The Winchester weekly appeal. [volume], October 24, 1856, Image 1

About The Winchester weekly appeal. [volume] (Winchester, Tenn.) 1856-1856

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THE WINCHESTER
APPEAL.
A FAMILY NEWSPAPER DEVOTED TO POLITICS, LOCAL INTERESTS, FOREIGN AND DOMESTIC NEWS,. AGRICULTURE, MECHANISM, EDUCATI0N--IXDEIEXDEXT OX ALL SUBJECTS.
VOLUME 1.
WINCHESTER, TENNv, FBJDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1856.
NUMBER 37.
WE EKLY
l)e(IBinrj)egtfrlHJefll
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uaiinmsmin sutJl i pu.wihiiiijipihmii'j
LETTEIt VHOIZ Mil. FILL1UOCCJC.
The heart that has not a warm response
for the sentiments contained in the fol
lowing patriotic letter from that incor
ruptible statesman, Millard Fillmore,
must be lost to all sense of his duty to
the country. Read it, Americans, and show
it to every Democrat in the land.
We clip it from Chronicle, published
.at Augusta, Georgia:
Buffalo, New York,
Sept. 29, 1850.
J. W. M. Berrien Esq.
Dear Sir. Your two favors of the
25th inst. have just come to hand, ami
funish additional evidence that 1 am con
stantly misrepresented both North ami
South. In the North I am charged with
being a proslaaery man, seeking to ex
lend slavery over free territory, and in the
South I am accused of being an aboli
tionist. But lam neither; and as I have
invariably refused to give any pledges,
other than such as might be inferred from
ray known character and previous offi
cial conduct, I have not answered to the
public any of these charges. If, after all
1 have done, and all the sacrifices I have
madetomaintainthe Constitutional rights
of the South, she still distrusts me, then,
1 can only say, that I hope she may find
one more just and more fearless and self
sacrificing than I have been, and that
when found, she may show he gratitude
by her confidence. And soofthS North
if after all I have done to maintain her
Constitutional rights and advance her in
terest, she distrusts me, I hope she may
find one more worthy of her confidence
and bestow it accordingly. I shall have
no regrets for myself in either case. I
am only anxious that the country should
be well governed, and that this unTortu
nate sectional controversy between the
North and the South should be settled,
and a fraternal feeling restored. But 1
apprehended, that the difficuulty is, that
the extremes on each side want a Presi
dent favoring their own peculiar views as
against their opponents. I cannot con
sent to be such a candidate for cither
side. I am for the whole Union, North
and South, East and West, and if my
countrymen will not accept me on those
conditions, I shall not complain.
The enclosed article copied in into the
Richmond Whig from the Buffalo Com
mercial, speaks my sentiments on the
Missouri Compromise' It may or may
not suit your latitude, but I have not
one thing for the South and another for
the North, and therefore I send it.
In conclusion, permit mc to express my
sincere thanks for the kind interest you
have manifested in my-uccess as the can
didate of the Union. 1 remember your
lamented brother well, and was proud to
call him my friend. I wish his valuable
life could have been spared to aid us in
this struggle to save our country.
With sentiments of-respect, I am, truly
find sincerely yours,
Millard Fillmore.
Prom Jbe Buffalo Commercial Advertiser, Pept 17,
Restoration of the Missouri Compromise.
As the duties of o statesman are not
precisely those of a debating club, it al
ways tries the patience of practical men
to see effort wasted in -discussion from
which nothing can possibly result. In
great and critical conjunctures, especially,
statesman will study to discover the
measures best adapted to meet existing
Agencies, end he will not lend himself
'o the promotion of any scheme, whatev
f Us intrinsic excellence may be, for a
ingle moment after he is satisfied he has
lo chance of success. Like a wise phv
ician, be will keep himself accurate! v
informed of the progress of the disease,
and the condition of the patient, and
will not insist that a medicino shall be
ndminislered to-day because it would
have provented' the malady had it been
taken ten days ago. It is his business to
deal with the disease in its prcsont stage,
and if the patient refuse to take the med
icine which is best in itself, ho must not,
therefore, suffer him to die while he is
wasting time in a vain effort to conquer
nis ODsunacy. n ne reiuse tne Dest med
icine he must give -him tho best he can
get him to take.
