The farmer and mechanic. [volume], February 02, 1915, Page 2, Image 2

About The farmer and mechanic. [volume] (Raleigh, N.C.) 18??-19??

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THE FARMER AND MECHANIC.
LEGISLATURE SHOULDCARRY
OUT WILL OF CONSTITUENTS
the duty o
f the legislator to do xchat
CONTINUED FROM PAGE ONE)
M-lves i!i thf la.nuaf:e if General
Grant than would have done so two
-;irs uku, and they would not be con
lined to this country either; but dur
ing the last half year the world has
had a change to see more war than
this Knration has seen before, and
before entering upon the address,
which I desire to deliver, 1 venture
to say that the world had learned
two lessons at least, if not more.
"In the first place the world has
learned that nobody now wants to
accept responsibility for war. It
used to be that some thought that
war was a Rood thinp, that it served
a useful purpose and might legiti
mately be desired, but when this war
began the President addressed a
message to each one of the rulers
then involved and proposed media
tion, and they all with one accord de
nied that they were responsible for
the war; each one declared that he
did not want it and laid the blame on
some one else.
Disclaim Responsibility For War.
"Now if war was a thing to be de
sired, these persons would have been
glad to have accepted responsibility
for it, and it's a long step in advance;
it marks an epoch, when no great
ruler is willing to admit that he either
desired or waa the cause of this war
I think, therefore, that we can a-ssume
that we have reached the period
when nobody will defend war as a
thing to be desired, and I think the'
necond lesson learned is that prepara
tion is not a preventive of war, for If
preparation could have prevented
war, there would have been no war in
Europe, for they have had ample
preparation for war, and I cannot
understand how anybody could be
lieve that preparation was a preven
tative. I can understand that a per
son, if he assumed that war was com
ing, might desire preparation that we
fare better in the war, but I cannot
understand how anybody could
imagine for a moment that prepara
tion for war tends to prevent war;
for you can have no preparation to
any great extent or for any length of
time unless there is some one whom
you either hate or fear, and if you
fear him you are very likely to hate
him. and you cannot preach to a
nation that you must get ready to
light somebody without cultivating a
hatred of that somebody, and hatred
is seldom one-sided, and when for a
considerable period you have two
nations or two groups of nations cul
tivating hatred and getting ready,
you may rest assured that their pre
paration will not always be in vain,
for people cannot hate each other
with an increasing hatred and a con
tinuing hatred without something
arising that will give them a chance
to show their preparedness against
each other.
WILSON SETS PEACE
EXAMPLE FOR WORLD
lf there ever was a time when the
President's words were appropriate,
i hey are appropriate now, when Uiis
nation is the only great nation that
enn set an example to the world of
preferring peaec and that which is
the basis of peace to war and that
which is the basis of war; and it is
fortunate for the nation, in my judg
ment, that we have in the White
House at this critical time a man who
believes in ieaee and who.-? influence
is on the side of the peace propa
ganda that has for its object the sub
stitution of reason for force in the
settlement of international differ
ence. (Applause.)
"And it is also. I think, fortunate
that we have at the head of the Navy
a man who does not allow ship
builders to give the conclusive inter
pretation of the word 'adequate. We
believe in an adequate navy, but we
are not willing that the men who
make fortunes building it shall
be the only ones to express an opin
ion as to what an adequate navy is.
(Applause.) For in building navies
it is as true as in anything else that
you have to consider the bias of in
terest, and it will be unfortunate for
this country' if it ever permits those
who have an interest in war to deter
mine what we shall do to prevent
war. It will be an unfortunate thing
for this country if we ever submit, as
a court of final appeal, to those who
profit by doing the things that em
broil nations in war with each other.
Distinction for North Carolina.
"This State has had a peculiar dis
tinction. All the cabinet officers it
has given to the country have been
Secretaries of the Navy, if I am cor
rectly informed, and I do not know
that any State has given more than
you have, at least you have given a
number, and I venture the prediction
that when Secretary Daniels comes
out of the Navy it can be said of him
that North Carolina never gave to
the Navy a man who exerted a better
influence, made a better record, or
will stand higher in the years to
come. (Applause.)
