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VOL. I-IsTO. 38.
TWO PICTURES. LOOK ON THIS ON"E. Around the gay and festive board With song and laughter loud; A reckless, free, carousing horde Of magnates, rich and proud, Assembled there, in all their might. From wine and liquor mad. The cry, "to us the world is bright," We care not who is sad. "Fill up and drink! Here's to your health: No laboring slaves are we. But masters—strong in power and wealth, Who laugh at poverty. Though paupers cry, in deep despair, We heed not what fhey say, Their sufferings bring to us w> care, So long as we are gay." - AM> OK TiftSf 1 Near a dying child, who's sleeping. Kneels a mother worn with care; And her eyes are sore from weeping And she upward looks in prayer. Watching, waiting and entreating. But no friendly help is near For a heart that's quickly beating With its anguish and its fear. Then the noise of great carousing Breaks upon the sleeper's rest; And the frightened child, arousing. Nestles close to mother's breast. "Oh ! I'am dying, mother, dying, Give me just one crust oi bread." | Then the mother ceased her crying. Through the open doorway fled. ( Soon we find her standing, sobbing, 1 There before a lordly home. I And with pain her head is throbbing, , For its last bright hope is gone. "What care we for want or sorrow y" This is what she heard them say, "So let others beg and borrow, ' Just so long as we are gay." Homeward, on her way returning, With a slow, unsteady tread, And her cheeks from fever burning. J Burning for the want of bread. ( When at last the door she reaches — ( Read the balance of our tale , In a mother's frantic screechs, , In a widow's piercing wail. — Southern Industry. HEE"EOBDT ADAIR."! ■ BY HARBY BOCKWOOD. " And that is Amy Ross—your Amy ( you used to call her last winter. She is quite different from the ideal I had formed from your description. Very pretty and modest, to be sure, but so artlesa" Miss Blanche Chetwynde arched her pretty brows quite critically, and her soft tones betrayed just the suspicion of disapproval And somehow, Charlie Hayden could not speak up for Amy as he would have done if someone else had spoken those words ; indeed Amy did not look to him to night so beautiful , as he had anticipated. Perhaps it was because Blanche seemed so regally lovely and flashed upon him such be- , wildering smiles. l Yes, Amy Ross was artless, he had called her so many a time, and had prized the quality above all others. So it was not the remark itself that made him close his lips when he ought to have uttered words of praise. No, it was the tone, and the expression, and because Blanche Chetwynde had said it. For Blanche was a belie, and an heiress, and she had the loveliest face of any woman in the metropolis, with ' eyes that outrivaled in brilliance the diamonds flashing upon her boson. Amy Ross was a heiress also, and sha was as pretty, in a modest, unpre tentious way. Charlie Hayden had known and loved her for a long time, and they j were soon to be married, it was said. The previous winter he had spent in New York, and through a business ac quaintance he had met Miss Chet wynde. In the course of the season they had become exceedingly good friends, and he had felt highly compli- ' mented by the evident preference of so j great a star in the social firmament. Charlie and his brother dwelt in the I picturesque little town of Argyle, under the shadow of the Alleghanies. Of course he to include Argyle among the stopping places of the next summer's trip ; and so it came about that near the first of September Blanche Chetwynde became a guest of the Hayden residence, there to remain urtil her friends should come; for her. Mr. Chetwynde was recalled to the city by business interests, and could not return for his daughter for two weeks. But Argyle was a delightful place in which to spend the interim. It was a bright, cool evening, with fresh mountain breezes, and the air ringing with the songs of the night birds outside. And within all was light and music and gaiety. It had been only a croquet party to begin with, but the air was too chilly to admit of playing after sunset, and so the entire party repaired to the drawing-room. Amy Ross had been taken quite un well that morning, and consequently had not arrived until a few minutes ago. So this was Miss Chetwynde's first opportunity of meeting her. Blanche fanned herself languidly, for it was quite warm even in that.spa cious apartment. She smiled in her bewildering way after her remark, and added, half apologetically: THE LABOR HERALD. OFFICIAL ORGAN OF DISTRICT ASSEMBLIES 84 AND 92, KNIGHTS OF LABOR. " You must not infer that I do not think Miss Ross very charming, for no doubt she is. She is very unlike you, however; pardon me—but she seems to me less brilliant