We notice that severa conservative
journals in the South have lately advo
cuted the restoration of - the Missouri
Compromise as tlie most suitable remedy
for the present unhappy and distracted
condition of the country. Could the
South see the error committed in its re
peal, and voluntarily come forward for
its restoration, it would "at once end all
controversy. But this we conceive to be
morally impossible; therefore, we cannot
forbear to remark that we consider tho
discussion of this question at this tiino as
unwise and ill timed. 1 he subject which
now absorbs public attention is the ap
proaching Presidential election ; and we
cannot see Hint the restoration of the
Missouri Compromise is a question
which the National Executive will ever,
in his official capacity, be called to con
sider. The Missouri Compromise line
was established by an act of Congress;
it was repealed by an act of Congress;
and, it it is ever restored, it requires an
act of Congress to reinstate it. If the
question of its restoration is of any im
portance in tho Presidential eloction, it
must be because there is a likelihood, or
at least a possibility, that Congress will
pass an act for that purpose, which will
be submitted to the President for his ap
proval. If it is certain before hand that
no such act will ever come before the
President, the whole question is frivolous
ami idle, or at least has no pertinence to
tlie Presidential election.
We suppose it will not be controverted
that if Congress ever passes an act rein
stating the Compromise, it will be -prior
to tlie passage of an net admitting Kansas
into the Union as a State. Subsequent
to that event, its restoration would amount
to nothing, for the two-fold reason that
Congress has no constitutional power to
control the domestic institutions of a
State, and that, even it possessed the
power, its exercise would be either idle
or impossible idle if Kansas should
come in as a free State impossible if she
should come in as a slave State; for the
same majority which admitted her as
such would prevent the restoration. The
whole question, then, so fur as it has any
bearing on the Presidential election, re
duces itself to this-. Whether thero is
any possibility that such an act can be
passed before Kansas is rife for admission
as a State? If the negative can be dem
onstrated, then all agitation of the sub
ject is futile and unwise.
Tho present Congress, which has re
jected a bill proposing tlie restoration of
the Missouri Compromise line, will go
out of power on the 4th of March next ;
its successor on the 4th of March, 1859;
and the successor of that Congress will
commence its first session three years
from the first of next December. Long
before that time Kansas will either be in
the Union or knocking at the doors of
Congress for admission. If then on act
for the restpration of the Missouri Com
promise is not passed by the present or
the next succeeding Congress, it is cer
tain that it will never be passed at all.
The present Congress will pass no such
act, for the South has a large Democratic
majority. The next Congress will not
pass it, for the reason that the Democrats
will still have the ascendancy in the
Senate. Even the most sanguine of the
Republican journals admit this, and no
man in that party is extravagant enough
to claim that in the next Congress the
Senate will be favorable to their views.
The New York Evening Post made an
estimate, day before yesterday, in which,
after claiming the election in several
States which the Republicans aro likely
to lose, it only reckoned on 25 of the G2
members of the Senate for Fremont.
Burlingame, in his speech in Boston, two
or three days since, made threat that with
a Republican President, and a Republic
an House, of Representatives, they would
grind the pro-slavery Senate of the next
Congress "as between the upper and the
nether mill-stone," thus clearly admitting
that they had no hopes of the Senate.
