
■, a few weeks ago that credentials were
, received from an organization called
the Musicians Union, which, upon in
vestigation, proved to be nothing less
than an amalgamation of several of the
"bogus street bands." The committee
appointed on their case very properly
reported against their admission, be
lieving that they had some sinister
purpose in securing recognition from
the Union.
Not more than two weeks ago a mini
Jw. of Philadelphia "rats" issued a cir
i'aiar the idea "
gacization which conld be utilized to I
destroy legitimate Unions, of which I
!the following is a copy:
TO WORKMEN".
Organized labor is a good thing, so
long as it benefits the workingmen,
collectively and individually, but when
it beeouits simply a means whereby
the head men cau draw big salaries and
ride in parlor cars, then it is more of
an injury than a benefit.
There are in this aud every other
community a number of men who do not
care to affiliate with any trade unions.
These men have a right to their
opinion; they have a right to live, and
to earn money that they may live.
The trade unions say no. You must
pay in a certain assessment to provide
parlor cars for onr officers. You must
support loafers who are willing to quit
work on the slightest pretext. You
must on command, drop your tools be
cause one man has a fancied grievance.
You have no rignts, and instead of be
ing the slaves of the bosses, you are
t slaves of the men who never work,
make a good living cut of it.
ou are invited to join with us in
ung a union which shall have no
paid officers, and which shall be com
posed of men who own their own
opinions; every member to sell his
labor to the highest bidder, and not to
be prevented from earning a livelihood
at whatever price he may set upon his
own work; every member to be the
f> of his own ability, and not to
dered to obey the dictates of men
only measure his ability by their
standard.
Bossess are bad enough, but tyran
iKcal trades unions are worse a hundred
lipid, iou will bo notified to attend a
meeting as soon as a hall can be pro-
The meeting was held as above an
nounced, but by far the number of
those present were genuine labor men,
who had been attracted by the an
nouncement that a "union of rats" was
to be organized. When the meeting
had been called to order, the election
of a presiding officer resulted in the
selectiod of a Knight of Labor. This
being too much for the rats, they with
drew, and a rousing labor meeting was
held until the time for which the hall
was rented expired. Who the progen
itors of this meeting wore it has been
impossible to find out, the employees
of Goodwin's Meter Works, Stetson's
Hat Factory, and the Pennsylvania
Woolen Mills all being suspected of
having something to do in the matter.
The "rat" printers employed in the
Tageblatt and Gazette, German news
paper offices, have also organized a
union, which is known as the "Gutten
bergbund." They have never attempted
to gain admittance to the Central
Labor Union, though it has recently
been stated that application would be
made, and, if refused, an effort to
secure a charter as an Assembly of the
Knights of Labor would follow. There
need be no apprehension about this
latter, as they would necessarily have
to make application to the Printers
Local Assembly, to the members of
which the records of the "rats" are
familiar.— Tocsin.
The St. Louis Riots.
The situation in St Louis grows
Nkore serious and complicated, and
thoughtful people can but regard the
condition of affairs with a feeling of
anxiety and alarm. Mob violence and
angry passions rule the hour, and mad
men take the lead and urge the crowds
to lawless deeds, while the calm coun
sels of Mr. Brown, the orator and lec
turer of the Knights of Labor, who
begs in vain for quiet and order, are
hissed and jeered at. As is always the
case in disturbances of this kind, the
worst elements of society come to the
surface, and by incendiary appeals,
urge the infuriated mob to deeds of
violence and blood, and the Knights of
Labor who, as an organization, are not
responsible, find that their leaders are
powerless to control the unreasoning
masses, whose cry is "burn, kill and
That the workmen have their griev
ances and are entitled to the sympathy
of the country in their struggles against
the oppression under which they, in
many instances groan, is not to be
questioned; but when the mobs at
tempt to rule or ruin aud take the law
in their own hands as they are now
doing in St Louis, the cause of the
laboring man is made to suffer, and
many who are innocent are called upon
to bear the reproach that should fall to
the lot of the guilty.
In behalf of the Knights of Labor,
whose leaders bitterly denounce such
proceedings, and in behalf of the peace
and well being of the entire country
we think it high time that the strong
arm of the law shonld be invoked.