than I should ex pect your choice to be." The young man bit his lip, and did not reply at once. •' Perhaps not brilliant," he returned at last. " But she is a true heartedj little woman, and I have known her for i a long time—from childhood in fact. We were sort of plighted to each other when we were children, and our en gagement came about as a matter of : course. She calls me her Robin Adair; ! because she says I have been*fcfuc to i < her so many years. Sometimes 1 iCHi, < of late, that I am not so true at heart 1 as I ought to be." He spoke in a half soliloquizing tone. 1 Miss Chetwynde placed one white i finger upon his arm, and her words ! and glance thrilled him strangely. i "Do you believe, Mr. Hayden, that! c we should be bound by duty to anyone ! j before marriage? I would not marry c one whom I did not love, if we stood at the altar. Duty makes more un- 1 happy unions than any other cause, in i my opinion." < " There is much truth in what you c say, Miss Chetwynde. At times I fear j that I have been too hasty. But why j a am I saying this to you ? It is a trifle ; 1 out of place, is it not?" i She smiled in her bright way again, | \ and returned in her most velvety | tones: c " Perhaps it is out of place. But' t you know you told me something j a about it when you were in New York, i [ think there is no danger of betraying ; v sach other's confidence. But here 3omes your Amy again, and we must j aot give her grounds for jealousy, r Remember the first waltz is yours! " I She arose and walked away as Amy j 1 ;ame up. Her last words came to the [ t jars of the latter, and she looked up! 1 nto Charles' face with a slight expres- i iion of surprise. i " I thought you always claimed me I 'or the first waltz, Charlie," she ex-j I flaimed. j« His face flushed with the first pang j I )f anger he had ever felt toward her. [ I " And is it necessary that I should 1 1 lever deviate from that rule because Ii t lave not before ? She is a guest, Amy,! v md she requested the favorT 1 thought [ fou would not care." I His tone softened toward the last i f part of the remark, for he noticed a s sensitive tremor of the pink lips. "Of course I shall not object For- I jive me for speaking of so little a thing. But you know I came too late for the croquet, and I have scarcely seen you to-day. I'm silly, I suppose, ' but I- do not quite like Miss Chet wynde !'' She spoke hesitatingly, and he gave ■, a quick glance of surprise. " Not like Mis'sJChetwinde, Amy! : . And what, pray, can you find in her to , dislike ? I find her a very charming . woman indeed." 1 Amy Ross only turned away her face to hide the look of disappointment that , flashed across it. " I received a letter from papa this morning, and he is to come for me to morrow. And it may be a long time . before I see you again." Blanche Chetwynde's soft tones sounded very regretful, almost tremu ■ lous, and they caused Charlie Hayden to face her in his impulsive passionate . way. " And it will be like taking away the '; light and life of Argyle for me! j Heavens! have I made a mistake ?" " I fear we have both made mistakes, ' Charlie. But mine is the greater one,: for we have only learned to care for each other, while you are bound to an other. If we had only known each j other a year or two earlier! " They were upon the veranda, and the shades of the evening were casting their witching twilight around them. ' ' —Anil ft ■beeuib Jto irim~iiiaTT"mj Kaor seen Blanche Chetwynde so beautiful as to-night. In that brief moment he forgot Amy, forgot himself, everything save the fact that this queen of beauty loved him and would become his wife for the ask ing- » " Blanche, it is not yet too late, for I will wed you in spite of the chains that bind me to another. She would not wish me to keep a pledge that were better broken, for it would only make three unhappy in the place of one. I will follow you to New York upon the next train and we will marry each other, after all." He spoke rapidly, impulsively, and she listened, while a triumphant glow ; came into her cheeks. And Charlie Hayden clasped her in his arms and showered kisses upon her face—hot, burning kisses, very different from : those he was wont to bestow upon the ! fair, cool cheek of Amy Ross. "And you will consent, will you not?" he asked. " Consent! And why should I not ? Love rises supreme with me, and all that I desired was the assurance that i mine was returned. How happy we j shall be! " "THAT IS THE MOST PERFECT GOVERNMENT IN WHICH AN INJURY TO ONE IS THE CONCERN OF ALL." Happy! Yes, he thought so, too, in that hour of his blind intoxication. And they separated with the promise to meet in New York twenty-four hours ' hence. The next day came, and with it Mr. Chetwynde. And the twain left for the I great city upon an afternoon train. Charlie