We may consider it demonstrated,
therefore, that an act for restoring the
Missouri Compromise will never come
before ihe President for his considera
tion. As connected with the Presidential
election, the question is perfectly idle
a mere abstraction, unworthy the consid
eration of a practical statesman. It is
unwise to discuss it as an element of the
Presidential canvass; it would be equally
unwise even to agitate it again in Con
gress. The Missouri Compromise is like
water spilled upon the sand; it can never
be gathered op. Its rgpeal was a great
blunder, but it is now too lata to correct
it. The attempt to restore it at the late
session of Congress is defensible on the
grouod that it was well to offer to the
:-,.,. opportunity to reconsider its
action. But the Compromise is'dcad,
and it would be as rational to expect the
reanimation of any other corpse as of
this Nothing remains but to pronounce
its eulogy and bury it out of sight.
For more than thirty years the whole
country acquiesced in it, and it had ac
quired a sacrcdness in public estimation
which it was unwise to disturb. It had
sctticd n dangerous controversy, which it
was folly, nay, it was madness to re-open.
Its repeal, as Mr. Fillmore justly remark
ed in one of lag spoeches, was the Pan
dora's box, from which has issued all our
present evils.' As Mr. Fillmore was op
posod, at the time, to its disturbance, ho
has not changed his opinion that its re
peal was an act of folly. But we are
quite sure wo do not misrepresent his
sentiments when we say that ho does not
think it would be wise to attempt its res
toration, and that ho lesirs no egitation
having this object, either in Congress or
out of it. He is too sagacious not to
perceive that the question has become
obsolete, 'and too wise to pour water
around the root of a tree which was gir
dled two years ago, in the hope of again
seeing it covered with foliage.
Nothing now remains for the territories
but to see that by wise legislation, prop
erly enforced, the pceploare protectected
in the enjoyment of peace, and ultimately
in thh right of determining the character
of their own institutions, without intim
idation by mobs and without interference
from the States. The sooner this doctrine
is acquiesced in, tho sooner will that
quiet be restored to the country, of which
it is so greatly in need.
The following endorsement is made on
this article : " My sentiments."
M. F.
From tlie Memphis Eajjle and Enquirer.
All oroundour lonely dwelling,
Cold the Autnmnwinds are swelling
Requiems fur ihe Summer telling,
That bus flown.
With their gorgeous colors puling,
Slo'.v and Had the leaves arc trailing, .
Totlio wind's slow, solemn wailing
List it moan!
Sadder yet, some foul is weeping
Nightly, lonely watches keeping
O'er some hopes eternal sleeping
In the tomb:
O'er some drcamings of the olden
Time all warm, all bright, nli golden
Nevermore shnlt thou behold them,
Through the gloom.
Thro' the gloom that's gath'ring o'er thee,
On the pathway now before thee,
Greedy Time will ne'er restore tlice
Aught that's flown;
But while all thy soul-strings sever
While they ache, and. bleed and quiver
Thou must live for aye and ever,
All alone!
KATE.
A tattler in jour house is more to
be feared, and is more pernicious to
good morals than a dozen cheap nov
els in a young lady's boarding school.
Hoosiers call the girls their 'bright,
particular stars' by the endearing ti
tle " Kizzies." In Georgia they call
'em "tarts." In California "ma dulce."
Elsewhere "ducks." Very sweet. Ex
change. In Old Franklin they call 'cm Sweet
hearts.' Superlatively sweet.
Anagram. The following anagram
of Napoleon's name is translated from
a French Journal, which says that the
name is composed of two Greek
words, Napos and Leon, which sig
nify the Lion of the Desert. , The let
ters of the same name, ingeniously
combined, present a phrase which of
fer a singular analogy with the char
acter of that extraordinary man:
1 Kapoleoti.
G Apolcon.
7 Polcon.
3 Oleon.
4 Leon.
5 Eon.
2 On.
By striking off the first letter of this
word, and pursuing the same course
with each following word, six Greek
words are formed, which, literally
translated in the order designated by
the figures, signify Napoleon, being
the lion of the people, became a des
troyer of cities.' Ex. .
A' Yankee editor out West says,
"the march of civilization is onward
onward, like the slow but intrepid
steps of a jackass to a peck of oats."