Reason and argument are no avail in
such a crisis as this.
If those whose duty it is to enforce
the law aud keep the peace have trans
cended their duty, aud provoked the
outbreak of yesterday, they should be
punished to the fullest extent, but, if
as they claim, they were first fired
upon, and returned the fire in self-dc-
the guilty leaders should be
made to suffer for the blood that has
been spilled and the property that has
been destroyed.
Too much praise cannot be bestowed
upon the leading Knights of Labor,
who exerted themselves to their utmost
in their efforts to quell the mob and re
store order. They have thus gained a
stronger hold upon the sympathies
of the public to whom they appeal for
the justice of their cause.— Nei'-.i.
For The Lalx>r HeraM.
THE LABOR QUESTION.
This seems to be a knotty subject,
but if properly handled and the em
ployer and employee view the subject
in a proper light the matter can be
adjusted equitably.
I use the word "employer" instead of
capitalist. All employers—and they are
largely in the majority—are not capi
talists by a long way. The capitalist
like Jay Gould, is souless, he does not
make his m»ney in a legitimate way,
but by speculation or gambling, and
ccnsequently does not progress step by
step in the acquirement of the riches he
miy attain.
The question often is met to a request
for more wages, with the answer "we
are not receiving enough to justify it.''
This may be strictly true, but let it in
future be remedied.
If wages of each class of mechanics
in every locality are uniform, and at a
fair living rate, then the employer can
properly and fairly compet* for any
work let by contract. All work is bid
for upon the bases paid for the labor
to produce it, and the lower wages are,
the less the work is .bid for, and conse
quently the working man is the sufferer.
No right minded man will grind down
his workmen if he is getting a good
price for his work. Any employer that
does so, is a heartless wretch, and un
worthy the support of any community
in which he does business.
The Jjp Gould class of capitalists
are the curse of a democratic country;
and if their soulless acts are not cir
cumscribed, the day may come when
this country will be plunged into
anarchy, and the crown of wealth they
wear, be as unsafe as that of some of
the crowned heads of monarchial
Europe.
It was the last straw that broke the
camel's back. Let the wise and the
lovers of right and justice, ponder well
the question as now presented
j BOYCOTT BAUGHMAN BB.OS. J
How Mr. Powderly Saw If.
Over one month ago, Mr. Powderly
went West to make his first attempt at
settling the strike by arbitration.
When he returned to his home at
Scranton, he gave an account of the
hardships of various classes of rail
roaders on Gould's lines. For ex
ample i
" The bridgemen are obliged to leave
their homes and travel out along the
line some 300 or 400 miles at a stretch,
and be gone from four to eight weeks
at a time. The time spent in traveling
to and from their place of work is de
ducted from their wages. They receive
$1.10 per day, and the work is so di
vided up that they make but half time,
brinmrig their actual wages down to 55
cents a day. While away from home
they pay from $15 to $1G per month
for board, and are often in debt for it
This leaves them nothing for the sup
port of their families at home."
Here is an illustration of the way in
which Gould enforces his boast of last
year that he would "reduce wages to
the European basis."
Again, in his letter to Congressman
Curtin, Mr. Powderly refers to a "cor
poration that requires its employees to
work for $1G a month, while paying
#15 for board,'' and adds: " Indignities
most foul are imposed upon the labor
ing men on the Gould lines of railway.
Through the medium of press or tele
graph their side of the case cannot
reach the American people.''
Now, notwithstanding all that has
been said, we do not believe that Mr
Powderly would have closed any arbi
tration without having secured redress
for what he so vividly describes as "in
dignities most foul imposed upon the
laborers of the Gould lines."
The fly-gobbling reporters of New
York have attributed to the General
Master Workman a hundred vagaries
that grew in their own heads.— Ex.
For white teeth use Dowden's Den
tal Fluid. For sale by all druggists.
H. M. Sheild & Co., Proprietors,
Fifth and Marshall St
THE CITY'S MONEY.
I———i-, Va., April 7, ISBG.