Hayden had hardly seen her | that day, and as for Amy, he had not j the courage to meet her, for he had re solved to leave without informing her of his object. Once in New York he would write her a letter, telling her all about it. Those were his plans; and so, with ! out speaking of his destination to one, he packed his vaKee and the depot. The train was a little late, and he! had to spend half an hour in the wait ing room. While there he overheard two gentle men, evidently residents of New York, conversing together, and he was sur prised to hear them mention the name of Blanche Chetwynde. " I wonder what new deviltry she has been cutting up in this quarter. She tries something new in her line every year. It is not generally known, even in New York, but she married a young banker in Detroit two years ago, and he got a divorce from her lately, I ' have heard, but upon what plan I could not learn. But her father's millions will cover a multitude of sins." This and "much more came to the ears of Charlie Hayden as he awaited : the coming of the train. And when it at last arrived he turned-his back upon ' it and returned to his house, half wild with shame and self-reproach. Now that the glamor cast by her presence was gone he remembered many inconsistencies in the behavior of Blanche Chetwynde during her stay in Argyle, and he felt devoutly thankful ' that he had been warned ere it was too ' late. The next day he went over to see ' Amy Ross. She met him with one of her arch smiles, and upon the instant ' he wondered how he could have been ' untrue to her even for a moment. That he loved her now he was certain, far better than he could ever have loved I Blanche Chetwynde. That other sen- : timent had been but a rash infatuation, I which served to teach him a lesson. He did not confess all to for ■ he dared not then. But he told her a ' few things which he and Blanche had ' said to each other. And she forgave them all, and called him her " Robin Adair " as of old. ♦..».-•» Friends of the Workingmen. , Another one—the professor from | college. By him no truth is apprecia- | ted, except it be mouldy and musty ■ with age, endorsed by the faculty and written down by a duly trained and harnessed scholar of books. The pres- • ent " discontent and irritation caused by " uneducated agitators " among the lower classes hurts his refined and cul tured mind. He approaches the sub ject of social enconomy with the "scien tific method" and is bristling with " hard, stern facts." Human misery he measures by the metric system and di vine truths he weighs in scientific scales. He is a true believer in the al mighty dollar and has unshaken faith in the immortality of interest. To him human misery is a disagreeable and in convenient fact, to be cured by " Ricar do's iron law" and—death. Inven tions and machinery have made mil lions of human beings useless and su perfluous, and "they ought to organ. j ize " and consider the best way to get ' out of the world of trouble and tears. j "These are hard lines." The strong | are fit to survive, and the weak will ; have to suffer and die. He is one of the strong! He disagrees with the j teachings of the carpenter's great son ! I of Nazareth, as dangerous, sentimental and socialistic, and as opposed to the teachings of Adam Smith and Ricardo. I He agrees with Robespierre that we to have a religion. His-, tbgj, ■ " religion of ethics." He, aB high priest I to teach the workmen humility, self sacrifice, economy, and to worship with reverence in the gilt temple of capital,; the stuffed and tinseled idols of mam- i mon. His advice to the laborer: Work, j pay interest, pay rent or—death. And | the laborer! the creator and sustainer J of all social life—-just come to con ' sciousness—how much he can learn J from his enemies! For friends he has ! none but himself— The People. The New York World, in a keen and i incisive article upon the Chicago affair, I says: " Th« Chicago anarchists are not, as a rule, American citizens, and are [ not workmen. They never did a day's : honest labor in their lives and they j ■ have no sympathy with the labor move [ ment of the present time. They do not want eight hours for a day's work, , nor any work at all except that of riot and bloodshed. They do not want four dollars for a day's wages; they prefer to take their chances of plunder in a ; general overthrow of law and in the horror and confusion of burning cities. ' Labor creates; they destroy. Labor brings life and happiness, while they , spread death and misery in their track. B ( They hate government, police, law and j property." va, 22, isse. ! AIR, POWDERLY YS, WALL ST, LABOR'S REPRESENTA TIVE VIGOROUS LY CRITICISES A BROKER'S CIRCULAR. THE GENERAL MASTER WORKMAN'S VIEWS OS MARGINS HE HAS SOMETHING TO SAY OF ' SPECULATION AS AN