Vel, that's alright illustration.
From the Now York Independent.
On Which Side i Danger lo the
Unioul
Will Democrats, and all who have had
the hardihood to charge Mr. Fillmore
with being an Abolitionist, read the fol
lowing article? It is the way ho is spo
ken of by Abolition papers at tho North.
'.'The supporters of the Cincinnati Plat
form aro constantly assuring the public
that the Union will bo dissolved unless
Mr. Buchanan is elected President. At
the samo time Mr. Fillmore, and his nor
thern friends are doing what they can for
the success of tho Platform by crying out
that the Union cannot survive so shock
ing an event as the election of Mr. Fre
mont in other words, that the Souern
States will secede from the Union, Bnd
will be justified in doing so, if the only
Southern man in nomination shall not re
ceive tho votes of a constitutional major
ity. Some honest men, we dare say, are re
ally alarmed by these minatory announce
ments. Others, though neither alarmed
nor influenced by threats of disunion, and
though believing heartily that they ought
lo give their votes for liberty and justice,
even if wicked men should undertake to
dissolve the Union in a consequence of
their so doing may too hastily concede
that the threatened result is possible. Let
us look then at the possibilities and the
probabilities in the caso which those an
nouncements presuppose.
Mr. Fillmore, as will be rocollected by
those who remember his electioneering
speech at Albany, has not merely hazard
ed his reputation as a prophet by predic
tion what will be in certain circumstances.
He has also compromised what is much
more important to himself and his politi
cal friends, his integrity an 1 loyalty as a
citizen of the United State?, by volun
teering an opinion that the secession of
the Southern States in those circumstances
would be justifiable. The iame opinion
is generally intimated brother campuigii
orators ami journalists, who are acting as
he is, in tho interest of Mr. Buchanan and
the Cincinnati platform.
Is it pretended that the election of Col.
Fremont will violate the Federal Consti
tution? Who will point out in that ven
erable instrument the clause or section
which provides that the slave-holding
States shall have a vcio on the election of
a President: or which implies, by the re
motest inference, that the electoral col
leges may not vote for a candidate who
happens to be unacceptable to the slave
holding States? Mr. Fillmore knows per
fectly well and the most stolid numskull
who is expected to vole for tho Fillmore
ticket on the 4th of November, knows
that Col. Fremont is as legitimate a can
didate for the Presidency as Mr. Buchan
an, and that neither the letter nor the spir
it of any compact or compromise in the
Constitution forbids the electoral colleges
to vote for Col. Fremont, or forbids any
citizen, Northern or Southern, to vote for
such electors as will vote for him. What
higher law, then, unknown to the Consti
tution, and contradicting its principles, is
this, of which Millard Fillmore, tho great
patron of the Fugitive Slave law, has
become the exponent? If Mr. Fremont
shall receive a majority of tne electoral
votes, he will be 83 legitimately the chief
magistrate of the Union, and the commander-in-chief
of its army and navy, as Mr.
Fillmore was after the death of Gen. Tay
lor; the Constitution of the United States,
and the laws and treaties made in con
formity therewith, will be, as now, "the
supreme law of the land;" there will bo
no possible conflict of authorities, and no
shadow of a legal pretext for disowning
the government: and yet here wo have the
cold-blooded Millard Fillmore, whose
words ought lomcan something, ,8s well
as the hot-headed John C. Brcckcnridge,
who may peradventure speak without
meanina what he soys, telling the public
pot only that the Sonlh will rcbol in those
circumstances, but that the treason will
be justifiable. There can be no secession
from tho Union without "levying war
against the United States;" and that, as
Mr. Fillmore knows, is something more
than the constructive treason of which the
poor Quaker was indicted, but not convic
ted, who stood by and refused to aid in
catching a fugitive slave. If that predic
ted treason shall come off at the appoint
ed time, Mr. Fillmore and all theiespec
table old gentlemen who have been aid
ing and abetting" before hand, by words
of encouragement and justification, will be
"accessories bofore tho met." !