Editor of' The Labor Herald:
Yonr correspondent has been laying
low for the past two weeks—waiting
events, aud as we expected the evente
have come. Now we see that the capi
talists are again wauting to spend the
dear people's money. A petition is
being circulated asking the Council to
make an appropriation to grade Broad
street road and Grove road, etc. Well
the next thing we shall expect that a
j oetition will be circulated asking that
Tiki _Cc"^*b_ —electric lights—be run
up the aforesaid roads to lighten the
drives on the boulevards. Oh, yes,
grade these roads, gravel these roads,
and make pavements for the good peo
ple of Henrico county, out of the taxes
ground out of the laboring men of
Richmond. How very kind you are to
the people of dear old Henrico, but let
Mbe ju.tt before we are liberal. Now
we see from a report in the proceedings
of the City Council that two thousand
children of Richmond are deprived of
a common school education for want of
room to accommodate them. Now just
here let us ask the dear superintendent
of public schools of Richmond to re
port through the columns of the Herald
how many children are there who live
in Henrico county and go to the city
schools, and upon what terms are they
taken, and to what fund does the money'
go? Now, we know that this fund
does not help the poor man of our city,
when it keeps their children out of
school. Now, Mr. Editor, to day we
see another petition to the Council to
give the State Agricultural Society
$3,000. Now, Mr. Editor, we are per
fectly willing to help the State Fair and
do other charities, but first we demand
that before one dollar is spent in char
ity that all the streets in the suburbs
of the city be first graded, bricks walks
be layed, curbing be run, gutters be
paved, gas and water supplied and cul
verting done. We don't want any elec
trie lights if they are not any better
than they have been, and we now give
notice that we will watch the Street
Committee in th» coming contest, and
will see if they can explain why it is
we are left in mud, when they can vote
thousands /iwav ftjr electric lights for
favored parts of the city.
My dear Herald, with one word for
Mr. Powderly ; let one who is excluded
from the Order enter here his prayer
for his speedy recovery, and may he
and all good men live to adorn the
homes of the workingmen; and one
word to you, Sir Knights of Labor,
stand together for your rights; do not
act that the Citizens' Committee can
justly complain of; keep the fear of
God in your hearts; demand what is
right and take nothing less; give an
honest day's labor for an honest day's
pay, and see that in the future your
sons and daughters have not to toil
their life away for a pittance. It takes
you mechanics four years' apprentice
ship to learn your trade and obtain
sufficient knowledge to do your work.
Your lives and limbs are daily exposed
to peril, and get enough for it to give
your wives and little ones a decent
support We say to all that good
wages make good times, good times
make good men.
In our next we will see if we can't
show that good wages robs no one,
and helps all. A Boy of 1801.
THE GOULD WAR.
Ringing Words from the City of the
Liberty Bell.
When capital conspires, labor must
combine. This is not a struggle for a
few extra pennies on the part of the
Knights of Labor, (.although it is noth
ing else on the part of Gould &. Co.); —
but it is a contest between the makers
of law, the creators of power, and the
usurpers who have so long defied the
•mrtuidr the other.
It is the irrepressible conflict between
right and wrong, and although retribu
tive justice travels with a leaden heel,
she will smite with an iron hand the
concentrated villiany of this century.
It is the old, old story of insatiate
greed—consuming ambition—and its
inevitable train of misery, suffering and
death.
And this, too, on the fairest portion
of God's earth, in the high noontide of
the nineteenth century, under the best
government that the sun ever shone
upon—in the face of an enlightened
christian civilization—against the de
scendants of men who sacrificed every
thing but honor and manhood to estab
lish on this Western continent the
modern Mecca, to revive the hopes and
quicken the aspirations of the oppressed
and benighted humanity of the Old
World.
And it has come to this, that the
strong arm of military power is invoked
through a mercenary press, and by
craven politicians and traders, to up
hold the forms of law, in the interest
of corporate thieves, who have neither
legal nor equitable right to that which
they have assumed to control, and do
control, for their own selfish ends, to
the injury and ruin of the people whom
they have defrauded and plundered.