ANNEX TO " REGULAR BANKING "-STOCK BOARLs AND THE GKAIN CROPS THE KNIGHTS OF LABOR ARE NOT ANARCHISTS AN UtUIROH LETTER. I have before me the ' Monthly Financial Circular of Henry Clews & Co.,'' bankers and stock brokers ef New York. Expressing disappointment thajj "" the hopeful tone of tfac hrat Hias not so far been realized,' it gives as one of the reasons "the retjition of . agricultural products at the interior owing to their unprecedently low prices." Men not accustomed to the manner in which "agricultural pro ducts " are brought to market may say that the agriculturalist is responsible for that, and that he is simply holding back for a rise in wheat or corn. The reader has only to turn to the fourth page of the circular in question and he will find one of the keys which when turned in the lock shuts off the supply of wheat and corn as effectually as though a blight had fallen on the crops. That part of the circular says: "In addition to our regular banking business we are prepared to execute orders for investment or on margin in stocks, bonds, grain, provisions, cotton and petroleum." Grain and provisions are counted among the things to be put up and kept up until the gamblers in the neces saries of life have realized a handsome sum on the investment secured for them by the firm of Henry Clews & Co. The workingmen of the United States have not complained of the unprece dently low prices of agricultural pro ducts ; they are not to blame for the retention at the interior of these pro ducts. The farmer, whose labor goes to bring forth the grain is, by the aid of labor-saving inventions, prepared and can sell his produce at a profit for less money than formerly; he may be willing to sell the grain that is yet to grow, but that which grew last year is no longer in his possession. The granary of the agriculturist is not now the repository of last year's grain! if you visit " the interior you must gsil!T* access to the inside of a grain elevator if you would find the grain. Before the agricultural product leaves the " in terior" it is bought and sold a half dozen times. It dances to the tune of speculation through the hands of as many buyers, each of whom must have his "margin." In Europe, in olden times, it was a prison offence to buy wheat to sell again, and the man who violated the law was mobbed and im prisoned. Times have changed since then. Adam Smith said that wheat was least liable of all commodities to be absorbed "by a few great capitals which buy it all up," for the reason that " its owners can never be collected in one place." But such an institution as the Chicago Board of Trade gathers the grain in from the farms, and •' own ers " give way to owner. It is no longer necessary to collect the owners in one place; to collect the grain is quite sufficient. That can readily be done to-day. The house that "in addition to its regular banking business" buys and ! sells grain and provisions without han dling them should not constitute itself a censor of the action of others, as is done by the firm of Henry Clews & Co. when they say: " The Knights of Labor have undertaken to test, upon a large scale, the application of compulsion as a means of enforcing their now enlarged demands." That statement is false. I The Knights of Labor have not under taken any such test, and it comes with an ill grace from any business house to make that statement when it is a known fact that over four thousand Assemblies the Knhrhts of Lahor have volnnta-. ' lily pledged themselves not to press their demands at this time in order that business may not be further de pressed. The circular throughout classes the Knights of Labor with the ! Anarchists. If Henry Clews & Co. I were firm believers in the truth of the 1 assertions made in their circular, they would not think of inviting the wrath of over 5(10,000 Anarchists and their "sympathizers." The statements made in their circular do not bear the im press of sincerity, and the business men to whom they are sent must not be misled by them. The Knights of Labor are in no way identified with the Anarchist element. The organization has not applied compulsion as a means of enforcing "their now enlarged de mands," nor have the demands been enlarged. The strikes now progressing in \ many places for shorter hours did not originate with the Knights of Labor or ' with any of the trades unions of the : United States. The " Federation of Trades" at its annual convention recommended the first of May as a suitable date on which to begin to put the eight-hour plan in operation. That I ; body did not vote to hurry the project, I nor to spring it upon the country, noi yet to strike for it. It was the inten tion to begin on the first of May to put the eight-hour plan in operation, and to continue the work peaceably and lawfully