We have no hesitation, then, in say
ing that if Mr. Fillmore is not a dunce
which we do not think he is he must be
regarded as disloyal to tho constitution,
and an enemy to that political system
which tde Constitution has established
for the government of the Union. This
is a ericu.s imputation, and-we make it
seriously, The man who undertakes to
say that unless the slave-riolding States
can govern the Union for the extension
of their peculiar anil abhorred institution
they may reasonably rebel against tho
Union and the man who says that a con
stitutional majority of the poople have
no right to choose a President opposed
to tho extension of slavero, that their do
ing so will ho a sufficient reason for dis
solving the Union is not a patriot, but
is at heart a traitor Just as reasonably,
and with just as much loyalty, ho might
say that if a majority of tho people shall
dare to choose a President pledged to op
pose, by all constitutional means, the es
tablishment of Polygamy in tho territories
that will be n valid reason for rebellion.
You will be Wanted Take courage,
my lad. What if you are but an hum
ble, obscure aprentice a poor, neglected
orphan a scoff and bye-word to the
thoughtless and gay, who despise virtue
in rags because of its tatters. Have you
an intelligent mind, all untutored though
it be? Have you a viituous aim, a pure
desire, and an honest heart? Depend up
on it, one of these days, you will leivuii
led. The time may be long deferred.
You may grow to manhood, and you may
even reach your prime, ere the call is made;
but virtuous aims, pure desires, and hon
est hearts are too few and sacred not to
be appreciated not to be wanted. Your
virtues shall not wrap al-ways about you
as with a mantle obscurity shall not al
ways veil you from the multitude. Be
chivolric in your combat with circumstan
ces. He ever active, however small may
be your sphere of action. It will surely
enlarge with every movement, and yourin
fluence will have continual increment.
"In tlie world's broad field of battle,
In the liivnutie of life,
J)t? not like dumb driven cattle,
lie a hero in the si rife."
Work on, for surely you will bo wan
ted, then comes your reward. Lean upon
tno sncre.l verity, "1 nave never
seen the righteous forsaken or his seed
begging bread." Never despair; for the
lives of good men abundantly testify that
often when clouds are blackest, and the
tempest is fiercest, and hope is faintest, a
'still small voice" will be heard saying,
"Come hither, you aro wanted," and all
your powers will find ample employment.
Therefore, take heart, young men; for ere
long you will be wanted. Our Driwcr.
A Christian's Credentials.
What arc they? Not the blossoms of
a fair profession, but tho ripe and mellow
fruit of (Jod like actions. Cornelius'
prayers an 1 alms came up as a memorial
before God not his prayers alone, nor
his alms alone, but his prayers and alms.
Beautiful conjunction. Piety towards
God, and an active charity tow-arc's all
mankind ; the twin personifications of vi
tal, saving piety. Salvation is of grace,
not of merit, not of works, lest any man
should boast. But faith, without works
is dead. It islike an index, without a
book; like hands, without a clock; like
sails without a ship; like a tree with noth
ing but dry and withered branches. Pro
fessed disciple of Christ, to prove thy dis
cipleship genuine, thou must surround
thyself with widows, whom thou hast
comforted with orphans, whom thou
hast succored with the ignorant, whom
thou hast instructed with' the wandering
whom thou hast reclaimed with the hun
gry, w hom thou hast fed with the naked
whom thou hast clothed with tho bick,
whom thou hast visited. These are thy
trophies!
A Fillmore girl the other day, says the
Nashville Gazette, fell in company with
a Buchanan crowd, when she was (old
that tho Fillmore men would all bo sent
up Salt River this fall. "Then" said she,
rather than stay in such a crowd as there'll
be left, I'll go up an 1 cook for them.
Love is a weapon that will conquer
men when all other weapons fail.