"Uefore 1 leave the subject of peace
or war as the antithesis of peace
you might be interested in knowing
that while this administration has
been able to keep out of war with
Mexico and has been able to main
tain neutrality toward all the nations
at war In Europe, It has also taken a
great step in advance, not only in
protecting this nation irom wars, uui
in setting an example that may help
other nations to avoid war, for since
spoke here a little less than two
i i i
years ago, a peace pian nits uteu pir-
sented to the nations, witn iresi-
dent Wilson's approval, whicn nas
conquered the world.
Peace Plan.
A peace plan was presented
which was endorsed in principle by
almost every nation or any import
ance in this world, and treaties have
already been signed with thirty na
tions representing sometning like
three-fourths of all the population of
the globe. Those thirty nations in
clude every South American nation
but one, and they include almost all
of the great nations of Europe and
Asia. Japan has not yet endorsed
the principle, but it is because we
have a question between this country
and Japan which has not yet been
finally adjusted but which is being
considered by the two nations in the
most friendly spirit. Of the nations
that have signed Great Britain,
France, Russia, Spain and Italy rep
resent the larger nations of Europe,
and besides those we have Norway
and Sweden and Denmark; we have
Holland, we have Switzerland, we
have Portugal: and among those that
have approved the principle but with
which treaties have not been made
we have Germany, Austria and Bel
gium.
Has Conquered AYorld.
"The principle underlying this
treaty has, I repeat, conquered the
world, and the treaties already made
link us to something like three
fourths of the world's population, and
these treaties differ in an import
ant respect from other treaties.
These treaties provide not for arbi
tration, but for investigation, and a
period of one year is allowed, but it
is the belief of those who favor
these treaties that investigation will,
almost without possibility of failure,
end in the adjustment of the difficul
ty: and these treaties differ from oth-.
ers in that there are no exceptions
whatever. In arbitration treaties we
omit questions of vital interest and
questions of honor and indepedence
and interests of third parties; these
according to our treaties, some twenty-six
in number, are not to be sub
mitted to arbitration, but these thirty
treaties providing for investigation
cover all cases, with no exception
whatever, and a year is allowred for
the investigation, and we believe that
when the investigation is over some
means of adjustment will be found,
for time will be given to separate
questions of fact from questions of
law, and we feel that this nation has
taken a long step in advance in thus
proposing .to other nations and se
curing with other nations these trea
ties, which we believe make war al
most impossible between our country
and those countries. But this is aside
from the subject which I wish to
present to you.
DEFINES THE DUTIES
OF LEGISLATOR
"I never come into the presence of
a legislative body witnout feeling the
responsibility, that rests not only
upon those who are entrusted with
legislative duties, but the responsi
bility that rests upon those who dis
cuss public questions in the presence
of those bearing such responsibility,
and I am anxious therefore to utilize
the time to the very best advantage.
I desire, therefore, to call your atten
tion to a thing fundamental.
"As I have had an opportunity to
address legislative bodies I have felt
like listing the things that may be
said in order that I may use the time
to the best advantage, and I know of
no better use that I can make of your
A i . Al A 11 . . . a
nine man 10 can your attention in
the very beginning to the responsi
bilities and limitations of legislators.
And I think I can present to you the
Democratic view of the subject, and I
certainly cannot ask you to give
weight to anything I say unless I" do
present the Democratic view.
To Represent People.
"If I understand the duty of the
legislator it is to represent his con
stituents, and I have no patience
whatever with that idea which some
time enters a man's head, always af
ter the election, that the people elect
him to think for them rather than to
act for them. My understanding of
the duty of a legislator is to do for
the people what the people want him
to do, and I do not regard anyone as
exactly fitted for legislative work un
less he recognizes that he acts for
others and not for himself, and my
views are strengthened by the fact
that I have known a legislator to ask
for votes on the theory that he could
do anything that his constituents did
not want done. I have sometimes
known legislators after election to as
sert an independence that they did
not assert before the election. I have
sometimes known legislators to in
sist that it was their duty to do what
they thought was right regardless of
the opinion of their constituents.
"If I am .mistaken in my view of
the legislator's duty I am afraid that
all I say to yon this morning will be
without effect, uid therefore I want
to say just a word about this funda
mental proposinon. i fcelieve it is
his constituents want done.
3iatter of Conscience.