until it became universal. Few men object to the reduction of the hours of labor; on the contrary, jvery thinking man, every man who ias watched the rapid advances made n labor-saving machinery, will admit hat a reduction of working hours is a lecessity. The employment of muscle n the world's development is rapidly giving way to the use of machinery vith its tenfold powers of production. rcectal capacity of man is now Jk| i its ntniL . It.. remitted that the brain-worker cannot £and the strain of 1«» a». hours of toil. Does it not seem strange that such nen as Herr Most, Jay Gould, August spies and Henry Clews should unite in iondemuing the Knights of Labor! )ne party denounces the Order because ts members will not submit quietly to ivery injustice or imposition that may >c practised on them. The other con temns the Knights because they are 00 conservative. Let me quote the anguage of the Anarchist who spoke it the meeting in Chicago last Monday: 1 Quit the Knights of Labor, they will t9ver do any good. * * * Anarchy 8 the only way for the workingmen to ireak the chains of- slavery in which hey are bound by the capitalists. * * iYith revolvers in one hand, your knife n the other and bombs in your pockets narch on to revolution and freedom." That speaker did not voice the senti uent of the Knights of Labor or of aay ither labor organization in America, le would as readily use his revolvers md bombs upon the workingmen whom te addressed as Jay Gould would vreck a railroad or swindle the honest lapitalist who might be deceived by his ecent long talks upon public morals. Che honest, stalwart American work uan, whether native or naturalized, is to more to be compared to this sho:rt ighted villian than the darkest night sto the brightest |day. The Knights if Labor are an army of peace a:ad ,nd good will, and those who quote hem as anything else grossly misrepre ent our order.— World. ■♦-• m m —i Signs of Progress. lit is very refreshing to us working nen to follow the change of ideas which s taking place in the minds of various Ben. Not many years ago the pro essors in the collegiate establishments if the country joined with the teachers a the pulpit in asserting thai there fas no such thing as a labor movement a the United States, that such a thing pas unnecessary, and, furthermore, hat it is impossible. We have seen with what diligence he divines of all denominations, in al ections of the country, have lately .pplied their inactivity to the "labor [uestion ;" that is, to the very question, he existence of which some years ago, hey pronounced an impossibility. We have an instance of collegiate gentry taking the question in hand, md, of course, we shall surely find iomething new—something that the workers have never conceived of—in ivhat they have to say upon the ques tion. Since the professors possess the 'superior minds" of the world, we must listen in all veneration and all submissive deference to their oracular axpressions. The Phi Beta Kappa chapter of the sollege, New York, met ai d listened to a paper on "trades unions." Mr. Mac- Adam took the ground that the trades anion question was above everything else. It was the embodiment of the idea that land and capital take more than belongs to them, and labor conse quently receives less. If trades unions were combinations against organic law, then they must fail, since organic laws were immutable. The points in dis pute are s First, wages; second, hours of labor ; third, workmen's rights. The speaker then referred to the burning of tUe xound-house in Pittsburg during the railroad riots of 1877 and to the strike of the Western Union employ ees in 1883, and briefly stated his posi tion as follows : The trades union is an organized resistance against the en croachment of capital. The strike is its weapon of last resort, without which appeals, protest and denunciations would be an empty waste of matter. The measure of the efficiency of the strike is the injury which it inflicts upon the capitalists. And when men over leap the bounds of law snd order, and work destruction with club 3 and fire brands what is there to say but injus tice breeds violence? Many political writers advise workingmen not to strike, but to resort to arbitration. Arbitration amounts to nothing unless backed up by a threatened strike. Trades unions are objected to by those with trade proclivities; but although mistakes are sometimes made, yet the unions had their uses, and as such deserved to be encouraged. Now all this is of course entirelj new to workingmen, and we thanl these "professors'' for having bestowec such a vast amount of elucidation upor our dull and benighted minds. Truly | are they "second Daniels come k judgment ?" What a gigantio amount off elucidation do these professors not enjoy? Could ever such a superb array of knowledge be displayed by workingmen—who said all this, and far more, over a century ago? Truly, as the professors say, "knowledge is pow er.''