The Miscr'N IVaiyer.
0 thou well beloved and all powerful!
dollar: we come to prostrate ourselves be
fore thee, to pay our devotions at thy
shrine.
We acknowledge that thou art the
source of all our enjoyments "in this life
and of all that we'ean hope for in that
to come. Our heart's best affections are
centered in and on thee for thee we sacri
fice every finer sensibility of our nature;
for thee, we pass toilsome days, and sleep,
less nights; for thee, wo become aliens
from the comfort of home, and the kind
ly enjoyments of society; for thee, we
willingly sacrifico our own comforts and
that of others, dilligently following the
meanest practices to secure thine all
powerful favor. For tlice, we grind the
face of the poor, keep back the hire of
those who serve us, exact the utmost farth
ing from tho widow und fatherless, drive
the gray haired beggar from our doors, and
spurn the infant child that solicits bread
at our hands. For thee, we are guilty of
ever mean and dishonorable action; for
thee, we pierce ourselves " through with
many sorrows," and sacrifico our hope of
eternal mid everlasting inheritance.
To thee, we look for comfort when the
icy hands of death shall feel after our
heart-strings. Forsake us not when our
gray hairs come with dishonor to the grave;
when thoso we have wronged the or
phans, the destitute, and the forlorn
shall invoke curses on our hard hearts.
To thee, tve look for consolation when
the cries of thoso who have "reaped down
our fields," and wose hire has been kept
back by fraud and shall have entered into
the "cars of the Lord of Sabbath."
0 thou great dollar, who hast rescued
the greatest villians of past time out of
the hands of justice, save us from the
hands of the final Judge. Forsake not,
we pray thee, for it is our determination
to be faithful unto death, and then the
judgment! The" Judgment! Our heart
sinks within us at the thought! The course
of justice is turned by thy mighty influ
ence now, but will it avail in the coming
day, and with tho spotless Judge? 0
Almighty Dollar, hear us, for all our
trust is in thee! Amen.
The young folks of Ashland, Ohio, are
"warning with their wishes" iu a rather
humorous way. The Times soys:
"A society has been formed among tho
young Indies of Ashland, the commendablu
object in view of inducing the young men
to abstain from all intoxigating drinks
even ale, beer, wine or cider. A provis
ion of the society debating young ladies
from associating with those who refuse to
sign the pledge, having become public,
some of theyoung gents refused to sign,
protesting against such action, and form
ed another society which requires of the
young ladies, to make them eligible to
'good society,' to abandon hoops, paint,
and Alabama silk. We have not heard
whether tho two parties design Humiliat
ing candidates for the Presidency."
The girs are right stick to the pledge.
Tho young men arc very unreasonable.
What would some of the ladies be, with
out hoops and paint? There would not
be enough of them for the "fellers" to
court. By the way, what is "Alabama
silk J" Hundusky Register.
Don't you know, Mr. Register? "Al-
abania silk" grows on a cotton plant;
it was used at New Oi lcans by Gen.
Jackson for breastworks.
The Dcmocats used to charge, unceas
ingly, thru the Whigs were feder
alists, and this cry was more instrument
al in their success than any facts or ar
guments in behalf of their own party.
Since the nomination of Buchanan, that
charge has slept the word, federalist,
can't be found printed in a locofoco pa
per. And why? Because the party has
nominated a federalist. Memphis Eagle.
If there is one word in the Eng
lish language more distasteful and repug
not to our feelings than another, it is the
term "patronage." We execrate, defy,
spurn and detest its very name, origin
and meaning. Newspapers refer to their
"patrons," and thereby derogate from
their own dignity. A properly conducte l(.
paper is never patronized. Not a dollsdci
goes into its coffers that is not well '"""'
honestly earned. A good pnpeLIAM.
"quid pro quo." St
-. iot fwt received
If you want enemies, ej. CA TiJEtL.
you want friends let ther
other words give them
occupying the highest