"Do you ask whether I think he
ought to violate his own conscience
in doing what ht thinks they want
done No, no man will go father
than I in respecting the conscience;
I would not have any legislator here
or anywhere, say one word or cast
one vote in violation of his consci
ence, but I would suggest thi?, that
whenever a legislator finds that he
connot conscientiously do what his
constituents want done he ought to
resign and let them select somebody
who can without violation of his con
science do what they want done. In
other words, 1 do not assume that in
representative government any legis
lator has a right to put his consci
ence above the conscience of the peo
ple for whom he speaks. (Applause).
And my observation is that whenever
a man does so he has other than a
patrotic reason for doing so. for a
patrotic reason never leads a man
to do things for his own advantage at
the expense of his constituents, and
my observation is that the man who
does things against the wishes of his
constituents, knowing it, does it for
himself and not from a consicentious
regard for his duty.
Opinion Based on Experience.
"This opinion is enforced by twenty-five
years of quite intimate ac
quaintance with public affairs, and
that acquaintance extends through
many States and to the national cap
ital, and my answer to the question
whether a man ought to follow his
consicence or do what his constitu
ents ask, is that he ought to follow
his conscience and hold office as
long as he can do what his constitu
ent ask, and when he cannot do
what they ask then he ought to fol
low his consicenec into private life
and let somebody else represent his
constituents.
"I know of no other way to settle
this question, and I think it is alwray
safe for a man to give his constitu
ents the benefit of the doubt and not
attempt to do for them what they do
not want done.
Makes His Mistakes, Yes.
"Will constituents not make mis
takes Of course, they will. I
would be the last one, after the ex
perience I have had in public life to
say that the people would not make
a mistake at the polls (Laughter and
applause). But I would be the last
one to deny the people the right to
say what they please at the polls and
take the responsibility for it. (Ap
plause). So I desire to suggest in
the beginning that there are two def
initions of representative govern
ment: one is democratic and the oth
er is aristocratic, and I am on the
democartic side of every definition
and not on the aristocratic side.
"The aristocratic idea of represen
tative government is that the few
know more than the many and that
the few ought to do what they think
ought to be done regardless of the
opinions of the many. Now that is
all right if the man is not in office.
I think a man in private life ought
to follow" his own conscience and
judgment, if he stands alone, but
when he enters public life and be
comes a servant of the peophe he has
no right to put his judgement against
the people's judgement, and he
doesn't do that before the election
(Laughter).
Before and After Election.
"I have no faith in the honesty of
the public man whose conscience hib
ernates in a campaign and becomes
active only when he has been elected,
when a man tells me that he consci
entiously does what his constituents
do not want done he finds me skepti
cal as to his purpose, for if he is con
scientious he will not embezzle power
and the embezzlement of power is a
greater crime than the embezzlment
of money (Applause).
"Power is so much more important
than money, authority is so much
more important than dollars, that
millions of the best and the bravest
who ever lived have given their lives
that the people might have a right
to control their own government, and
these men have died in vain if, after
you have secured representative gov
ernment, a representative can betray
his people and do what he knows
they do not want done.
What Representatves Should Do.
"Tell me that constitutions are in
tended to restrain those in authority
who act for the people. Yes, but
who made the constitution? The peo
ple themselves. And why do people
put into constitutions clauses that re
strain the people's representatives?
In order that they may deliberate, in
order that the people may not be
misrepresented. What should a rep
resentative do if he finds his people
want something done that he does
not think right? Do it? No. Mis
represent them? No. Resign and let
them select somebody who does rep
resent them, and then if he is right
trust to the vindication of time and
let his constituents learn not by his
own misconduct, but by their own
mistake, that he was right and they
were wrong, and a man who has not
xaitn in tne iuture to vindicate him
has not the faitfc he ourfit to hv
right to make their own mistakes ..
that no few have a God-given r;
to make mistaKes ior tne rest if
people, and you will find that i.
people are not so apt to mak ?
takes against themselves as their r ,
resentatives are to make mistake- ?.
them, for the people are not inter
de against themselves and the rt i
sntative may be interested ara - -his
constituents; and the most of :.
wars we have had in the carl -times
were due to the fact that r ;
resentatives made mistakes for tv.
people and the people had to corr
them, and when they could not . :
rect these mistakes by peaer.
means they corected them by ?! :
ble means, and it is the hope of r:
-ilization that as men advance tr..
t
will have instrumentalities fram
that will enable the people to hv.
what they want in government wh
out any resort to foee or violen-
FOR INITIATIVE
AND REFERENDU
in
the right.