—Laborer. Throw Off the Party Collar. God never intended that the honest, intelligent workingmen of America should be the slaves of any masters, whether corporations or politicians. It was never designed that they should wet\r a political party c iDar. They are Mm '-■ b «—-:, -'----' and act for themselves. TJae K. of L. recognize this truth in their platform of principles. So far as the public knows, all K. of L. mem bers are instructed to keep out of party politics as an organization, but it is their duty to study and learn all they can of true political matters, that is, the science of government. No man in connecting himself with the K. of L. is asked to abandon his old party rela tions. If he is a Democrat, a Repub lican, or a St. John man, he becomes none the less such by becoming a K. of L. member. But he may honestly desire to change some of the laws now in force, and to have new and better laws enacted, and this case he must study politics. He should study what is for the best interests of the people and act accordingly. Party politicians do not always make laws for the good of the people, and it is the duty of every good citizen, whether he belongs to any organization or not, to go to the ballot-box at every election and select the best man to carry out his political views, without the slightest regard as to the political name he is called by, or the party he has acted with. All good citizens should shake off the political collar and all the prejudices that go with it, and be men, acting in an independent, honorable and fearless manner for the greatest good to the greatest number. Let men and not party be what is voted for and sup ported. What do we care what the color a man's hair is, to what church he belongs or what political party he affiliates with, if he is an honest, up right, sturdy friend of justice, equality and "the rights of labor ? Let us be men and support all such, entirely re gardless of political predelictions. What love can any true friend of labor have for either of the old political parties? What has the Republican party, in its rule of twenty-four years, ever done to ameliorate the condition of labor? What more than it has done have we any reason to expect will be done by the old Democratic party ? There is precious little difference that can see between the principles, leaders or rank and file of the two old parties. If one has had its Belk naps and Robesons, the other has also had its Floyds and Tweeds. If one has been smirched with army contracts and star route rascalities, the other has had its Pan electric scandals and whis key ring control. If there have been Democratic rebel brigadiers in the South, there have been Republican thieves in the North. Southern Demo cratic tissue ballots have been offset by Northern Republican corporation in timidation and open vote-buying. In matters of principle, there is also but the slightest difference between them. Both are divided on the money ques tion, the tariff and everything else that is of popular concern. The chief ob ject of both is simply spoils, spoils, spoils, and all their efforts for suprem i acy have degenerated to a mere scram j ble for place and official pap. The Budget puts this question to every candid, thinking workingman in the country: "Now, honest injun, isn't this so ?" Then, how can you justify yourself in longer following them, blindly, like a sheep led to the slaughter, a bull with a ring in his nose, or a dog wj!& T a collar on his neck ? Shako off : that collar. Do your own thinking and voting. Don't vote for any man i at another's dictation. Don't vote for him at all, unless| he is an honest, fair and upright man and a true friend of labor whom you know will stand right up with a good, stiff backbone and fight i the labor battles twenty-four hours ' every day of his life. When you find such a man as this, give him your vote and your whole solid support, and for , God's sake don't to ask whether he is a Republican, a Democrat, a St. John man or an old-line Whig. He is the man you want, and jou can elect him : if you give him your solid vote. It is the duty of all workingmen to act as a unit of force to repeal the ag , gressions, to punish the injustice, and to prevent the autocracy of organized capital, as represented in corporations which are practically above the law, and which are notoriously omnipotent |in every legislative conclave, from Congress down to the Council Chamber of the petty borough. They can only do this effectively by throwing the par ty collar to the dogs, becoming men and supporting good men and true principles at the ballot-box. In this way they can easily win