PIvjIOIC 5 CENTS
; And is this justice? Is it law? Is it
right? No! itis a burning, blistering
; lie, written aoAs the face of our hun
dred years'
r What a spectacle! to see a great gov
r ; eminent of 50,000,000 free men so ab
, | jectly stultifying itself, so betraying its
. high trust—so completely going back
, upon itself as to supply the janizary
j and commissary for a thief.
( But the Knights of Labor are "viola
[ ting the law," and when they do this
| they must be punished. Is opposition
ii to a tyranny consummated by black
t' mail and bribery—by wholesale robbery,
11 uiroiL„2i and cor
i: rnpt judicial aid, a violation of law?
If so, then that law that makes such a
| condition of affairs possible is infamous
i —not binding upon any honest man ;
j for the fraud in which it was conceived
• \ vitiates it. And the high court of pub
lie opinion, sitting in judgment upon
the crimes and outrages and robberies
; committed under the forms of law, will
so decide it.
To think that the men who, while
they were battling for the salvation of
the Government enduring the hard
ships, Bufferings and privations of camp,
and facing death on a hundred battle
fields, and who marched and fought to
emancipate the black man from the
bondage of a century—that they should,
while doing this, involuntarily and un
consciously forge the chains for their
•j own and their children's enslavement
i to a tyranny more hateful than negro
; slavery ever was ! "Why, it is the very
incarnation of crime—yes, it is material
and moral suicide to attempt thus to
paralyze the strong arms which build up
the prosperity of the country in time
of peace, and to break the stout hearts
j which defend it in time oi war.
Is there no conscience left in those
j who occupy the high places of the land?
j Have they taken leave of all their
i senses except that of sordid selfishness,
I and is barter the sole aim and end of
government? Can they not see that
the law is but a mockery, and that its
edicts are inexorable, irrevocable*
against the helpless, unfortunate poor!
And they would—after having forced
these men, through trickery and fraud,
into a position where they have no
alternative but resistance or slavery
put them to the if they attempt
to assert their manhood. The curse of
God upon such arrant hypocrisy!
John Sainton.
The Knights of Labor.
For the three weeks the great battle
for bread has been fought by the wage
slaves of the Jay Gould railway system
of the southwest. All eyes have been
riveted upon the conflict, and with the
reports of each day's struggle the hopes
and fears of the millions of sympathetic
wage-workers have risen and fallen.
The battle has been bravely fought
I inch by inch, but the workers have
: been overcome in spite of all. Capital
1 entrenched behind legal privilege comes
I out of the conflict triumphant.
The vantage ground was all in favor
]of capital. The workers had to con
tend with all the legal forms, supersti
tions and prejudices and customs of
the past.
The whole affair, however, will be
productive of untold benefit to the
workers in the end.
This strike resulted in settling many
heretofore disputed points. It has es
tablished beyond gainsay of indifferent
wage-slaves or hypocritical labor ex
ploiters that in America there is a rag
ing conflict between capitalists and _-
, borers. The acknowledgment of this
fact by all will have much to do with
, the relative positions of the parties to
i the dispute in the future and in fur
nishing an intelligent perception of the
I issue.
The Knights of Labor and trades
i unions have been dislodged from their
, position that capital as private proper
; ty has interests identical with the prop
ertyless laborers. They have been
; forced to learn in the school of expe
rience that arbitration is a failure
where one party possesses the acknowl-
I ejged right to compel submission of
the other under penalty of starvation !
They have now discovered that private
capital hedged about by laws and con
stitutions, enforced by the civil and
military arms of the state is all-power
ful to enforce its decrees upon those
who concede ite legal or legitimate
rights to do so. They have learned that
while the public—that intangible but
all powerful force—may give its sym
pathies, it will, nevertheless, withdraw
them if its interests are encroached
upon; that the true policy of the future
is not to stop the wheels of transporta
tion and communication, of production
and exchange, but on the contrary, take
charge of and run these institutions in
the interests of the whole country! In
other words instead of allowing their
capitalistic masters to discharge them,
they must at ail hazards, and by any
and all means discharge their masters.
These are some of the lessons taught
by this great strike. May the wage
slaves of America profit by them and
prepare for the fast approaching strug
gle which is to decide for all time
whether or not the producers of the
world's wealth are to remain slaves or
be forever free!— Alarm.

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