Fundamental Principles.
"My friends, I only mention this as
a fundamental principle in govern
ment, that the people have a right
to have what they want, and have a
right to have it whether they secure
it directly or throught someone else.
Is it because the people make no mis
takes? No; the people will make
mistakes, but the theory of free gov
ernment is that the peonle have a
"This leads me to consider a v rv
fundamental proposition. I do r. ;
know whether you have consider !
down here to any extent what
known as the "initiative and refere n
dum." You see I cannot keep trru k
of everything done in all the Stau.
and I have, I think, gotten more . .1
hind in the last two years than n-.y
previous two years, because I hav
had less time to read the papers sin
March 4th, 1913, than I have had be.
fore in 25 years. I suppose I cannot
now spend more than an average i
15 minutes a day reading the pair.
but, my friends, what I have to say i?
just as good whether you are ad
vanced or behind in consideration ..f
the question to which I now ask jir;r
attention, and to me it is immaterial
what you think on the subject, for 1
have long since passed the point
where I try to make what I say pleas
ing to those to whom I talk. I owe
so much to the American people, an-1
in the course of nature have so little
time to pay back the debt, that 1 am
trying to do my duty and not trying
to court favor or to make friends,
and besides, do not want any friend
that have to be made by perverting
the truth or concealing what I believe
to be an important principle, (Ap
plause.) "I have been an advocate of the ini
tiative and referendum now for nearly
19 years. The convention which sent
me to the Chicago convention as a
delegate, adopted a platform declar
ing its favor of the initiative and th
referendum, and I have been in favor
of the initiative and referendum,
therefore, for more than 18 years.
Adopted by Many States.
"I was chairman of the committee
that in 189 6 reported to the Nebraska
convention a plank in favor of the in
itiative and referendum. I believed
in it then and at that time we did
not have so much e??ouragement as
we have now. Since that time it hai
been adopted in many States and it
has been adopted in States north and
States south, States east and States
west, so that it cannot now be called
a sectional issue, and there is nothing
in it that would make it a sectional
issue at any time, because there is not
a principle involved in the plans that
is not just as applicable to one part
of this country as to another.
"I have found people who did not
know what the initiative and refer
nndum was, and I remember that
when in the summer or spring of
1896 we adopted a platform with the
initiative and referendum in it the
Republican paper of my home town
made fun of it, and would you like
to know just what kind of humor we
were subjected to Then I will give
it to you as near as I can. The paper
said next morning, 'When Mr. Bryan
read that plank about the initiative
and referendum the delegates looked
at each other in surprise, and one del
egate said to another "what's that "
The other delegate said, "That's a
new kind of Democratic drink," and
the paper said it went throught un
animously. Laughter.)
Republican Paper Converted.
"Now that's the way the leading
Republican paper of my home spoke
of the initiative and referendum, the
first time we put it in the Democratic
platform in Nebraska, but I lived to
see that same Republican newspaper
four years ago last summer endorse
the initiative and referendum and
lead the fight for it in the Republican
party. I saw every convention in
Nebraska endorse it that year and
saw it made a part of the constitu
tion of the State of Nebraska as a re
sult of the action of the convention
submitting it to the people of Ne
braska. I have seen the doctrine be
come a part of the constitution of
Oregon and Washington in the west
and of Maine in the east; I have seen
it adopted as far as Montana and Da
kota in the north, and as far south
as Arkansas; and there is nothing in
it that ought to make it sectional, and
the only question that people have to
ask themselves in considering the
adoption of it ie, have our people a.s
much sense as the people of other
States and can you trust them to de
cide what they think best?
Measure Kasler Understood.
"I remember several years
reading that someone said the
pie could better select an honest
than an honest measure. I do
ago
peo-
nian
not
know whether the man who said it
was conscious of it or not, but he
stated the aristocratic and not dem
ocratic doctrine. The democratic po
sition is that the people can better se
lect an honest measure than an hon-
'Continued on Page Three.)