a bloodless, grand and everlasting victory, and sur , prise will be occasioned if they do nol i do it— Budget. Henry George On Eight Hours. The movement for the reduction of the working day to eight hours deserves earnest support. It is a step toward securing to the benefits which advan cing civilization ought to bring and making human life fuller and higher. That a creature so wonderfully en lowed as man, placed in a world so ivell stored with all the material his aeeds require, should spend the greater sart of his conscious life in the effort ;o maintain existence is a thing so mon itrous that only long habit blinds us to ts folly and wrong. The highest mali car ~>ri •■ develop when the njawßtai wants are satisfied "ie most precious flower of existence can uuly bloom in leisure, and yet, to the jreat majority of men in our highest civilization, real leisure is a thing un known, for the few hours of the work ng day which remain to the man vhose faculties have been on a strain or ten or twelve hours are not at leis ire ; nor yet is there leisure in the days md weeks and months of involuntary dleness which the vicissitudes of our ndustrial organization force upon hun- Ireds of thousands idleness accompan ed by wearing uncertainty and racking tnxiety more exhausting than toil. For ;rue leisure the faculties must be fresh, md care must be absent. According to such authorities as Prof. Therves Rogers, the working day n England six centuries ago was only right hours; yet, even in the absence )f all the inventions and improvements ;hat since that time so enormously in creased the productive power of labor, she working class enjoyed a rude com fort and an exemption from the harass ing dread of not being able to make a living, which despite the low level of civilization in all the essentials of Healthful and happy human life, far su perior to that of millions of their Jescendants in this wonderful nine teenth century. What, indeed, we may well ask, has the material progress of which we are so boastful, really dene for the masses rf men, if to get what is after all only a bare living, they must work longer than their fathers, six centuries ago? Surely it is time that the great body of people should, in increased leisure and lessened care, begin to get some advantage of all that the, generations have done to render matters plastic and force obedi ence to hman will. Without this our civilization is but a delusion, our advance but a toil of Sysiphus. Aye! it is worse. The ten dency of the minute division of labor that is becoming more and more charac teristic of modern industrial methods is to make the task of the individual workman more monotonous and less to bring into play those higher qualities of judgment and skill whose exercise is necessary to intellectual health and de velopment. The workman is becoming a mere tender of machinery, and his work the doing over and over again of some single one of the many processes required for the production of a single article. This tendency, which is of the nature of modern industrial improvements, would not be of itself regretted if the gain in leisure to the workman was anything like commensurate with the gain in productive power. But if it involves no reduction of working hours its effect must be to degrade the work er, and in spite of public schools, to lessen popular intelligence. Even if the reduction of the working day involved a temporary decrease in the production of wealth, it would still be a measure of wisdom and prudence. But it does nothing of the sort. When glut and stagnation are popu larly attributed to "over production," when hundreds of thousands who would gladly be at work stand idle, a reduction of hours, even if it propor tionately lessened the efficiency of labor a reduction of the working day must increase it. The great agent in pro daciioiteis-aot muscle, but mind. The proposition to reduce the work ing hours is a proposition to secure the masses more leisure, and is thus a proposition for the increase of populai intelligence—that faculty which ie alone competent to remedy the glaring injustice which now attends the distri bution of wealth, and from which in creased power in the production ol wealth must proceed. Its effect will be not only to equalize in a better mannei work and leisure, but to increase the efficiency of work, and thus make more leisure possible. The reduction of the working day tc eight hours involves no reduction oi wages. Under the conditions that ex ist, wherever land has been made private property and men who have nothing but the power to labor are consequently found in • a cut throal competition to sell their labor powei to some other human creature who car give them " leave to toil," the genera note, wages must be content to live on If the working day were increased tx sixteen hours wages would not rise. I it were reduced to six hours thei would not fall. But the longer th< working day the less the ability of thi workers to discover the remedy, th< wrongs of which they all are conscious PRICE 5 CENTS The shorter the workingday thegreater the power. In the attempt to limit the working day to eight hours the labor associations are taking the most hopeful step they ever yet attempted. Henry George. No sane man believes or ever believed that the Knights of Labor have any connection or sympathy with the or ganization of Anarchists. The monopo listic press did not dare to charge such &, thing, its nearest approach being a demand that organized labor disclaim any connection with the authors of the effect of denying complicity in the murder be fore the crime was charged upon them, many Assemblies swallowed the bait and now find themselves defendants at the bar of public opinion, with these same monopolistic newspapers in the roll of prosecutors. The man who doesn't know that it is the mission of the Knights of Labor to build up and not pull down, to save life and not de stroy it, isn't worth enlightening. Such men as McCormick, the Stude bakers, and the coal barons are respon sible for the presence of Anarchists in this country. The Knights of Labor never imported a single one nor edu cated them in their hellish doctrine. If the public desires to visit its wrath upon the co-partners of the Anarchists in their bloody work let it first take in hand the Government officials who taught them how to disregard law by winking at the violation of the statute against the importation of foreign labor under contract, and then turn its attention to the monopolists who gulled these ignorant people into the belief that they could support their families and live like princes in this country on eighty-five cents per day Let the men who are responsible take any action they may see fit to set them selves right before the public, but inas much as the Knights of Labor are in nowise to blame for the presence of Anarchists or the bloodshed in Chicago, and the public knows it, let the work of grinding out exculpatory resolutions cease before we make ourselves ridicu lous.—Labor Signal. m i » 500 pairs Men's High Cut and Low Quarter Sample Shoes, at half their value, at Kaufmans 1539 Main street The present strikes are of such a general character in all the laboring centers of this country as to indicate that workmen have grievances, which leads them into frenzied commotion when they debate their actual condition and the stealthy tread of capital to fur ther debase and enslave them. They see that the hard hand of monopoly penetrates the United States from ocean to ocean, and that society is rap idly drifting into two strats—-the very rich and the very poor. The most careless and stupid observer realizes that there is a radical wrong somewhere in our political economy, without being able to define the course or propose a remedy.— Ex. Dowden's Dental Fluid, endorsed by all Dentists. Try a bottle. For sale everywhere. H. M. Sheild & Co., Proprietors, Fifth and Marshall St The national bankers are a set of favorites or middle men who borrow money of the Government, at one per cent., with which to speculate upon the necessities of their neighbors by re loaning the same at six, eight, ten and twelve per cent. Why this class legis lation, why not permit individuals to borrow at the same rate on good real estate security ? Echo answers, why ! Corporations and individuals should be put on an equality in this respect, there can be no just reason to the contrary. The enemies of labor have influenced the Knights of Labor to ignore politi cal actiocjiLtljf! redress of their griev ances. The idea is absurd. All labor troubles have their origin and basis in class legislation. A good remedy will be found in the repeal of old laws and the enactment of new ones for the ben efit of the whole community, the great army of workingmen in particular. It was a great triumph for liberty when the last shackle fell from the last slave, and all men owned themselves. It will be a grander triumph for free dom when the last galling fetter is broken from the limbs of industry, and all men can say they own the profits of their own labor. ——♦•-».-•»— Over-production is impossible while multitudes are suffering for need of | said production. The idea is absurd i and preposterous. A sensible remedy ! consists in measures affording constant employment and liberal wages. Al leged over-production will then be con sumed. The owner of a gambling house with a fixed percentage in his favor is not more certain ultimately to absorb the money of all players than is the money lender to absorb the capital of all busi ness—under the present facilities to extend nsnrv.